{"id":857,"date":"2019-03-04T11:12:43","date_gmt":"2019-03-04T08:12:43","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=857"},"modified":"2023-01-17T11:20:43","modified_gmt":"2023-01-17T08:20:43","slug":"populizm-tartismalari-ve-marksistlerin-yaklasimi-1","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2019\/03\/04\/populizm-tartismalari-ve-marksistlerin-yaklasimi-1\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cPop\u00fclizm\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ve Marksistlerin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 – 1"},"content":{"rendered":"

Yusuf Akda\u011f<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d, d\u00fczinelerce yazar\u0131n binlerce sayfa tutan \u00e7ok say\u0131daki kitap ve makalesine \u201ckonu<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015f bir \u201ckavram<\/em>\u201d \u00f6zelli\u011fi kazanm\u0131\u015f -ya da bu d\u00fczeye \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor! \u201cPop\u00fclizm k\u00fclliyat\u0131<\/em>\u201dda diyebilece\u011fimiz bu yaz\u0131nda kavram, genel olarak belirlenimi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck g\u00f6steren \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kullan\u0131lmakla birlikte, daha belirgin \u015fekilde ‘muhalif politikalar’\u0131n farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imleriyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilmekte; k\u00fcreselle\u015fme ve neoliberalizmle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 ekonomi politikalar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmakta; \u201cklasik<\/em>\u201d, \u201cneoliberal<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201cneo-pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d ayr\u0131m\u0131yla sa\u011f ve sol politikalar (bu politikalar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fsal karakteri g\u00f6zard\u0131 edilerek) \u00fczerinden tarif edilmektedir. \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fcst ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bu geni\u015f kapsaml\u0131 kullan\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131, pop\u00fclist politikalara yakla\u015f\u0131m farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131yla birlikte, \u201chalk<\/em>\u201da seslenen ve \u201chalk ad\u0131na<\/em>\u201d politika yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen farkl\u0131 ve z\u0131t politik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere sahip \u00e7ok say\u0131daki siyaset\u00e7inin \u201cpop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelenmesine de neden olmaktad\u0131r. Napolyon, Hitler ve De Gaulle\u2019\u00fc; M\u0131s\u0131r\u2019da Arap milliyet\u00e7isi ve ulusalla\u015ft\u0131rmac\u0131 politikalarla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan Cemal Abd\u00fcl Nas\u0131r\u2019\u0131, Trump destek\u00e7isi \u00c7ay Partisi \u00e7evresini ve hatta \u201ci\u00e7e kapanmac\u0131<\/em>\u201d politikalar\u0131yla Trump\u2019\u0131n kendisini; A. Menderes, S\u00fcleyman Demirel ve R. T. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131; B\u00fclent Ecevit ve \u00f6ncesinden ba\u015flayarak CHP \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131, Juan Peron, Luiz Inacio da Silva ve Hugo Chavez\u2019i ve daha bir dizi ismi \u201cpop\u00fclist politikac\u0131lar<\/em>\u201d listesine alan yazarlar vard\u0131r.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

Latin Amerikal\u0131 yazarlar\u0131n pop\u00fclizm ve neo-pop\u00fclizm tan\u0131mlamalar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u201cneo-pop\u00fclizmin demokrasi \u00fczerindeki etkileri<\/em>\u201dne dair a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n\u0131 irdeleyen David Leaman, bu yazarlar\u0131n Arjantin, Brezilya, \u015eili, Peru, Ekvator, Meksika, Panama, Nikaragua, El Salvador ve Venezuela gibi Latin Amerika \u00fclkeleri \u00fczerine incelemelerinde, Alberto Fujimori, Carlos Menem ve Fernando Collor de Mello gibi politikac\u0131lar\u0131n \u201c1990\u2019lar\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen neo-pop\u00fclistleri<\/em>\u201d; Carlos Salinas de Gortari, Fernando Henrique Cardoso ve Pinochet sonras\u0131 \u015eili \u00f6rne\u011finin \u201cneoliberal pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din; Juan Peron’un ise \u201cklasik pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din temsilcisi olarak g\u00f6sterildi\u011fini belirtir.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu olduk\u00e7a ‘kalabal\u0131k’ yaz\u0131nda, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131 ve pop\u00fclist politikalar\u0131 \u201cAtina Site devleti demokrasisi<\/em>\u201dne dek eski \u00e7a\u011flara d\u00f6n\u00fclerek temellendirme \u00e7abalar\u0131na da, Frans\u0131z Devrimi ve sonras\u0131 tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7te siyasal iktidarlara kar\u015f\u0131 muhalif politika bi\u00e7imleri kapsam\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131na da rastlanabilir. \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201di, kavram\u0131n etimolojik k\u00f6keninden hareketle 1870-1890 d\u00f6neminde, ABD\u2019de \u201cPop\u00fclist \u00c7ift\u00e7i Birlikleri (Populist Farmers\u2019 Alliances) ve Granger kul\u00fcpleri<\/em>\u201dne, \u201cGrangers<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cGreenbackers<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u00e7ift\u00e7i hareketine; \u201cCumhuriyet\u00e7iler<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cDemokratlar<\/em>\u201d d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc alternatif olarak \u201cHalk Partisi<\/em>\u201dne dayand\u0131ranlar da vard\u0131r.[3]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015fma literat\u00fcr\u00fc, 1900\u2019lerin ilk y\u0131llar\u0131nda Rus Narodnikleri\u2019nin (Narodnoya Volya) programatik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri ve \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemlerinden hareketle pop\u00fclist olarak nitelendirildikleri Rusya\u2019daki tart\u0131\u015fmalar sakl\u0131 tutuldu\u011funda, Latin Amerika\u2019daki baz\u0131 geli\u015fmeler \u00fczerinden 1940’l\u0131 y\u0131llarda g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011fini; Juan Peron\u2019un 1946-1955 aras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde \u2013aral\u0131kl\u0131 olarak\u2013 Arjantin\u2019de devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na gelmesiyle birlikte yeniden artt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; 1960’l\u0131 y\u0131llarda bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde daha fazla s\u00f6z\u00fc edilir olmakla birlikte Latin Amerika\u2019da fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele ko\u015fullar\u0131nda \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131 liderler<\/em>\u201din ortaya \u00e7\u0131karak kitlelerin deste\u011fini almaya ba\u015flamalar\u0131yla yo\u011funluk kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Ancak \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine s\u00f6ylem ve tart\u0131\u015fmalar as\u0131l olarak 1980\u2019li y\u0131llar ve sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde yo\u011funluk kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu tart\u0131\u015fma 1990\u2019l\u0131 ve 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda, Latin Amerika\u2019da ve Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde sol \u201cpop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d partilerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, sa\u011f, gerici parti ve hareketlerin burjuva iktidar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fcklerini s\u00f6ylem konusu yaparak ekonomik, sosyal ve politik bask\u0131lara \u00f6fke duyan ve aray\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde olan toplumsal kesimlerden ald\u0131klar\u0131 destek ve baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerde h\u00fck\u00fcmet-devlet y\u00f6netimleri d\u00fczeyinde mevziler edinmeleri, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din bir teori sorunu haline getirilmesinde ve pop\u00fclizm k\u00fclliyat\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131nda ba\u015fl\u0131ca dayanaklardan biri olmu\u015ftur. Amerika, Avrupa ve daha sonra gelmek \u00fczere Afrika \u00fclkelerindeki geli\u015fmeler, \u00f6zellikle de Latin Amerika \u00fclkeleriyle Yunanistan, \u0130spanya gibi Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde burjuva-k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva reformist sol platformlar \u00fczerinden \u201chalk<\/em>\u201da, \u201ckitleler<\/em>\u201de y\u00f6nelik s\u00f6ylemleriyle g\u00fc\u00e7 toplayan partilerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131, burjuva liberalizmine iman etmi\u015f ideologlar\u0131, \u201csol pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201di \u201csol i\u00e7in yegane \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6steren kurgular olu\u015fturmaya cesaretlendirmi\u015f ve bu anlay\u0131\u015f ilerici sol kesimlerde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ilgi \u00fczerinden giderek pop\u00fcler hale gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Bu geli\u015fmelerin geni\u015f \u015fekilde ve ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131yla irdelenmesi bu makalenin kapsam\u0131na s\u0131\u011fmayaca\u011f\u0131 gibi konusu da de\u011fildir. Ancak, Latin Amerika\u2019daki ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00fc\u00e7 \u201cdeney<\/em>\u201d ile birlikte baz\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde reformcu sol liberal hareketlerle \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f<\/em>\u201d ve fa\u015fizan parti ve hareketlerin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi geli\u015fmeleri, buradaki tart\u0131\u015fmam\u0131zla ba\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, \u201cdaha ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131<\/em>\u201d denebilecek \u015fekilde ele almam\u0131z gerekiyor. Bu, liberal sol teorisyen ve yazarlar\u0131n \u201csol \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f<\/em>\u201d arg\u00fcman\u0131n\u0131n, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen ve ezilen s\u0131n\u0131f ve kesimler i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ek bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm sunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da gereklidir. Bunlara de\u011finece\u011fiz. Ancak daha \u00f6nce, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d kurgusunun karakteristik \u00f6zellikleri y\u00f6n\u00fcnden baz\u0131 \u00f6n belirlemeler yapmam\u0131zda yarar var.<\/p>\n

Bu bak\u0131mdan \u015funlar s\u00f6ylenebilir:<\/p>\n

a-)<\/strong> Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerindeki ilerici demokratik halk hareketlerinin deste\u011finde g\u00fc\u00e7lenen \u201csol<\/em>\u201d partilerin (ve liderleri) yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde \u201cmerkez d\u0131\u015f\u0131 partiler<\/em>\u201d olarak da i\u015faret edilen sol liberal reformcu hareket ve partilerle yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 \u015fovenist ve fa\u015fizan politikalar izleyen \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f<\/em>\u201d partilerin sosyal, ekonomik ve politik sorunlar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r y\u00fck\u00fc alt\u0131nda bunalan ve \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu arayan kitlelerden g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri destek \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi ve tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131nda ba\u015fl\u0131ca dayanaklardan biri olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

b-) <\/strong>\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine \u201ck\u00fclliyat<\/em>\u201d, sorunun ele al\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n liberal \u201csol<\/em>\u201d merkezli bir yo\u011funluk g\u00f6sterdi\u011fine i\u015faret ediyor. Bu yaz\u0131nda, Chavez ve \u201cBe\u015finci Cumhuriyet Partisi<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere Yunanistan’da \u2013koalisyon h\u00fck\u00fcmetinde yer alan\u2013 \u00c7ipras ve Syriza, \u0130spanya\u2019da Indignados (Podemos) hareketi, Brezilya’da Luiz Inacio da Silva (k\u0131saca Lula) ve partisi (PT), ABD\u2019de \u201csosyalist<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu rivayetiyle Bernie Sanders ve partisi, Fransa\u2019da Melancon ve partisi \u201csol pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din temsilcisi olarak g\u00f6sterilmektedir.<\/p>\n

c-) <\/strong>\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine liberal sol literat\u00fcr\u00fcn ba\u015fl\u0131ca karakteristik \u00f6zelli\u011fi, sorunu s\u0131n\u0131f ve ekonomi merkezli irdelemeyi d\u0131\u015flamas\u0131 ve kapitalizme y\u00f6nelik Marksist ele\u015ftiriyi \u201cpolitika bilmez<\/em>\u201dlik olarak su\u00e7lamas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7ok say\u0131da teorisyen, yazar ve politikac\u0131 on y\u0131llard\u0131r, \u201ctoplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f teorilerinin yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131yla \u201csol<\/em>\u201da, toplumsal kimlikler ve aidiyetleri referans alan \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131-\u00e7o\u011fulcu<\/em>\u201d pop\u00fclist politikalar izlemeyi \u00f6neriyor. Michael Hardt ve Antonio Negri (\u201c\u00e7okluk siyaseti<\/em>\u201d), Ernesto Laclau ve Chantal Mouffe (\u201cYeni toplumsal fenomenler<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cRadikal Demokrasi<\/em>\u201d teorisi) bunlar\u0131n \u00f6n s\u0131ralar\u0131nda yer al\u0131yorlar. Daha yak\u0131n bir tarihte, Anton J\u00e4ger, Jean-Luc M\u00e9lenchon’un bir soru \u00fczerine \u201cTabii ki pop\u00fclistim<\/em>\u201d dedi\u011fine i\u015faretle Melanchon’un bu ifadesini, \u201cAvrupa solu<\/em>\u201dna, \u201cpop\u00fclizmi nereye koyaca\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d konusunda bir tutum geli\u015ftirmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan yol g\u00f6sterici olarak sundu ve M\u00e9lenchon’un \u201csol pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201di, sol i\u00e7in \u201ctek \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu<\/em>\u201dolarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7ekerek \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f, ekonomi ve demokrasi konular\u0131 etraf\u0131nda<\/em>\u201d s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesini \u201csol’un \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak tarif eden Chantal Mouffe\u2019un liberal g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin bir versiyonunu yay\u0131mlad\u0131.[4]<\/a><\/p>\n

Latin Amerikal\u0131 yazarlar\u0131n \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine \u00e7ok say\u0131daki eserini irdeleyen David Leaman ise, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 \u201ctoplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f<\/em>\u201d\u0131n \u201c\u00e7atalla\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cenformel sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi<\/em>\u201dyle ili\u015fkilendirmektedir. Ona g\u00f6re bu nesnel de\u011fi\u015fim \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve pop\u00fclist politikalar\u0131 olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cPop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cneo-pop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cfarkl\u0131 tiplerde b\u00fcy\u00fck politik reform s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini geli\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lmakta olan, yap\u0131s\u0131 kolay de\u011fi\u015fen \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 koalisyonlar\u0131 ve ki\u015fisel siyasi liderlik yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mlayan s\u0131fatlar olarak kullan\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d yerine pop\u00fclist kavram\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6neren Leaman, Carlos Menem’in politikalar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cneo-pop\u00fclist liberalizm<\/em>\u201d; Chavez’in politikas\u0131n\u0131 \u201cneo-pop\u00fclist milliyet\u00e7ilik<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelendirmi\u015ftir.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

d-) <\/strong>\u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin geriye d\u00fc\u015fmesi ve sosyalizmin tarihsel \u00f6nemde bir yenilgi almas\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 manevi y\u00fck, \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ve umutsuzluk halinin hen\u00fcz a\u015f\u0131lamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda, bu durumdan \u201c\u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu<\/em>\u201dyla ili\u015fkilendirilen \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d analizleri ve pop\u00fclist politikalar \u201csol<\/em>\u201d, devrimci ve demokrat \u00e7evrelerde ilgi g\u00f6rebilmi\u015f; \u201csol<\/em>\u201da, \u201cmecalsizli\u011fi<\/em>\u201dnden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f umudu ve iktidar olman\u0131n yolu olarak g\u00f6sterilen \u201ckitle politikas\u0131<\/em>\u201d merkezli bu liberal teoriler k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva reformcu, sol \u00e7evrelerde ilgi \u00e7ekici olmu\u015f ve bu durum da tersinden liberal yaz\u0131n ve s\u00f6yleme malzeme sa\u011flayarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sosyalizmle birle\u015fmesinin alternatifi g\u00f6sterilmesini ve \u201cpop\u00fcler<\/em>\u201dle\u015ftirilmesini sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u2018POP\u00dcL\u0130ZM\u2019 KURGUSUNDA \u00d6NE \u00c7IKAN VE \u00c7IKARILANLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

1- <\/strong>Bu analiz ve tart\u0131\u015fmalarda \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d, mevcut sistemin a\u015f\u0131lamayan sorunlar\u0131 ve kriziyle<\/em> ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak iktidar\/\u201celitler\u201d ile halk ve \u201ckarizmatik lider(ler)<\/em>\u201di dolay\u0131m\u0131nda i\u015flevsellik kazanan \u00e7eli\u015fki ve kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k \u00fczerinden a\u00e7\u0131klanmakta; sol pop\u00fclist politikalarda \u201chalk<\/em>\u201d\u0131n, \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemde ise \u201cmillet<\/em>\u201din merkezi kavram \u00f6zelli\u011fi g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmekte; \u201ckurulu de\u011fer ve ilkelerin sorgulanmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve siyasetin \u201cyeniden (tabandan)<\/em>\u201d kurulmas\u0131 kapsam\u0131nda bir ideoloji ve daha \u00e7ok da politika olarak tarif edilmektedir. \u201cHalk<\/em>\u201dla, otoriter y\u00f6netim kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 politik s\u00f6ylem arac\u0131yla kurulan ili\u015fki \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00f6zelliklerinden biri olarak g\u00f6sterilmektedir.<\/p>\n

Halk hem \u201csahip \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lan<\/em>\u201d, \u201cad\u0131na konu\u015fulan<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r hem de milletler ya da kitleler s\u00f6yleminde oldu\u011fu \u00fczere geni\u015fletilmesiyle \u201c\u00f6tekile\u015ftirilmesi gereken \u00f6geleri<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7erendir. \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u201canti-establishment<\/em>\u201d ve \u201celitler<\/em>\u201d kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olarak g\u00f6sterilir.[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

2- <\/strong>Lider-kitle ili\u015fkisi \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d irdelemelerinin t\u00fcm\u00fcnde \u00f6zellik belirtici<\/em> bir arg\u00fcmand\u0131r. Bu irdelemelerde \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d ile \u201ckarizmatik lider\u201d aras\u0131nda kurulan ba\u011f, Sigmund Freud\u2019un, \u201ciki t\u00fcr psikoloji vard\u0131r: \u015fefin psikolojisi ve s\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn psikolojisi<\/em>\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 yineler gibidir. Laclau\u2019da daha belirgin olmak \u00fczere, Freud\u2019un kitle ya da \u201cs\u00fcr\u00fc<\/em>\u201d psikolojisi ve i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcsel y\u00f6neli\u015f mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 neredeyse bire bir benimsenir. Pop\u00fclist siyaset ile \u201clider<\/em>\u201d ili\u015fkisini temsil etme\/edilme ba\u011flam\u0131nda ele alan Laclau\u2019ya g\u00f6re, \u201clider<\/em>\u201d, \u201cheterojen b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck<\/em>\u201d\u00fcn (halk) tikel unsurlar\u0131ndan biri olmakla birlikte \u201chalk iradesi<\/em>\u201dni temsil etme misyonuyla y\u00fckl\u00fcd\u00fcr ve hem \u201ce\u015fitlerden biri<\/em>\u201d hem de \u201ce\u015fitlerin birincisi<\/em>\u201d konumundad\u0131r. \u201cLider<\/em>\u201de ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n y\u00fcksek d\u00fczeyi pop\u00fclist politikan\u0131n etkisini art\u0131r\u0131r.[7]<\/a> Pop\u00fclist politikada lider-halk ili\u015fkisini Laclau ile bire bir ayn\u0131 arg\u00fcmanlarla kuran Mouffe, \u201cpop\u00fclist stratejide liderin rol\u00fc<\/em>\u201dnden hareketle pop\u00fclist hareketlerin otoriter olmakla itham edilmelerinin mekanik bir yakla\u015f\u0131m olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrer. Ona g\u00f6re \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc lider<\/em>\u201dli\u011fin olumsuz sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan hareketle \u201c\u00f6z\u00fc gere\u011fi otoriter rejime e\u015f<\/em>\u201d tutulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir neden bulunmaz! \u201cKarizmatik ve mesihsel lider kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 olmadan<\/em>\u201d pop\u00fclizmin \u201cg\u00fcd\u00fck bir tarihsel form olarak<\/em>\u201d kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten Arjantin as\u0131ll\u0131 tarih profes\u00f6r\u00fc Federico Finchelstein ise, pop\u00fclizmin, ancak \u201conun otoriter liderlik nosyonu ve se\u00e7imler yoluyla iktidara gelme amac\u0131<\/em>\u201d anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda do\u011fru \u015fekilde de\u011ferlendirilebilece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrer. Buna g\u00f6re, \u201clider<\/em>\u201d halk taraf\u0131ndan se\u00e7ilmi\u015f y\u00f6netici olarak \u201cbizzat halk\u0131n kendisi<\/em>\u201d yerine ikame olmu\u015f ya da edilmi\u015f \u201cotorite ve irade<\/em>\u201d olarak halk ad\u0131na her t\u00fcr karar verme ve uygulama hakk\u0131n\u0131 elde etmi\u015f olur![8]<\/a><\/p>\n

Pop\u00fclizmin \u201ckarizmatik lider, halk ve iktidar<\/em>\u201d \u00fc\u00e7lemesi \u00fczerinden tarif edilmesi Latin Amerikal\u0131 yazar D. L. Raby taraf\u0131ndan da benimsenir. Raby, \u201cdikkat \u00e7ekici bir hitabet ve kesin eylem an\u0131nda harekete ge\u00e7irme yetene\u011fine sahip bireysel karizmatik bir lider taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilen, ideolojik olarak esnek ama eylemde birle\u015fmi\u015f, geni\u015f, ulusal demokratik bir hareket<\/em>\u201dten s\u00f6z ederek, bu tip bir hareket ve liderli\u011fin \u201cka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak pop\u00fclizm meselesini<\/em>\u201d g\u00fcndeme getirece\u011fini s\u00f6yler. Ona g\u00f6re, pop\u00fclizm \u201coport\u00fcnizm veya demagoji ya da \u00f6zg\u00fcl bir ideoloji veya program<\/em>\u201d olarak al\u0131nmazsa e\u011fer, Venezuela\u2019da Chavez\u2019in uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 politika \u201cdevrimci tarzda bir pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelendirilmeyi hak eder.[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

3- <\/strong>\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d yaz\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n di\u011fer belirtici bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din bu yaz\u0131nda \u201ckurulu d\u00fczen<\/em>\u201din \u201ci\u00e7 gerginlikleri<\/em>\u201d ve sorunlar\u0131 nedenli \u201cme\u015fruiyet krizi<\/em>\u201dyle ili\u015fkilendirilmesidir. T\u00fcrkiyeli akademisyenlerin \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine irdelemelerinde, Laclau ve Mouffe\u2019un yan\u0131 s\u0131ra ad\u0131n\u0131 en fazla and\u0131klar\u0131 ve al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131klar\u0131 siyaset bilimcilerden biri olan Margaret Canovan \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din genel bir tan\u0131m\u0131ndan ka\u00e7\u0131nmakla birlikte onu, mevcut iktidara, yani otoriteye ve \u201cse\u00e7kin<\/em>\u201dlere kar\u015f\u0131t politika ve ideoloji kapsam\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re, pop\u00fclizm, otoriteyle \u201chalk ad\u0131na<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cdemokratik me\u015fruiyet zemininde<\/em>\u201d kurulan ili\u015fki ya da yap\u0131lan \u201ckonu\u015fma<\/em>\u201dy\u0131 ifade eder. \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din \u201ctar\u0131msal<\/em>\u201d ve \u201csiyasal<\/em>\u201d olan\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eden Canovan, bunu, 1890\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda ABD\u2019deki Halk Partisi\u2019yle Rus pop\u00fclizmi ve Narodnik hareketi gibi olu\u015fumlar \u00fczerinden a\u00e7\u0131klarken, pop\u00fclizmin siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan gerici ya da demokratik olabilece\u011fini de s\u00f6yler.[10]<\/a><\/p>\n

Touraine’e g\u00f6re de burjuva siyasal sistem 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren \u201cme\u015fruiyet krizi<\/em>\u201dne girmi\u015f; \u201cliberal kurumlar<\/em>\u201d\u0131n \u201cyetersizli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d nedeniyle \u201ctoplumsal hareketler<\/em>\u201din taleplerini kar\u015f\u0131layamamas\u0131 pop\u00fclizme alan a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[11]<\/a> \u201cMe\u015fruiyet<\/em>\u201d burada, \u201cburjuva demokratik sistem<\/em>\u201din s\u0131n\u0131r kabul edilmesini ifade eder. Sistemin \u201ci\u00e7 gerginlikleri<\/em>\u201dnin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zeminde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilir g\u00f6steren bu anlay\u0131\u015fa g\u00f6re, \u201cotorite d\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/em>\u201d t\u00fcm politik olu\u015fumlar\u0131n s\u00f6ylemi \u201cpop\u00fclist politika ve s\u00f6ylem<\/em>\u201d \u00f6zelli\u011fi kazan\u0131r!<\/p>\n

\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d analizlerinde ad\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan yazarlardan biri olan Immanuel Wallerstein, \u201cliberal demokrasinin gerilimleri<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cdenge aray\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 hareket noktas\u0131 olarak al\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re, \u201cliberal demokrasi<\/em>\u201dnin \u201c\u00f6zellikle refah devleti d\u00f6neminde<\/em>\u201d, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve halk kitlelerinin taleplerini tavizler verip sistem i\u00e7inde tutarak burjuva d\u00fczenini g\u00fcvenceye alma politikas\u0131n\u0131n sorunlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelenebilecek pop\u00fclist politikalar\u0131 do\u011furmu\u015ftur. Wallerstein’\u0131n irdelemesinde \u201csol pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d demokratik, \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d demokrasinin z\u0131tt\u0131 ve antidemokratik olarak nitelenir.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine yaz\u0131nda bu ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00f6zellik belirtici \u00f6gelerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, kapsam geni\u015fletici ve \u00e7e\u015fitlilik sa\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 ba\u015fkaca \u00f6geler de yer al\u0131r. \u0130talyan yazar Umberto Eco, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201di Berlusconi ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin politikalar\u0131 \u00fczerinden ve \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 <\/em>sa\u011f\u201d olarak niteledi\u011fi \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 partileri i\u015faret ederek irdeler. \u201cBerlusconi\u2019nin kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet bi\u00e7imi<\/em>\u201dni ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmesinden s\u00f6z ederek \u201cbu h\u00fck\u00fcmet bi\u00e7iminin \u00f6zellikleri aras\u0131nda tehlikeli bir pop\u00fclist e\u011filim<\/em>\u201din de oldu\u011funu belirten Umberto Eco, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u201ctarihsel anlamda (Rus pop\u00fclizmi) de\u011fil, g\u00fcncel anlam\u0131yla<\/em>\u201d kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. Eco\u2019ya g\u00f6re, Berlusconi h\u00fck\u00fcmeti \u00f6zg\u00fcl\u00fcnde \u0130talya\u2019da g\u00f6r\u00fclen \u201cmedya arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, \u00f6zel bir \u015firket taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6zel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 korumaya y\u00f6nelik pop\u00fclizm propagandas\u0131na dayal\u0131 bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet bi\u00e7imi<\/em>\u201dnin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yd\u0131. \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din bu \u0130talyan \u00f6rne\u011fi, ona g\u00f6re, \u201cen az\u0131ndan Avrupa sahnesinde ve \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00fcnya pop\u00fclizmlerinden \u00e7ok daha tedbirli ve teknolojik a\u00e7\u0131dan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc<\/em>\u201d idi.[13]<\/a><\/p>\n

Eco, pop\u00fclizmi, \u201cparlamentoyu bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131p, karizmatik lider ile kitleler aras\u0131nda hemen genel bir ili\u015fki kurmaya e\u011filimli bir rejim bi\u00e7imi<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlar.[14]<\/a> \u201cDevrimci pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d bi\u00e7imlerinin de, \u201cgerici pop\u00fclizm bi\u00e7imleri<\/em>\u201dnin de olabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yleyen Eco’ya g\u00f6re, pop\u00fclizm, \u201ckitlelerin beyinlerine k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f sabit d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ya da \u00f6nyarg\u0131lara (Poujadist duygulara) seslenmeyi \u00f6ng\u00f6ren bir y\u00f6ntemdir.<\/em>\u201d[15]<\/a> Eco, \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201de \u00f6rnek olarak Lega Nord Lideri Umberto Bossi’nin \u201cyabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da devlete g\u00fcvensizlik gibi Poujadist duygulara y\u00f6nelerek pop\u00fclist y\u00f6ntemler<\/em>\u201d kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\n

\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201di, \u201ckat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 enerjiden yararlanma<\/em>\u201d siyasetiyle ili\u015fkilendiren Benjamin Arditi ise, onun \u201cg\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen bir y\u00fcz olarak tehlikeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme ihtimali<\/em>\u201dnden s\u00f6z eder. Arditi\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d burjuva demokrasisi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde reformist bir politika olabilece\u011fi gibi onunla \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmaya girerek s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmaya da y\u00f6nelebilir.[16]<\/a><\/p>\n

Pop\u00fclizm \u00fczerine yaz\u0131nda \u00e7ok say\u0131da T\u00fcrkiyeli yazar ve akademisyenin ad\u0131yla da kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Zafer Toprak, Korkut Boratav gibi tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f yazarlar \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d irdelemeleri yapm\u0131\u015flar; \u00e7ok say\u0131daki akademisyen \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 \u201cara\u015ft\u0131rma tezi<\/em>\u201d haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Toprak, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva ideolojik bi\u00e7imlerinden s\u00f6z edilebilece\u011fini belirterek (Rus Narodniklerini \u00f6rnek verir) \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din \u201cde\u011fi\u015fik tarihsel ve co\u011frafi ko\u015fullarda, ancak \u00f6zel bir toplumsal durumda s\u0131k s\u0131k g\u00f6zlenen bir zihniyet<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler ve \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din varyantlar\u0131ndan bahsederek, \u201cpop\u00fclizm gelene\u011finin ilk \u00f6rneklerinden biri<\/em>\u201dnin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer.[17]<\/a> Ona g\u00f6re, h\u0131zl\u0131 toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ve \u201cyeni ile eski aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, kentle\u015fme, modernizasyon, k\u0131rsal n\u00fcfusun yoksullu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d gibi etmenler pop\u00fclist politikalar\u0131n etkili olmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Murat Belge ise, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din, \u201cliberalizm<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201csosyalizm<\/em>\u201d gibi bir \u201csiyasi ideoloji<\/em>\u201d olmay\u0131p bir \u201csiyaset yapma tarz\u0131<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu ve farkl\u0131 siyasal ideolojilerin \u00f6gelerini kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek buna ra\u011fmen \u201csol<\/em>\u201dun ve sosyalistlerin \u201cpop\u00fclist siyaset yapma tarz\u0131<\/em>\u201dndan yararlanabileceklerini s\u00f6yler ve bunu \u00f6nerir. Gerek\u00e7elerinden biri de, AKP ve Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n pop\u00fclist s\u00f6ylemle kitlelerle kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fki \u00fczerinden iktidar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme olana\u011f\u0131 bulmas\u0131d\u0131r.[18]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine de\u011ferlendirmelerde bulunan yazarlardan biri de, Cenk Sara\u00e7o\u011flu\u2019dur. \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131m\u0131, kapsam\u0131 ve ge\u00e7erlili\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcnden \u201cher zaman tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu belirten Sara\u00e7o\u011flu, Donald Trump\u2019\u0131 \u201cABD\u2019de cumhuriyet\u00e7i\/demokrat parti sal\u0131n\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir akt\u00f6r<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6sterir ve Marine Le Pen\u2019in cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u201cFrans\u0131z yerle\u015fik siyasetindeki dengeleri<\/em>\u201d sarst\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. \u201cMacaristan\u2019da Victor Orban\u2019\u0131n, Hindistan\u2019da Narendra Modi\u2019nin, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Tayyip Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n, Filipinler\u2019de Rodrigo Duerte\u2019nin iktidar pratikleri<\/em>\u201dni \u00f6rnek g\u00f6steren Sara\u00e7o\u011flu, \u201cT\u00fcm bu \u00f6zg\u00fcl siyasal ak\u0131mlar\u0131n e\u015f zamanl\u0131 y\u00fckseli\u015fi d\u00fcnya siyasetinde hem yerle\u015fik siyasi g\u00fc\u00e7 odaklar\u0131n\u0131 hem de sol hareketleri farkl\u0131 saiklerle de olsa alarma ge\u00e7iren sars\u0131c\u0131 ve belirsiz bir atmosferin d\u00fcnya siyasetinin \u00fczerine \u00e7\u00f6kmesine neden oldu<\/em>\u201d diye yazar.[19]<\/a><\/p>\n

Sara\u00e7o\u011flu, uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin, Avrupa Birli\u011fi gibi \u201culus-devletlerin kendi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fi devralan uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin ve \u00e7ok-tarafl\u0131 ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 siyasal anla\u015fmalar\u0131n belirleyicili\u011fi<\/em>\u201d sonucu \u201culus-devletler ile ulusal ekonomi aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131n 1980 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde tedricen a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131l<\/em>\u201dd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; neoliberalizmin \u201cd\u00fczensizle\u015ftirici politikalar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n \u201culus-devletin egemenlik krizi<\/em>\u201dne yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrerek, bunun da sa\u011f pop\u00fclist politikalar\u0131 g\u00fcndeme getirdi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrer. Uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin etkinli\u011fi ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 1980\u2019ler gibi ge\u00e7 bir d\u00f6neme \u00e7eken bu yakla\u015f\u0131ma g\u00f6re, burjuva devletin \u201cemek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin farkl\u0131 gerilim ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczen i\u00e7erisinde so\u011furma kapasitesinin azalmas\u0131 ve beraberinde gelen g\u00fcvencesizlik atmosferi<\/em>\u201d, sistemin \u201cmerkez<\/em>\u201d partilerini \u201cayn\u0131 neoliberal re\u00e7eteyi uygulayan edilgen, itibars\u0131z ve toplumla ba\u011flar\u0131 kopuk teknokratik olu\u015fumlara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr<\/em>\u201dm\u00fc\u015f; bu da sa\u011f pop\u00fclizmin, \u201cestablishment\u2019\u0131<\/em> ve siyasal elitleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na alan<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6yleminin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[20]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cSa\u011f pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201di 1980\u2019ler sonras\u0131na tarihleyen ve Trump\u2019\u0131 \u201cCumhuriyet\u00e7i ve Demokrat Parti<\/em>\u201d ikilisinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ve \u201csistem elitlerine kar\u015f\u0131 bir konumdan<\/em>\u201d siyaset yapar gibi g\u00f6steren yazar, \u201culus devlet<\/em>\u201din ve \u201cmerkez partileri<\/em>\u201dnin i\u015flevini de \u00f6zellikle AB\u2019yi \u00f6rneklem alarak neoliberalizmin edilgin uygulay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na indirger. Bu ili\u015fkilendirmede neoliberalizm, emperyalist devletlerden ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k ve \u201cegemenlik krizi<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7inde olduklar\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 kapitalist \u00fclke devletlerinin \u00fcst\u00fcnde bir ekonomik karabasan olarak tarif edilir.<\/p>\n

1960 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde\u00a0 siyasetin\u00a0 \u201cyeni alanlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d konu\u00a0 edinip \u201cyeni\u00a0 \u00f6zneler\u00a0 \u00fczerinden<\/em>\u201d kurguland\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcren ve sa\u011f ve sol \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din farkl\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar \u00fcretece\u011fini belirten Do\u00e7. Dr. Y. Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m ise, \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201di ve \u201cradikal\/a\u015f\u0131r\u0131\u00a0 sa\u011f\u0131n\u00a0 y\u00fckseli\u015fi<\/em>\u201dni, \u201cliberal\u00a0 de\u011ferlere\u00a0 dayanan\u00a0 temsili\u00a0 demokrasinin<\/em>\u201d se\u00e7im ve temsil s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde \u201cyatan krizi<\/em>\u201dyle ili\u015fkilendirir.[21]<\/a> \u00a0\u00d6zellikle Polonya ve Macaristan \u00f6rnekleri \u00fczerinden \u201cmerkez partilerin sa\u011fc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d s\u00fcrecine de\u011finen Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, \u201csosyalizmden liberal demokrasiye ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcrecinde a\u015f\u0131r\u0131-sa\u011f\u0131n y\u00fckselmesi<\/em>\u201dnin \u201cmerkez partileri de d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr<\/em>\u201dd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn daha fazla gericile\u015fme y\u00f6n\u00fcnde oldu\u011funu belirtir. Sa\u011f ve sol \u201cpop\u00fclizmi<\/em>\u201d \u201chalk\u0131n y\u00f6netimi<\/em>\u201d ve \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d politikas\u0131yla ili\u015fkili \u201ciki farkl\u0131 ekol<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6steren Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, ayr\u0131m\u0131, \u201cdemokrasinin farkl\u0131 \u015fekillerde ele al\u0131nmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d dolay\u0131m\u0131yla yapar. Ona g\u00f6re, \u201csol-pop\u00fclizmin halk vurgusu, sa\u011f-pop\u00fclizmde yerini kitleye b\u0131rak\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, fa\u015fizmi \u201cmillet-vatan-bayrak<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, sahte halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 dolay\u0131m\u0131nda \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclizmin en u\u00e7 \u00f6rne\u011fi<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr ve sol pop\u00fclizmin \u201cen net bi\u00e7imi<\/em>\u201dyle \u201crefah devleti uygulamalar\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6ster<\/em>\u201ddi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrer.[23]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u2018POP\u00dcL\u0130ZM\u2019 S\u00d6YLEM\u0130 VE TARTI\u015eMALARINI BESLEYEN OLGUSAL GEL\u0130\u015eMELER<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sosyalizmin yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin uluslararas\u0131 alanda geriye d\u00fc\u015fmesinden g\u00fc\u00e7 alarak geli\u015ftirilen liberal teoriye g\u00f6re, neoliberalizm ve k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyle birlikte art\u0131k ne s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcden kurtulu\u015f m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fc ne de \u201crefah toplumunun huzurunu bozacak a\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131klar<\/em>\u201da yer vard\u0131! Sistem kendi i\u00e7inde toplumun t\u00fcm kesimlerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131, hak ve taleplerini kar\u015f\u0131layacak \u201cdemokratik<\/em>\u201d mekanizmalar\u0131 \u00fcretmi\u015fti ve \u201cvarsa e\u011fer, ufak tefek aksakl\u0131klar<\/em>\u201d; onlar da \u201cgiderilecek<\/em>\u201dti!<\/p>\n

Pratikte ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen ise, tekeller aras\u0131 rekabetin k\u0131z\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, i\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk ve a\u00e7l\u0131\u011f\u0131n art\u0131\u015f\u0131, militarizmin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131, emperyalist askeri m\u00fcdahaleler ve yeni sava\u015flard\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadeleyle elde ettikleri sosyal haklar gasp edilirken siyasal bask\u0131 yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130ngiltere Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Margaret Thatcher, neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131 uygularken \u201cba\u015fka alternatif yok<\/em>\u201d diyor; Francis Fukuyama kapitalizmin, \u201calternatifsizli\u011fiyle tarihin sonunu i\u015faret etti\u011fini<\/em>\u201d vaaz ediyordu. Ard\u0131 s\u0131ra Almanya, \u0130ngiltere, Fransa gibi \u00fclkelerde aralar\u0131nda Blair, Schr\u00f6der ve Holland gibi tekelci sermaye politikac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6zde solcu (\u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Yol\u201d),<\/em> sosyal demokrat ve Hollanda\u2019da oldu\u011fu \u00fczere s\u00f6zde sosyalist iddial\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin neoliberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131 geldi. Ve bu yo\u011fun sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 hemen t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkelerde i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra tekellerin bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda ve toplumsal konumlar\u0131 sars\u0131larak m\u00fclks\u00fczl\u00fc\u011fe s\u00fcr\u00fcklenen, iflaslarla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze gelen k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve alt-orta burjuva kesimlerin tepkileri y\u00fckselmeye ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Kitlesel m\u00fccadelelerin patlak verdi\u011fi alanlardan biri Latin Amerika idi. Amerikan emperyalizminin Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerinin \u00e7o\u011funda, i\u015fba\u015f\u0131na gelmelerinde do\u011frudan rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerin (1963\u2019te Brezilya, 1973 \u015eili, 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda yine Bolivya ve Uruguay, 1976\u2019da Arjantin) uygulad\u0131klar\u0131 bask\u0131 ve ter\u00f6r neoliberal mali-ekonomik ve sosyal sald\u0131r\u0131lar i\u00e7in zemini uygun hale getirmi\u015fti. Buna ra\u011fmen s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde askeri oligar\u015fik diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklere ve emperyalist patron ABD\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6fke birikimi giderek artt\u0131. Amerikan emperyalizminin bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerinde uzun anti s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci m\u00fccadele ge\u00e7mi\u015finden de g\u00fc\u00e7 alan halk\u00e7\u0131 devrimci m\u00fccadele gelene\u011fi vard\u0131. Venezuela’da Chavez’in, Arjantin’de Kirchner’in, Bolivya’da Morales’in, Kolombiya’da halk\u00e7\u0131 direni\u015f hareketleri ve FARC’\u0131n, Meksika’da Zapatistalar ve A. L. Obrador’un ba\u015f\u0131nda bulundu\u011fu hareket, bu b\u00f6lgede \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6rnekler oldular. 1994’te Meksika\u2019n\u0131n Chiapas b\u00f6lgesinde Zapatista ayaklanmas\u0131 patlak verdi. Brezilya’da \u201cTopraks\u0131zlar Hareketi<\/em>\u201d (MST); Arjantin’de ‘Piqueteros’lar ve \u2018Barrio\u2019 hareketi, yar\u0131 anar\u015fizan; parti ve liderlik sorununu \u00f6nemsiz g\u00f6ren, \u201cpartizan olmayan<\/em>\u201d anlay\u0131\u015flarla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. Latin Amerika halklar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcyen \u00f6fkesi di\u011fer yandan ordu i\u00e7indeki kimi subaylar\u0131 \u201culusalc\u0131 sol<\/em>\u201d darbeler yapmaya cesaretlendirdi ve Panama, Venezuela, Peru ve Arjantin\u2019de bu y\u00f6nl\u00fc gizli askeri \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelere giri\u015filiyordu. Perulu general Valesco\u2019nun reformcu \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla Hugo Chavez\u2019in ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z askeri darbe giri\u015fimi bu do\u011frultudaki geli\u015fmeler kapsam\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti.[24]<\/a><\/p>\n

Daha ge\u00e7 bir d\u00f6neme denk gelmek \u00fczere, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerinde de s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen ve ezilen s\u0131n\u0131f ve kesimlerin neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcyen tepkileri, reformcu sol ve sa\u011f gerici ve fa\u015fizan politik hareket ve partiler taraf\u0131ndan kitle deste\u011fine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclerek, sistem kanallar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kalmak \u00fczere \u00e7e\u015fitli politik \u201calternatif<\/em>\u201d programlar etraf\u0131nda bir araya getirildiler. Ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u2018sol\u2019 \u00f6rnekler Yunanistan\u2019da Syriza ve \u0130spanya\u2019daki Podemos idi. Sa\u011fda ise, mali sermaye ve tekellerin yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasal gericilik e\u011filimiyle birlikte giderek g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanacak \u015fekilde Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n hemen t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerinde \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131<\/em>\u201d, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 ve fa\u015fizan hareket ve partiler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

Ba\u015fl\u0131ca ‘iki k\u0131tasal ayak\u2019<\/em> \u00fczerine oturan bu geli\u015fmeler, \u00f6zellikle de reformist, sol-devrimci ve \u201csosyalist<\/em>\u201d politikac\u0131 ve partilerin \u201ckitle politikas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc destek, \u201cyeni toplumsal kuramlar<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131yla birlikte \u201cpop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi ve tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 tetikleyici i\u015flev g\u00f6rd\u00fcler. Bu bak\u0131mdan bu iki \u201ck\u0131tasal<\/em>\u201d olgunun ne oldu\u011fu ya da ne t\u00fcrden bir geli\u015fmeyi ifade etti\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k kazanmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. A) Latin Amerika \u201cPop\u00fclizm\u201di<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine makale ve kitaplarda Latin Amerika k\u00f6kenli yazarlar Peru, Ekvador, Bolivya, Uruguay, Paraguay, \u015eili gibi \u00fclkelerdeki geli\u015fmeleri irdeleme konusu yapm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Daha da belirgin olan\u0131 ise Peron, Chavez ve Lula\u2019n\u0131n adlar\u0131yla an\u0131lan \u201cpop\u00fclist politikalar<\/em>\u201d dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Arjantin, Brezilya ve Venezuela\u2019daki geli\u015fmelerin bu irdeleme ve de\u011ferlendirmelerde daha \u00f6zel bir yer tutmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u00fc\u00e7 \u00fclkedeki geli\u015fmelerin \u2013ve yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Avrupa\u2019daki baz\u0131 \u00f6rneklerin\u2013 \u00f6zellikle \u201csol pop\u00fclist politika<\/em>\u201d \u00f6nerisinin dayana\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6sterilmeleri nedeniyle de daha ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 irdelenmesi gerekli g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. A\u015fa\u011f\u0131da k\u0131saca da olsa bunu yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z. Daha farkl\u0131 bir \u00f6rnek olu\u015fturan \u015eili\u2019de ya\u015fananlar ise, sosyalizmi \u201cse\u00e7imlerle i\u015fba\u015f\u0131na gelerek ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme<\/em>\u201d politikas\u0131n\u0131n ak\u0131beti a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck ac\u0131lar pahas\u0131na ders verici olmu\u015ftur.[25]<\/a><\/p>\n

    I-) Arjantin ve \u201cPeronizm\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Sendikalar\u0131n da aralar\u0131nda bulundu\u011fu \u00e7evrelerin deste\u011finde y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc se\u00e7im kampanyas\u0131 sonucunda oylar\u0131n y\u00fczde 56’s\u0131n\u0131 alarak \u015eubat 1946’da ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011fa se\u00e7ilen Juan Domingo Peron, \u201cJusticialismo<\/em>\u201d (Adalet\u00e7ilik) ad\u0131 verilen ve \u201ckom\u00fcnizmle kapitalizm aras\u0131nda bir ‘\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yol\u2019<\/em>\u201d olarak tarif edilen ekonomik politikay\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe koydu. Demiryollar\u0131, Ulusal Banka ve d\u0131\u015f ticaret millile\u015ftirildi; Arjantin Pesosu deval\u00fce edildi, devlet ticaret filosu olu\u015fturuldu ve \u201cdevlet\u00e7ili\u011fe dayal\u0131 sanayile\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme iddias\u0131yla 1947\u2019de be\u015f y\u0131ll\u0131k bir plan ilan edildi. \u201cHalk i\u00e7in konut yap\u0131m programlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i turizmi<\/em>\u201d, \u201chay\u0131r fonlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde a\u00e7\u0131klanan kararlar Peron ve \u201cPeronist Parti<\/em>\u201dnin halktan destek g\u00f6rmesini sa\u011flad\u0131. Peron Latin Amerika federasyonu kurulmas\u0131ndan da s\u00f6z ediyordu. Bu politikalar\u0131, ABD ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin Peron y\u00f6netimiyle \u201caras\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201dna yol a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Ne var ki, kapitalizmin ekonomik yasalar\u0131 i\u015flemeye devam ediyordu ve ekonomik-sosyal iyile\u015ftirme program\u0131 \u201ckaynak yaratma<\/em>\u201d gibi ciddi bir sorunla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yayd\u0131. Peronist h\u00fck\u00fcmet tar\u0131msal \u00fcr\u00fcn al\u0131m-sat\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n devlet\u00e7e yap\u0131lmas\u0131na giri\u015ferek bu zorlu\u011fu a\u015fmaya y\u00f6nelirken (tar\u0131m \u00fcr\u00fcnleri \u00fcreticilerden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck fiyatla al\u0131n\u0131p d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya y\u00fcksek fiyatlarla sat\u0131lmaktayd\u0131), uygulama \u00fcreticilerin tepkisine yol a\u00e7\u0131yor ve tah\u0131l \u00fcr\u00fcnleri \u00fcretimini sekteye u\u011frat\u0131yordu. Ba\u015fkaca \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin ithali ise, Peron y\u00f6netimini daha fazla zor durumda b\u0131rak\u0131yordu. Bir yandan ABD ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin bask\u0131s\u0131 ve ordu i\u00e7indeki i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerini k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmalar\u0131, di\u011fer yanda \u00f6zellikle tar\u0131m politikalar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tepki artarken, bu durumdan yararlanan generaller ve Kilise, Peron\u2019u istifaya zorlad\u0131. 1955 askeri darbesiyle ala\u015fa\u011f\u0131 edilen Peron \u00f6nce Paraguay\u2019a, sonra \u0130spanya\u2019ya gitti ve oradan yanda\u015flar\u0131yla ili\u015fkisini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. E\u015fi Eva Peron k\u0131sa bir d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in ba\u015fkanl\u0131k koltu\u011funda kald\u0131 ve halk deste\u011fini kazanmak i\u00e7in \u00fccretlerin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve emeklilik hakk\u0131n\u0131n 60 ya\u015f\u0131nda tan\u0131nmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde giri\u015fimlerde bulundu. Ne var ki, Arjantin\u2019de ekonomik-sosyal ve politik ko\u015fullar giderek a\u011f\u0131rla\u015f\u0131yor ve kitlesel muhalefet g\u00fc\u00e7leniyordu. Bu durum, Juan Peron\u2019un askeri y\u00f6netim taraf\u0131ndan 1972\u2019de yeniden \u00fclkeye \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. 1973 se\u00e7imlerini Peronistler kazand\u0131lar ve Peron 1973 ortalar\u0131nda yeniden ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011fa se\u00e7ildi.<\/p>\n

    Juan ve Eva Peron\u2019un ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi hareket \u201cPeronizm<\/em>\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 ve \u201ckapitalizm ile sosyalizm aras\u0131 \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir yol<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelendirildi. Yoksulluk ve ezilmi\u015flik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 s\u00f6yleminden ve \u00e7e\u015fitli toplumsal kesimlerden olu\u015fan bir \u201chareket grubu<\/em>\u201dnun (\u201cG\u00f6mleksizler<\/em>\u201d[26]<\/a>) deste\u011finden hareketle Juan Peron, \u201cproleter kitleye yaslanan<\/em>\u201d; \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fan emek\u00e7iler lehine<\/em>\u201d \u2013\u00fccretlerin belirli bir miktar art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcresinin azalt\u0131lmas\u0131, sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme kolayl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vb. y\u00f6n\u00fcnde haz\u0131rlanan ve fakat uygulanmas\u0131na generallerin olanak tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararnameler gibi\u2013 d\u00fczenlemeler yapan \u201csol pop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d bir lider olarak g\u00f6sterildi.[27]<\/a><\/p>\n

    Peron\u2019un \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yol<\/em>\u201du, \u201ctoplumsal adalet, ekonomik \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve siyasal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eriyordu. Bu \u201cprogram<\/em>\u201d, emperyalizm ve tekellere kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131n kapitalizm i\u00e7iydi ve kimi reformcu iyile\u015ftirme ad\u0131mlar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u00f6nemsenecek bir de\u011fi\u015fime kapal\u0131yd\u0131. \u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201cara yol<\/em>\u201d, demiryolu, merkez bankas\u0131 ve d\u0131\u015f ticaret gibi baz\u0131 alanlarda millile\u015ftirme gibi \u201cekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k<\/em>\u201d ve \u201culusal ekonomi in\u015fas\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015fmas\u0131na; ba\u015fl\u0131ca k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuva kesimleriyle kilise ve ordu i\u00e7indeki g\u00fc\u00e7lerin deste\u011fine dayanmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bu y\u00f6ndeki karar ve uygulama giri\u015fimleri emperyalistlerle i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ilerinin engellerini a\u015facak bir d\u00fczeye hi\u00e7bir zaman varmad\u0131.<\/p>\n

    \u201cJusticialismo<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131 verilen politika s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona \u201cbirli\u011fe ve esnekli\u011fe \u00f6nem verme<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yordu. S\u00fcrg\u00fcn y\u0131llar\u0131nda sendikalar\u0131n ve solcular\u0131n deste\u011fini kazanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Peron, iktidara geldikten sonra \u015fiddet hareketleriyle m\u00fccadele gerek\u00e7esine sar\u0131larak bask\u0131y\u0131 art\u0131rd\u0131. Silahl\u0131 kuvvetlerin ve sa\u011f gerici kesimlerin deste\u011finde \u201csol<\/em>\u201du ezmeye giri\u015fti. Parlamento \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funa dayanarak yarg\u0131y\u0131 ‘dizayn etme\u2019, Anayasa Mahkemesi\u2019nin kendi uygulamalar\u0131na itiraz etmemesini sa\u011flama, muhalefeti bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alma, bas\u0131n-yay\u0131n organlar\u0131n\u0131 iktidar\u0131n\u0131n propaganda organlar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek muhalefete kar\u015f\u0131 kampanyan\u0131n arac\u0131 olarak kullanma, vb. \u201ctoplumsal anla\u015fma<\/em>\u201d modeli olarak niteledi\u011fi ekonomi politikas\u0131 yoksul kitlelerin ve sendikalar\u0131n muhalefetiyle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Peron\u2019un sosyal-ekonomik politikalar\u0131 tar\u0131m ve sanayi oligar\u015fisi taraf\u0131ndan enflasyonist ve istikrars\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor ve kilise, \u2018sivil muhalefet\u2019 ve ordudaki kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan da ele\u015ftiriliyordu. Emek\u00e7i kesimler ve sendikalardan verilen deste\u011fin giderek zay\u0131flamas\u0131yla birlikte iktidar\u0131 sona yakla\u015f\u0131rken, Juan Peron Temmuz 1974’te \u00f6ld\u00fc. \u00d6l\u00fcm\u00fcnden sonra ba\u015fkanl\u0131k g\u00f6revini \u00fcstlenen, sonraki e\u015fi Isabel Peron d\u00f6neminde de istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k ve tepkiler devam etti ve Mart 1976’daki askeri darbeyle Peronist iktidar t\u00fcm\u00fcyle son buldu.<\/p>\n

    II-) Brezilya ve Lula da Silva \u201cPop\u00fclizm\u201di<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Luiz Inacio da Silva’n\u0131n, 2002 ba\u015fkanl\u0131k se\u00e7imlerinde oylar\u0131n y\u00fczde 61\u2019inden fazlas\u0131n\u0131 alarak (52 milyon oy) Brezilya Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 olmas\u0131, pop\u00fclizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n pop\u00fcler hale gelmesinin dayanaklar\u0131ndan bir di\u011feriydi. Brezilya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nin (Partido dos Trabalhadores- PT)[28]<\/a> kurucular\u0131ndan biri de olan Lula, 1 Ocak 2003 tarihinde devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 koltu\u011funa oturdu. Lula ve partisini \u00fclke y\u00f6netimi mevziine ta\u015f\u0131yanlar i\u015f\u00e7iler, i\u015fsizler, topraks\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fcler ve kent-k\u0131r yoksullar\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve sendika k\u00f6keni, se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemlerindeki vaatleri \u201ci\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u2013\u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ve i\u015fsiz durumdaki\u2013, yoksullar\u0131n, ‘az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u2019\u0131n ve t\u00fcm ezilmi\u015flerin temsilcisi<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu-olaca\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki yayg\u0131n anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 besleyen ba\u015fl\u0131ca etkendi. Brezilya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi \u00f6nce belediyelerde ve eyaletlerde, daha sonra \u00fclke d\u00fczeyinde giderek g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanm\u0131\u015f ve Lula’ya olan destek artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Lula ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta se\u00e7ilmi\u015f temsilcilerin kendilerini se\u00e7enlere hesap vermesinden ve halk\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla b\u00fct\u00e7e haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131ndan da s\u00f6z etmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

    Ancak ba\u015fkan se\u00e7ilmesinden sonra \u201czenginli\u011fin ve gelirin yeniden da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine beklentileri bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131karan bir y\u00f6neli\u015fle neoliberal politikalar\u0131 benimsedi ve bu politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylemiyle mevcut sistemin savunusuna y\u00f6neldi.<\/p>\n

    2002 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki se\u00e7im kampanyas\u0131nda d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lar\u0131n \u201c\u00f6denmemesi<\/em>\u201d y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki talepleri ge\u00e7i\u015ftirerek, \u201ca\u00e7l\u0131k ve yoksullukla m\u00fccadele<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cdaha iyi e\u011fitim<\/em>\u201d vaadinde bulunan Lula, IMF ve sermaye \u00e7evrelerine de uzla\u015f\u0131 mesajlar\u0131 verdi. Luiz Inacio da Silva, bir yandan k\u0131tan\u0131n ilerici partileri ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetleriyle di\u011fer yandan ABD ve Avrupal\u0131 emperyalistlerle iyi ili\u015fkiler kurma ve s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme politikas\u0131 izledi. Bu s\u00f6z\u00fcmona \u201cdengeci-arac\u0131 politika<\/em>\u201d, Brezilya\u2019n\u0131n neoliberal ekonomi politikalar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilere y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir alan\u0131 olmas\u0131na hizmet etti. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma ve ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131 k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fti, i\u015fsizlik ve yoksulluk artt\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Lula ve PT\u2019nin \u201csolcu uygulamas\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201cbolsa familia<\/em>\u201d olarak ifade edilen ve yoksul ailelere yard\u0131m ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u201ccesta b\u00e1sica<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131yla baz\u0131 yiyecek maddelerinden olu\u015fturulmu\u015f \u2018yard\u0131m paketi\u2019 ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 yoksul ailelere bir miktar parasal destekten ibaretti. Lula\u2019n\u0131n demagojik s\u00f6yleminde \u201cd\u00fcnyadan izole olmamak<\/em>\u201d \u00f6zel bir \u2018retorik\u2019 haline gelmi\u015fti ve Lula\u2019y\u0131 ihanetle su\u00e7layanlar giderek artmaktayd\u0131.[29]<\/a> \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi h\u00fck\u00fcmeti, Brezilya\u2019n\u0131n bankalarla toprak sahibi ve ticari \u201coligar\u015fisi<\/em>\u201dnin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 zedeleyecek bir y\u00f6nelime girmedi. S\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde, Topraks\u0131z K\u00f6yl\u00fcler Hareketi\u2019nin ve sendikalar\u0131n deste\u011fi azalmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Ekim 2010’da devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerinde yerine ge\u00e7en ve \u201ceski gerilla<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131 nedeniyle de \u201cradikal sol politikalar uygulayabilir<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fclen Dilma Rousseff, Lula d\u00f6nemini de aratan uygulamalar\u0131yla (Dilma h\u00fck\u00fcmeti d\u00f6neminde emeklilik ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n kad\u0131nlarda 60, erkeklerde 65\u2019e \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde haz\u0131rl\u0131klar ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131) geni\u015f emek\u00e7i kesimlerin tepkisine hedef oldu. Lula ve Dilma\u2019n\u0131n \u201cyolsuzluk<\/em>\u201d gerek\u00e7eli su\u00e7lanmalar\u0131 ve cezaya \u00e7arpt\u0131r\u0131lmalar\u0131, PT\u2019nin 2018 ba\u015fkanl\u0131k se\u00e7imlerindeki yenilgisiyle birlikte \u201csol pop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6stermi\u015f oldu.<\/p>\n

    III-) Venezuela ve Hugo Chavez <\/strong><\/p>\n

    Chavez \u00f6ncesi Venezuela’da ba\u015fkanl\u0131k koltu\u011funda oturan Carlos Andres Perez ile, 1974-79 d\u00f6neminde Shell ve Exxon gibi petrol tekellerinin ellerindeki petrol i\u015fletmecili\u011fi millile\u015ftirilerek elde edilecek kaynakla metal\u00fcrji, al\u00fcminyum ve \u00e7elik fabrikalar\u0131n\u0131n in\u015fa edilmesine ve hidroelektrik santrallerin kurulmas\u0131na ba\u015flanmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde baz\u0131 ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak bir s\u00fcre sonra yat\u0131r\u0131mlar durma noktas\u0131na gelmi\u015f, d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 miktar\u0131 artm\u0131\u015f, yolsuzluk yayg\u0131nla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve ekonomide b\u00fcy\u00fck bir durgunluk ba\u015f g\u00f6stermi\u015fti. Bu durumdan \u201cders \u00e7\u0131karan<\/em>\u201d Perez, 1989’da yeniden ba\u015fkanl\u0131k koltu\u011funa oturdu\u011funda, neoliberalizmin uluslararas\u0131 sald\u0131rgan program\u0131na ba\u011flanan ekonomi politikalar\u0131n\u0131 uygulamaya koymaktan geri durmad\u0131.[30]<\/a> Ne var ki, bu ekonomik politikalar kitleler taraf\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00f6fkeyle kar\u015f\u0131lan\u0131yordu. \u015eubat 1989’da petrol fiyatlar\u0131na getirilen y\u00fczde 100’l\u00fck zamm\u0131n kent ula\u015f\u0131m\u0131na yans\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck bir isyana yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131 yay\u0131ld\u0131 ve \u00e7e\u015fitli yerlerde ya\u011fma eylemleri g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc. Perez, \u201cHalk ac\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriler ve protestolar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ifade ediyor. Fakat bunlar\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz oldu\u011funu anlamak zorunday\u0131z<\/em>\u201d diyerek neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131n\u0131 savunmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Bu da tepkilerin artmas\u0131na ve yay\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131.[31]<\/a><\/p>\n

    Hugo Chavez, Venezuela\u2019n\u0131n ekonomik, sosyal ve politik sorunlarla bo\u011fu\u015ftu\u011fu b\u00f6ylesi bir d\u00f6nemde, \u201cyolsuzlu\u011fa batm\u0131\u015f siyaset\u00e7ilerin devrilece\u011fi, yoksullar\u0131n ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n iyile\u015ftirilece\u011fi yeni bir d\u00f6nem<\/em>\u201d vaadiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u201cHalk\u0131n kendi kaderine kendisinin karar verme hakk\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 savundu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor; ABD’nin, IMF ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 gibi uluslararas\u0131 mali sermaye kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n dayatmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. 1980’li y\u0131llarda, \u201cBolivarc\u0131 Devrimci Hareket-200<\/em>\u201d (Movimento Bolivariano Revolucionario-MBR 200) ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi \u201cgizli bir siyasi \u00f6rg\u00fct<\/em>\u201d kuran Albay Chavez, 1992’de kendisine ba\u011fl\u0131 ordu birlikleriyle giri\u015fti\u011fi \u201ciktidara el koyma<\/em>\u201d eyleminde ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olamad\u0131. Teslim olan Chavez, televizyondaki \u00e7ok k\u0131sa a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda \u201cyolda\u015flar<\/em>\u201d diyordu, \u201cbelirlemi\u015f oldu\u011fumuz ama\u00e7lar maalesef \u015fu an i\u00e7in ba\u015fkentte ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmad\u0131\u2026 Yeni olanaklar yine \u00e7\u0131kacak ve \u00fclke kesinlikle daha iyi bir gelece\u011fe y\u00f6nelecek… silahlar\u0131n\u0131z\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131n… Bolivarc\u0131 askeri ayaklanman\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn sorumlulu\u011funu tek ba\u015f\u0131ma \u00fcstleniyorum…<\/em>\u201d[32]<\/a><\/p>\n

    Yanda\u015flar\u0131 ve geni\u015f halk kesimleri bu a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 ileride bir g\u00fcn yeniden iktidar\u0131n al\u0131nmas\u0131na kalk\u0131\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 \u015feklinde anlamland\u0131rd\u0131lar. Bir s\u00fcre sonra cezaevinden \u00e7\u0131kan Chavez, \u201cBe\u015finci Cumhuriyet Partisi<\/em>\u201dni kurarak siyasal faaliyetlerini yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131 ve 2 \u015eubat 1999\u2019da devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na se\u00e7ildi. Kurucu Meclis olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 ve yeni bir Anayasa haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 karar\u0131yla i\u015fe ba\u015flad\u0131. Bu anayasa, Aral\u0131k 1999\u2019da halk onay\u0131na sunularak y\u00fczde 71 oran\u0131ndaki destekle resmile\u015fti. \u201cPlan Bolivar 2000<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi ekonomik sosyal uygulamalar\u0131 ba\u015flatmak \u00fczere petrol \u015firketlerini ulusalla\u015ft\u0131rarak, gelirleriyle in\u015fa projelerini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6neldi. \u201cB\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc geli\u015fme merkezleri<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131 verilen ve \u201cs\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir tar\u0131msal-s\u0131nai yerle\u015fim yerleri<\/em>\u201d olarak kurulmas\u0131 planlanan, halk\u0131n her t\u00fcr gereksinmesinin kar\u015f\u0131lanmas\u0131na uygun (sa\u011fl\u0131k, e\u011fitim, beslenme ve bar\u0131nma) merkezler arac\u0131yla yoksulluk ve i\u015fsizlikle m\u00fccadele edilecek, kooperatif \u00e7ift\u00e7ili\u011fi geli\u015ftirilecek, \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fik \u00e7iftlikler<\/em>\u201d olu\u015fturulacakt\u0131. Geni\u015f bir okuma-yazma seferberli\u011fi ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131. \u00dcretici ve t\u00fcketici kooperatifleri kurularak tar\u0131m reformu y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ad\u0131mlar at\u0131ld\u0131. Topraklar\u0131n, suyun ve enerjinin verimli kullan\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in olu\u015fturulan komitelerde (\u201cBolivarc\u0131 \u00e7evreler<\/em>\u201d) bir araya gelen on binlerce insan\u0131n s\u00fcrece kat\u0131lmas\u0131 sa\u011fland\u0131. Asker-halk yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve askerin \u201cBolivarc\u0131 proje<\/em>\u201dye kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamak \u00fczere ordu mensuplar\u0131 sivil halk kitlelerinin ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerdeki faaliyete kat\u0131lmaya ba\u015flad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

    Carlos Andres Perez ve Caldera d\u00f6neminde ba\u015fvurulan petrol\u00fcn ulusalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 politikas\u0131, petrol i\u015fletmecili\u011finin yabanc\u0131 petrol \u015firketleriyle ortak giri\u015fimler \u015feklinde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesini i\u00e7eriyordu. Chavez, Royal Dutch, Shell, Exxon ve Mobil tekellerinin Venezuela petrol\u00fc \u00fczerinden sa\u011flad\u0131klar\u0131 n\u00fcfuza ve ya\u011fmaya \u201cson vermek<\/em>\u201d \u00fczere petrol\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 ve da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 yeniden ve \u201culusal \u00e7\u0131karlar<\/em>\u201da uygun \u015fekilde d\u00fczenlenmesine karar verdi. Ancak, neoliberalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 sert a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlara olanak tan\u0131may\u0131 da ihmal etmedi. Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilk d\u00f6neminde, \u201cProjemiz ne devlet\u00e7i ne de neoliberal; ikisinin ortas\u0131nda, piyasan\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen eli ile devletin g\u00f6r\u00fcnen elinin birle\u015fti\u011fi bir yer ar\u0131yoruz: Gerekti\u011fi kadar devlet, m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu kadar piyasa<\/em>\u201d demi\u015fti.[33]<\/a> Amerikan emperyalizminin m\u00fcdahalelerine ve neoliberal politikalara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. Yoksullardan, k\u00f6yl\u00fclerden, gecekondularda ya\u015fayanlardan yana s\u00f6ylemiyle \u201cn\u00fcfusun yoksul kesimleri<\/em>\u201dnin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 savunan bir Latin Amerika solcusu olan Chavez\u2019in halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, emperyalizm ku\u015fatmas\u0131 alt\u0131nda ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i hakim s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ekonomik g\u00fcc\u00fc k\u0131r\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n ancak belirli s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7inde ve reformlar d\u00fczeyinde uygulanabilirdi. Chavez y\u00f6netiminde Venezuela elbette sosyalist bir \u00fclke olmad\u0131. Bolivarc\u0131[34]<\/a> yurtsever ve \u201chalk<\/em>\u201d\u00e7\u0131 ekonomi politikas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00f6zelli\u011fi, en belirgin bi\u00e7imi petrol\u00fcn \u201cmillile\u015ftirilmesi<\/em>\u201d ve petrol gelirlerinin halk yarar\u0131na kullan\u0131m\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki uygulamalar olmak \u00fczere, neoliberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6geler i\u00e7ermesiydi. Chavez \u201chalk\u0131n \u00f6zy\u00f6netimi<\/em>\u201dnden s\u00f6z ediyor; bunun i\u00e7in \u00e7e\u015fitli kurullar ve \u201ckonseyler<\/em>\u201din olu\u015fturulaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor, asker-i\u015f\u00e7i ve tar\u0131mla u\u011fra\u015fan k\u0131rsal n\u00fcfus aras\u0131ndaki ba\u011flar\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7in \u201ckolektif \u00e7iftlikler<\/em>\u201d ve kooperatif i\u015fletmecili\u011fini ara\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Onun bu politikas\u0131n\u0131 \u201cBolivarc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sosyalizmle birle\u015ftirilmesi<\/em>\u201d olarak niteleyenler buna bir de isim buldular; \u201cChavismo!<\/em>\u201d Chavez de, \u201chalk\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc oldu\u011fu ve kendi kendini y\u00f6neten demokratik bir toplum<\/em>\u201d hedefinden, bir t\u00fcr \u201ckom\u00fcn devleti<\/em>\u201d olu\u015fumundan, \u00fcretim ve t\u00fcketimin \u201cdevrimci bir anlay\u0131\u015fla \u015fekillendirilmesi<\/em>\u201dnden s\u00f6z ediyordu. Bu \u201cekonomik sosyal ve politik hedefler<\/em>\u201d petrol gelirleriyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek; \u201ctoplumsal adalet<\/em>\u201d sa\u011flanacak, yoksulluk \u201cbitirilecek<\/em>\u201d, \u00fccretsiz sa\u011fl\u0131k merkezleri a\u00e7\u0131lacak, e\u011fitim seferberli\u011fi ilan edilecek, yoksullara yiyecek yard\u0131m\u0131, konutsuzlara bar\u0131nak olana\u011f\u0131 yarat\u0131lacak, toplumun ba\u015fl\u0131ca sorunlar\u0131na b\u00f6ylece \u201c\u00e7are \u00fcretilecek<\/em>\u201dti.[35]<\/a><\/p>\n

    \u0130zledi\u011fi ekonomi politikay\u0131 \u201c21. y\u00fczy\u0131l sosyalizmi<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelemesinin sosyo-iktisadi ve politik dayanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131rsa \u2013bu tart\u0131\u015fma bir\u00e7ok kez yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2013 petrol \u015firketlerini \u201culusala\u015ft\u0131rma\u201d<\/em> politikas\u0131n\u0131n emperyalist ve uluslararas\u0131 sermaye \u00e7evrelerinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6fkeye ve bu \u00f6fkeyle ABD’nin koordine etti\u011fi korkun\u00e7 bask\u0131 ve birbiri ard\u0131na gelen CIA organizasyonu darbelere ra\u011fmen, halk\u0131n\u0131n deste\u011finde \u00f6nemli ba\u015far\u0131lar sa\u011flad\u0131. Chavez\u2019in \u201c21. y\u00fczy\u0131l sosyalizmi<\/em>\u201d olarak tarif etti\u011fi \u015fey, bir tarafta devletin \u201ckamusal<\/em>\u201d uygulamalar\u0131n\u0131n di\u011fer tarafta emperyalist devletler (ba\u015fta ABD) ve uluslararas\u0131 sermaye ile i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7indeki kapitalistlerin y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte olmaya devam eden \u201csistemi<\/em>\u201d olmak \u00fczere bir t\u00fcr karma ekonomi politikayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Ancak bu politika b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve politik-askeri temsilcilerinin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 faaliyetlerine son verici \u00f6zellikte de\u011fildi. Emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesini olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lan ekonomik-toplumsal ko\u015fullar var olmaya devam ediyordu. Chavez sosyalist de\u011fil anti-emperyalist \u201culusal devrimci<\/em>\u201d bir politikac\u0131yd\u0131. Simon Bolivar’\u0131n Latin Amerika halklar\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve ulusal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k de\u011ferlerinde tuttu\u011fu \u201cmerkezi konum<\/em>\u201du sahiplenerek Latin halklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda ABD emperyalizmi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 duygular\u0131n ve m\u00fccadele isteminin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulundu. Venezuela halk\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan sahiplenilip korundu ve desteklendi. ABD ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere kapitalist emperyalist d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131 ise Chavez\u2019in politikas\u0131n\u0131 \u201cd\u00fcnya sistemine y\u00f6neltilmi\u015f bir tehdit<\/em>\u201d kapsam\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcp g\u00f6stererek Venezuela\u2019y\u0131 teslim almak i\u00e7in suikastlerden ayaklanma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131na, ambargo ve sabotajlardan darbelere her yol ve araca ba\u015fvurdular. Bu emperyalist sald\u0131r\u0131 ve y\u0131k\u0131m politikalar\u0131 bug\u00fcn de devam ediyor.<\/p>\n

      \n
    1. B)<\/strong> \u201cPop\u00fclist\u201d kurgunun Avrupa\u2019daki dayanaklar\u0131<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

      \u201cPop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n dayanak ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 geli\u015fmelerin Avrupa\u2019daki \u00f6rnekleri aras\u0131nda, \u201cpop\u00fclist sol<\/em>\u201dun temsiliyle \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lanlar Syriza ve Podemos\u2019tur. Syriza ve Podemos, \u201csol pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201din Avrupa\u2019daki \u201ciki g\u00f6steren<\/em>\u201di olarak \u201chalk\u0131n taleplerine yan\u0131t olu\u015fturacak politikalar izleme<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar ve yoksul ve ezilen kitlelerin \u00f6nemlice bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn deste\u011fini ald\u0131lar. Kapitalist \u201cekonomik sosyal d\u00fczen<\/em>\u201di a\u015fma hedef ve politikas\u0131na sahip olmayan reformcu sosyal demokratik bir platformdan yeni ve ‘daha demokratik’ d\u00fczenlemeleri talep ediyorlard\u0131. Se\u00e7im kampanyas\u0131 ve \u00f6ncesinde y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc propaganda ve vaat ettikleriyle deste\u011fini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 kitlelerin istemlerine ra\u011fmen, \u00f6nceki s\u00f6ylemine ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fecek \u015fekilde, \u201cyap\u0131labilir ba\u015fka sey kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 ileri s\u00fcren Syriza liderli\u011fi h\u00fck\u00fcmette yer ald\u0131 ve AB \u201cTroykas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n -\u00f6zellikle Alman emperyalizmi- dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018ya\u011fma plan\u0131\u2019n\u0131 kabullendi. Mali sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na denk d\u00fc\u015fen bu plan\u0131 uygulamaya koydu.<\/p>\n

      K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva reformist bir platform \u00fczerinden kitlelere seslenen Podemos ise, \u201ciktidar<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cinsanlar<\/em>\u201d kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan s\u00f6z etmekte; \u201cyurtta\u015flar<\/em>\u201d\u0131 ve \u201cinsanlar<\/em>\u201d\u0131 s\u00f6yleminin merkezine yerle\u015ftirmektedir. Belirli bir \u201cyurt<\/em>\u201d \u00f6zg\u00fcl\u00fcnde herkesin \u201cyurtta\u015f<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cinsan<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131, insanlar\u0131 kendisine gelmeye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131ran bu hareketin ve liderli\u011finin burjuvaziye a\u00e7\u0131k yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergesiydi. Bu hareketin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7eken Pablo Iglesias, \u00fclkede bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik olmas\u0131n\u0131 istediklerini ve bunun i\u00e7in de \u201ct\u00fcm \u00fclkeyi davet ettik<\/em>\u201dlerini s\u00f6ylemekteydi. Kendi platformlar\u0131 ve pratikleriyle kan\u0131tlad\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fczere bu t\u00fcrden \u2018sol\u2019 parti ve hareketlerin hedefi kapitalizm i\u00e7inde baz\u0131 taleplerin kar\u015f\u0131lanmas\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece Syriza\u2019n\u0131n de\u011fil benzeri platformlar\u0131 benimseyen partilerin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve alt-orta burjuva kesimlerin s\u0131n\u0131fsal zemininden hareketle tekelci sermaye politikalar\u0131na alternatif olma olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, bu t\u00fcr parti ve hareketlerin s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131 belirler. Buna kar\u015f\u0131 ciddi bir engel ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc birli\u011fi ve devrimci giri\u015fkenli\u011fiyle olu\u015fturulabilir. Ne var ki, i\u00e7inde bulunulan ko\u015fullarda bu m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[36]<\/a><\/p>\n

      Avrupa\u2019daki geli\u015fmelerin daha da \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 olan bir di\u011fer g\u00f6stergesi ise, sa\u011f gerici ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-Neonazi hareketlerin y\u00fckseli\u015f g\u00f6stermesidir. Bu t\u00fcrden parti ve hareketler, \u00f6zellikle Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n Bat\u0131 ve Do\u011fu \u00fclkelerinde kitlesel g\u00f6\u00e7 dalgas\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201ctehlike<\/em>\u201dyi istismar ederek ve sosyal-iktisadi kimi talepleri kullanarak, baz\u0131lar\u0131nda parlamentoya girecek ve hatta iktidar orta\u011f\u0131 olacak \u015fekilde g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131lar.[37]<\/a> Mali sermaye ve tekellerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 esas alan neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131 nedeniyle eski durumlar\u0131 daha da sars\u0131l\u0131p istikrars\u0131zla\u015fan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuva kesimlerin durumundan yararlanman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra emek\u00e7i kesimlerin i\u00e7inde bulunduklar\u0131 ekonomik sosyal yoksunluk ve politik bask\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131na tepkilerini de s\u00f6ylem konusu yapan bu parti ve hareketlerin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmalar\u0131, burjuva kapitalist sistemin uluslararas\u0131 ve her bir \u00fclkede kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya bulundu\u011fu sorunlardan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fildir. Neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131nda birle\u015fen \u201ccumhuriyet\u00e7i ve demokrat<\/em>\u201d, \u201cH\u0131ristiyan demokrat-Sosyal demokrat<\/em>\u201d, \u201cMuhafazakar Parti-\u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi<\/em>\u201d gibi \u201cmerkez partileri<\/em>\u201dnin burjuva demokrasisinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 emek\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 olmak \u00fczere daha fazla daraltmalar\u0131 ve sosyal ekonomik ko\u015fullar\u0131n emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan giderek a\u011f\u0131rla\u015fmas\u0131, liberal reformist sol hareketlerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 sa\u011f gerici, fa\u015fizan ve fa\u015fist partilerin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in uygun bir ortam ve zemin olu\u015fturdu. Almanya, Fransa, Avusturya, Hollanda, \u0130talya gibi \u00fclkelerde \u201cmerkez partisi<\/em>\u201d konumundaki partiler, neoliberal politikalar\u0131 uygulayarak, sosyal ve politik haklar\u0131 k\u0131s\u0131tlayarak daha fazla ‘sa\u011fc\u0131la\u015fma\u2019lar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, daha otoriter bir politikay\u0131 temsil eden sa\u011f-\u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f<\/em>\u201d partiler i\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk, istikrars\u0131zl\u0131k, g\u00f6\u00e7 ve m\u00fclteci sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da \u201chalk<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201ckitlelerin<\/em>\u201d aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla aralar\u0131nda riyak\u00e2rca bir ba\u011f kurarak, ger\u00e7ekte emperyalist-kapitalist sistem yarar\u0131na i\u015flevli olacak \u015fekilde g\u00fc\u00e7 toplayabildiler.[38]<\/a> Bu \u00fclkelerin halklar\u0131na s\u00f6ylenen, giderek artan ve g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanan \u015fekilde \u201cdevlet sistemleri<\/em>\u201d ve \u201crefah d\u00fczenleri<\/em>\u201dnin \u201cyabanc\u0131 tehlike alt\u0131na girmekte oldu\u011fu<\/em>\u201dydu! Tekelci gruplar\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan da desteklenen fa\u015fist ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 politikac\u0131 ve partiler Avusturya, Macaristan gibi Avrupa \u00fclkelerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Brezilya’da da ba\u015fkanl\u0131k ya da h\u00fck\u00fcmetler d\u00fczeyinde mevzi kazand\u0131lar. Macaristan\u2019da Viktor Orban\u2019\u0131n partisi \u201cMacar Yurtta\u015flar Birli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d (Fidesz) y\u00fczde 49.1 oyla ba\u015fa ge\u00e7ti. Fransa\u2019da Ulusal Cephe 2002 ve 2018 Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Se\u00e7imleri\u2019nde ikinci tura kal\u0131rken, Marine Le Pen 2012 Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Se\u00e7imleri\u2019nde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fczde 17.9 oy oran\u0131n\u0131 2018 se\u00e7imlerinde y\u00fczde 21.7\u2019ye \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131.<\/p>\n

      Hollanda\u2019da Geert Wilders liderli\u011findeki PVV, \u0130slam ve yabanc\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 politika \u00fczerinden g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc destekle parlamentodaki milletvekili say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 6’dan (2006) 2010\u2019da 24\u2019e \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. 2012\u2019de 15 milletvekili kazanan FN, 2014 Avrupa Parlamentosu se\u00e7imlerinde y\u00fczde 24.86 oran\u0131nda oy ald\u0131. Yunanistan\u2019da a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 \u201cAlt\u0131n \u015eafak Partisi<\/em>\u201d (Golden Dawn) ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde AP se\u00e7imlerinde y\u00fczde 9.38, Avusturya \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Partisi (FP\u00d6) ise y\u00fczde 19.7 oy ald\u0131. \u0130svi\u00e7re gibi, burjuva demokrasisinden s\u00f6z edildi\u011finde hemen akla gelen bir \u00fclkede sa\u011f gerici politikalar\u0131yla tan\u0131nan SVP-UVO, y\u00fczde 20-30 civar\u0131nda oy toplayabildi.<\/p>\n

      Almanya’da, Nazi barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 toplumsal ya\u015famda a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bug\u00fcn de hissettirmesine ve CDU, CSU, FPD gibi muhafazak\u00e2r H\u0131ristiyan demokrat ve liberal partilerin \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde s\u00fcreklilik g\u00f6steren etkin konumuna ra\u011fmen, Nazi ge\u00e7mi\u015fe sahip \u00e7\u0131kan NPD\u2019nin nispeten dar kalan deste\u011fi say\u0131lmazsa, yabanc\u0131 ve \u0130slam kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131, ve fa\u015fizan politikalara sahip AfD, son se\u00e7imlerde merkezi parlamentoda 87 milletvekiliyle temsil olacak denli destek g\u00f6rebildi.<\/p>\n

      Almanya, Avusturya ve \u0130talya\u2019da Yahudi d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cgeri d\u00f6nd\u00fc<\/em>\u201d.[39]<\/a> \u0130talyan yazar Umberto Eco, bu durumdan s\u00f6z ederken, \u201cSanki tarih, ge\u00e7mi\u015f iki bin y\u0131l boyunca yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131\u00e7ray\u0131\u015flardan yorulmu\u015f, kendi \u00fczerine sarmalan\u0131yor ve Gelenek\u2019in avutucu ihti\u015fam\u0131na geri d\u00f6n\u00fcyor<\/em>\u201d diye yazd\u0131.[40]<\/a><\/p>\n

      Avusturya, Polonya, Macaristan, Hollanda ve \u0130svi\u00e7re \u00f6rnekleri, Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde yabanc\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ayr\u0131mlar politikas\u0131 izleyen \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-\u015foven ve fa\u015fist partilerin h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerde yer almas\u0131 veya Macaristan\u2019da oldu\u011fu \u00fczere \u201cmerkez<\/em>\u201de yerle\u015fmesini, bu \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131l\u0131klar<\/em>\u201d\u0131n sistem i\u00e7inde liberalize edilmesi olana\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6steren anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n aksine, daha geni\u015f \u00e7evreler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan me\u015frula\u015fmas\u0131na hizmet etti. Kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131na ger\u00e7ekte herhangi itirazlar\u0131 olmayan ve fakat, i\u015fsizlik ve yoksullu\u011fu da \u00fcreten bu sistemin kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7mazlar\u0131 \u201cdurmaks\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7o\u011falan yabanc\u0131lar<\/em>\u201d\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na; g\u00f6\u00e7men ve m\u00fcltecilere yap\u0131lan yard\u0131mlara ba\u011flayan ve \u201cpop\u00fclist\u201d<\/em> olarak g\u00f6sterilmek istenen \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f<\/em>\u201d ve yabanc\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 partilerin sermayenin \u201cmerkez partileri<\/em>\u201dnin politikalar\u0131na muhalefetini belirleyen, burjuvazinin s\u0131n\u0131f diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc (bi\u00e7imleri de\u011fi\u015fmekle birlikte) kar\u015f\u0131ya almas\u0131 de\u011fil, onun kendileri y\u00f6netiminde yeniden ve daha etkin bi\u00e7imlerde tesis edilmesi istem ve hedefidir.<\/p>\n

      Sa\u011f gerici ve s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona \u201cpop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d parti ve hareketlerin \u201cEstablishment<\/em>\u201d (kurulu d\u00fczen) \u201ckar\u015f\u0131t\u0131<\/em>\u201d arg\u00fcmanlar kullanmalar\u0131, gerici ve fa\u015fist demagojinin manip\u00fclatif hileleri aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. Son d\u00f6nemlerin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan bir \u00f6rne\u011fi, Macaristan\u2019da Ba\u015fbakan Viktor Orban\u2019\u0131n \u201cliberal demokrasi<\/em>\u201dyi k\u00f6t\u00fcleyici s\u00f6ylemidir. Ancak, fa\u015fist, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 partilerin \u201culusal g\u00fcvenlik endi\u015fesi<\/em>\u201dni, yabanc\u0131 n\u00fcfus ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na ba\u011flayarak \u00fclkelerinin \u201cgeri ve cahil topluluklar\u0131n istilas\u0131na u\u011frama<\/em>\u201ddan s\u00f6z etmeleri; \u201cyabanc\u0131 i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc ak\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve g\u00f6\u00e7menleri i\u015fsizlik ve yoksullu\u011fun nedeni g\u00f6stermeleri, bu sorunlar\u0131n kapitalist kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rt\u00fclmesinden yarar bekleyen sistem g\u00fc\u00e7leri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, ger\u00e7ekte bir \u201cnormal d\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6stermez. \u201cSa\u011f pop\u00fclist politikalar<\/em>\u201da burjuva \u201cmerkez<\/em>\u201dden y\u00f6neltilen su\u00e7lamalar bu bak\u0131mdan siyasal riyak\u00e2rl\u0131kla maluld\u00fcr.[41]<\/a> K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuva kesimler ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere kitlelerin belirli kesimlerinin sosyal ekonomik baz\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 ve geleneksel \u201cmilli ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fer yarg\u0131lar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n tahriki ve istismar\u0131ndan g\u00fc\u00e7 alan ve \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan sermaye partileri, toplumun ezilen kesimlerinin baz\u0131 taleplerini s\u00f6ylem konusu yapmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bu kesimleri kapitalizme ba\u011fl\u0131 tutma politikas\u0131 izlerler. \u201cSa\u011f pop\u00fclizm<\/em>\u201d \u015foven ideolojik-politik karakteriyle k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuva kesimlerin tekelci burjuvaziye yedeklenmesinin arac\u0131 olmakla kalmaz, belirli ko\u015fullarda ve \u00fclkelerde tekelci gericili\u011fin y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik manip\u00fclasyon politikas\u0131 olarak da belirir. \u201cSa\u011f pop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d politikalarla tekelci sermayenin en gerici ve ter\u00f6rist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc (fa\u015fizm) aras\u0131na do\u011frusal bir hat \u00e7izilemese de, tarihsel deneyim, fa\u015fizme evrilmesinin ya da yedek g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak ba\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde ciddi engeller olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na; bu gibi partilerin eninde sonunda mali sermaye ve tekellerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n hizmetinde olduklar\u0131na i\u015faret etmektedir. \u201cUlusal ma\u011fduriyet<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemiyle ba\u015fka halklara y\u00f6nelik \u015fovenizm, \u201csa\u011f pop\u00fclist<\/em>\u201d politikan\u0131n da fa\u015fist hareketin de beslenme damarlar\u0131ndan biridir. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fin miras\u0131ndan \u201ckutlu<\/em>\u201d dayanaklar bulup \u201cmilli bir yeniden dirili\u015f<\/em>\u201d ; \u201cmilletin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne dayanan \u015fahlanm\u0131\u015f yeni bir \u00fclke<\/em>\u201d i\u015faret etmek sa\u011f pop\u00fclist politikan\u0131n oldu\u011fu denli fa\u015fist gericili\u011fin ter\u00f6rist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n da malzemesini olu\u015fturur.<\/p>\n

      devam edecek\u2026<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

      [1]<\/a> Yetkin, B. (2016) Pop\u00fclizmin G\u00f6lgesinde Siyaseti ve Siyasal \u0130leti\u015fimi Anlamak, Akademia, 4\/3, 68-82, https:\/\/www.academia.edu\/21423321\/Pop%C3%BClizmin_G%C3%B6lgesinde_Siyaset_ve_Siyasal_%C4%B0leti%C5%9Fimi_Anlamak?auto=download<\/p>\n

      [2]<\/a> Leaman, D. (2006) Latin Amerika\u2019da Pop\u00fclizmin De\u011fi\u015fen Y\u00fczleri: Maskeler, Makyajlar ve S\u00fcregelen \u00d6zellikler, Praksis, \u00c7eviren: Burak S\u00f6nmezer, 14, 311-324.<\/p>\n

      [3]<\/a> Jager, A. (2018) Pop\u00fclizm Sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00d6n Saflar\u0131nda, Birikim Dergisi, \u00c7eviren: Naz Deniz Atik, http:\/\/www.birikimdergisi.com\/guncel-yazilar\/8970\/populizm-savaslarinin-on-saflarinda#.XGuVuOgzY2w<\/p>\n

      [4]<\/a> J\u00e4ger, Pop\u00fclizm Sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00d6n Saflar\u0131nda<\/p>\n

      [5]<\/a> Leaman, Latin Amerika\u2019da Pop\u00fclizmin De\u011fi\u015fen Y\u00fczleri, sf. 319, 324.<\/p>\n

      [6]<\/a> \u00c7etin, Pop\u00fclizmin G\u00f6lgesinde Siyaseti ve Siyasal \u0130leti\u015fimi Anlamak, sf. 68-69.<\/p>\n

      [7]<\/a> Laclau, E. (2018) Pop\u00fclist Ak\u0131l \u00dczerine, \u00c7eviren: Nur Bet\u00fcl \u00c7elik, \u0130stanbul: Epos Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

      [8]<\/a> Finchelstein, F. (2019) Fa\u015fizmden Pop\u00fclizme, \u00c7eviren: Ali Karatay, \u0130stanbul: \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 20.<\/p>\n

      [9]<\/a> Raby, D.L. (2017) G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Latin Amerika ve Sosyalizm, \u00c7eviren: Ertan G\u00fcnciner, \u0130stanbul: Yordam Kitap, sf. 38-39.<\/p>\n

      [10]<\/a> Canovan\u2019dan aktaran \u0130slamo\u011flu, M. (2012) 2008 K\u00fcresel Krizi Sonras\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da Y\u00fckselen Pop\u00fclist Hareketler, T.C. \u0130stanbul \u00dcniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc, Avrupa Birli\u011fi Anabilim Dal\u0131, Y\u00fcksek Lisans Tezi, http:\/\/acikerisim.istanbul.edu.tr\/bitstream\/handle\/123456789\/31359\/49738.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y<\/a><\/p>\n

      [11]<\/a> Touraine\u2019den aktaran Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, Y. (2017) Liberal Demokrasinin Krizi Ba\u011flam\u0131nda Avrupa\u2019da Sa\u011f-Pop\u00fclizm ve Y\u00fckselen A\u015f\u0131r\u0131-Sa\u011f, Amme \u0130daresi Dergisi (A\u0130D), Cilt 50, Say\u0131 2, sf. 54.<\/p>\n

      [12]<\/a> Wallerstein, I. (2000) “Liberalizm ve Demokrasi: Bildi\u011fimiz D\u00fcnyan\u0131n Sonu, \u00c7eviren: Tuncay Birkan, \u0130stanbul: Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 100-118.<\/p>\n

      [13]<\/a> Eco, U. (2012) Yenge\u00e7 Ad\u0131mlar\u0131yla S\u0131cak Sava\u015flar ve Medyatik Pop\u00fclizm, \u00c7eviren: \u015eemsa Gezgin; \u0130stanbul: Do\u011fan Egmont Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, sf. 14-15.<\/p>\n

      [14]<\/a> Eco, Yenge\u00e7 Ad\u0131mlar\u0131yla S\u0131cak Sava\u015flar ve Medyatik Pop\u00fclizm, sf. 160-161.<\/p>\n

      [15]<\/a> Eco, Yenge\u00e7 Ad\u0131mlar\u0131yla S\u0131cak Sava\u015flar ve Medyatik Pop\u00fclizm, sf. 161.<\/p>\n

      [16]<\/a> Arditi, B. (2010) Liberalizmin K\u0131y\u0131lar\u0131nda Siyaset, \u00c7eviren: Emine Ayhan, \u0130stanbul: Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 113-114.<\/p>\n

      [17]<\/a> Toprak, Z. (1992) “Pop\u00fclizm ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki Boyutlar\u0131”, Tarih ve Demokrasi:Tar\u0131k Zafer Tunaya\u2019ya Arma\u011fan, \u0130stanbul; Cem Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 41.<\/p>\n

      [18]<\/a> Belge, M. (2016) AKP ve Pop\u00fclizm, Birikim, http:\/\/www.birikimdergisi.com\/haftalik\/7824\/akp-ve-populizm#.XGhS3-RKhdg<\/u><\/p>\n

      [19]<\/a> Sara\u00e7o\u011flu, C. (2017) Sa\u011f Pop\u00fclizm, Fa\u015fizm ve “G\u00fcn\u00fcn Ruhu”: Kavramsal Bir Tart\u0131\u015fma, http:\/\/avrupaforum.org\/sag-populizm-fasizm-gunun-ruhu-kavramsal-bir-tartisma-cenk-saracoglu\/<\/p>\n

      [20]<\/a> Sara\u00e7o\u011flu, C. (2017) Sa\u011f Pop\u00fclizm ve Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Y\u00f6ntemsel Bir Tart\u0131\u015fma: K\u00fcresel \u00d6r\u00fcnt\u00fcler ve Ulusal \u00d6zg\u00fcll\u00fckleri Birlikte Anlamak, Praksis, 44-45: 1081-1105, https:\/\/www.academia.edu\/36417889\/Sa%C4%9F_Pop%C3%BClizm_ve_Fa%C5%9Fizm_%C3%9Czerine_Y%C3%B6ntemsel_Bir_Tart%C4%B1%C5%9Fma_K%C3%BCresel_%C3%96r%C3%BCnt%C3%BCler_ve_Ulusal_%C3%96zg%C3%BCll%C3%BCkleri_Birlikte_Anlamak<\/p>\n

      [21]<\/a> Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, Liberal Demokrasinin Krizi\u2026, sf. 51-53.<\/p>\n

      [22]<\/a> Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, Liberal Demokrasinin Krizi\u2026, sf. 58.<\/p>\n

      [23]<\/a> Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, Liberal Demokrasinin Krizi\u2026, sf. 55.<\/p>\n

      [24]<\/a> Gott, R. (2008) Hugo Chavez ve Bolivarc\u0131 Devrim, \u00c7eviren: Hasan B\u00f6\u011f\u00fcn, \u0130stanbul: Yordam Kitap, sf. 93-94.<\/p>\n

      [25]<\/a> Salvador Allende 1970\u2019te \u015eili devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na se\u00e7ildi. \u015eili\u2019nin “milli varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n \u015eili\u2019ye ait olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi<\/em>“ni savunan Dr. Allende, uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin ve emperyalist ABD\u2019nin bask\u0131 ve tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcnden kurtulmu\u015f bir \u00fclke isteyen i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, gen\u00e7li\u011fin, yoksul kesimlerin deste\u011fiyle ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011fa se\u00e7ilmi\u015fti. Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011fa se\u00e7ilmesiyle birlikte \u00e7elik, k\u00f6m\u00fcr ve bak\u0131r i\u015fletmelerinin “ulusalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>“na karar verdi. \u00dccretler art\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131, fiyatlar donduruldu, s\u00fct gibi baz\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcnler devlet taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcbvanse edildi. Amerikan emperyalizminin buna tahamm\u00fcl\u00fc yoktu. Richard Nixon y\u00f6netimi, Allende\u2019nin “Uluslararas\u0131 Telefon ve Telgraf \u015eirketi<\/em>” gibi \u00e7ok uluslu b\u00fcy\u00fck ABD \u015firketlerini “millile\u015ftirme<\/em>” ve emek\u00e7ilerden yana bir ekonomi politikas\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesini engellemek i\u00e7in i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i generalleri harekete ge\u00e7irdi. Amerikanc\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler, Allende y\u00f6netiminin “yasal ve uluslararas\u0131 hukuk \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde kalarak m\u00fccadele etme<\/em>” anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan cesaret alarak sabotaj eylemlerini art\u0131rd\u0131lar. \u00d6nce “Ulusal Kamyon Sahipleri Konfederasyonu<\/em>“nun \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 ve planlamas\u0131yla 70 bin kamyonun kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kamyoncular greviyle ekonomiyi “fel\u00e7 etme<\/em>“ye y\u00f6neldiler. Allende y\u00f6netimini bu eylemle y\u0131kamay\u0131nca da do\u011frudan darbeye giri\u015ftiler. 11 Eyl\u00fcl 1973’te Salvador Allende ve binlerce \u015eilili yurtsever, ilerici, devrimci ve sosyalistin katledildi\u011fi ve ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131, ipleri ABD ve CIA\u2019n\u0131n elinde olan general Augusto Pinochet’nin \u00e7ekti\u011fi fa\u015fist askeri darbe ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin kendilerini fa\u015fist generallerin tankl\u0131-toplu, bombard\u0131man u\u00e7akl\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 savunma ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan yoksun olu\u015fu, “sosyalist y\u00f6netim<\/em>“in y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Geriye ilerici sol \u00e7evrelerin, “sosyalist<\/em>“, kom\u00fcnist ve \u00e7e\u015fitli di\u011fer demokrat \u00e7evre ve gruplar\u0131n ittifakla birle\u015ftikleri “Halk Cephesi<\/em>“nin sloganlar\u0131, Victor Jara\u2019n\u0131n kesilmi\u015f dili ve kollar\u0131, ve silah elde Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Saray\u0131 merdivenlerinde d\u00f6v\u00fc\u015fe kat\u0131lan Allende’nin \u015eili halk\u0131na, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerine y\u00f6nelik ve gelece\u011fe dair umudu i\u00e7eren s\u00f6zleri ve katledilmi\u015f binlerce i\u015f\u00e7i, gen\u00e7, kad\u0131n ve erke\u011fin yi\u011fit\u00e7e direni\u015finin miras\u0131 kald\u0131. (Gutierrez, T. (2003) 11 Eyl\u00fcl 1973: \u015ei\u015fi Darbesinden Dersler, \u00c7eviren: Bahad\u0131r \u00c7etinay, https:\/\/m.bianet.org\/bianet\/siyaset\/23560-11-eylul-1973-sili-darbesinden-dersler)<\/p>\n

      [26]<\/a> “Cabecitas negras<\/em>” ad\u0131n\u0131 alan ve Peron\u2019u destekleyen kesimlerin daha sonra “Descamisados<\/em>” (G\u00f6mleksizler) ad\u0131yla Arjantin\u2019de olu\u015fturduklar\u0131 bask\u0131 grubu.<\/p>\n

      [27]<\/a> Arjantin\u2019de Juan Domingo Peron D\u00f6nemi (2013), www.politikaakademisi.org\/2013\/09\/18\/arjantinde-juan-domingo-peron-donemi\/<\/p>\n

      [28]<\/a> \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi” (Partido Trabalhadores- PT) 10 \u015eubat 1980’de Lula\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi sendikac\u0131lar ve ayd\u0131nlar ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere toplumun \u00e7e\u015fitli di\u011fer kesimlerinden temsilcilerle birlikte kuruldu. PT, ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta sosyal demokrat partilerin politikalar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftiriyor; daha ileri hedefleri i\u015faret ediyordu.<\/p>\n

      [29]<\/a> \u0130hanetle su\u00e7lanan bir di\u011fer lider Daniel Ortega idi. 1970’li y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda Nikaragua’da zafer kazanan Sandinistler, liberal bir “karma ekonomi politika<\/em>” \u00e7izgisi izlediler. “\u00c7o\u011fulcu<\/em>” liberal siyasal sistem y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte kald\u0131. Tar\u0131m reformu kapsam\u0131nda baz\u0131 ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmakla birlikte ekonomideki \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6r varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 hakim unsur olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Sandinist y\u00f6netim, izledi\u011fi politikalar\u0131n handikaplar\u0131yla giderek daha belirgin bi\u00e7imde kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131 ve 1990’lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndaki se\u00e7imler sonucunda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yenilgiyle geriye d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n

      [30]<\/a> \u0130hanetle su\u00e7lanan bir di\u011fer lider Daniel Ortega idi. 1970’li y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda Nikaragua’da zafer kazanan Sandinistler, liberal bir “karma ekonomi politika<\/em>” \u00e7izgisi izlediler. “\u00c7o\u011fulcu<\/em>” liberal siyasal sistem y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte kald\u0131. Tar\u0131m reformu kapsam\u0131nda baz\u0131 ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmakla birlikte ekonomideki \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6r varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 hakim unsur olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Sandinist y\u00f6netim, izledi\u011fi politikalar\u0131n handikaplar\u0131yla giderek daha belirgin bi\u00e7imde kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131 ve 1990’lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndaki se\u00e7imler sonucunda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yenilgiyle geriye d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n

      [31]<\/a> \u0130hanetle su\u00e7lanan bir di\u011fer lider Daniel Ortega idi. 1970’li y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda Nikaragua’da zafer kazanan Sandinistler, liberal bir “karma ekonomi politika<\/em>” \u00e7izgisi izlediler. “\u00c7o\u011fulcu<\/em>” liberal siyasal sistem y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckte kald\u0131. Tar\u0131m reformu kapsam\u0131nda baz\u0131 ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmakla birlikte ekonomideki \u00f6zel sekt\u00f6r varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 hakim unsur olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Sandinist y\u00f6netim, izledi\u011fi politikalar\u0131n handikaplar\u0131yla giderek daha belirgin bi\u00e7imde kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131 ve 1990’lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndaki se\u00e7imler sonucunda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yenilgiyle geriye d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n

      [32]<\/a> Gott, Hugo Chavez ve Bolivarc\u0131 Devrim, sf. 32.<\/p>\n

      [33]<\/a> Gott, Hugo Chavez ve Bolivarc\u0131 Devrim, sf. 184.<\/p>\n

      [34]<\/a> Simon Bolivar, 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca Latin Amerika\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci boyunduruktan kurtulmas\u0131 ve Venezuela, Ekvador, Kolombiya, Peru ve Panama ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere Latin halklar\u0131n\u0131n birle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden ve anti s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci m\u00fccadelenin en \u00f6nemli isimlerinden biridir. Hugo Chavez, Bolivar\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 birle\u015ftirici ‘misyonu\u2019nu ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir Venezuela ve Latin Amerika i\u00e7in y\u00f6n g\u00f6sterici sayarak sahiplenmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

      [35]<\/a> Counterpunch, S. S. (2017) Venezuela’s Communal Movement,\u00a0 https:\/\/venezuelanalysis.com\/analysis\/12865<\/a><\/p>\n

      [36]<\/a> Burada Syriza ve Podemos’un geni\u015f\u00e7e bir de\u011ferlendirmesine giri\u015filmeyecek. Syriza \u00fczerine daha geni\u015f bir bilgi i\u00e7in Teori ve Eylem’in 22. say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan Arif Ko\u015far\u2019\u0131n \u201c\u2018Sol\u2019un Syriza s\u0131nav\u0131: Trajedi de\u011fil reformizm\u201d makalesine bak\u0131labilir. http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/2018\/09\/syriza-trajedi-degil-reformizm\/<\/p>\n

      [37]<\/a> Sa\u011f gerici ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 partilerin istismar ettikleri kitlesel g\u00f6\u00e7 ve ya\u015fan\u0131lan topraklar\u0131 terk e\u011filiminin ‘ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f hareketi\u2019ne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve neoliberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131mla dolays\u0131zca ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131. Yoksulluk, a\u00e7l\u0131k ve i\u015fsizlik sorununun devasa denilebilecek boyutlar\u0131yla ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 Afrika \u00fclkeleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere ve sava\u015flar nedeniyle ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131 giderek artan \u015fekilde tehdit alt\u0131nda g\u00f6ren Ortado\u011fu-Kuzey Afrika halklar\u0131, milyonlar\u0131 bulan kitleleriyle yollara d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler. Y\u00f6neli\u015f, AB’nin klasik kapitalist \u00fclkeleriyle ABD ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere d\u00fcnyan\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fcmona “refah \u00fclkeleri<\/em>“ne idi.<\/p>\n

      [38]<\/a> Sa\u011f gerici ve yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 partilerin istismar ettikleri kitlesel g\u00f6\u00e7 ve ya\u015fan\u0131lan topraklar\u0131 terk e\u011filiminin ‘ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f hareketi\u2019ne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve neoliberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131mla dolays\u0131zca ba\u011fl\u0131yd\u0131. Yoksulluk, a\u00e7l\u0131k ve i\u015fsizlik sorununun devasa denilebilecek boyutlar\u0131yla ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 Afrika \u00fclkeleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere ve sava\u015flar nedeniyle ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131 giderek artan \u015fekilde tehdit alt\u0131nda g\u00f6ren Ortado\u011fu-Kuzey Afrika halklar\u0131, milyonlar\u0131 bulan kitleleriyle yollara d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler. Y\u00f6neli\u015f, AB’nin klasik kapitalist \u00fclkeleriyle ABD ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere d\u00fcnyan\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fcmona “refah \u00fclkeleri<\/em>“ne idi.<\/p>\n

      [39]<\/a> H\u0131ristiyan ve \u0130slam k\u00f6ktendincili\u011fi, Darwin\u2019in evrim teorisi kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fli\u011finde “medeniyetler \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>” teori ve s\u00f6ylemleri yeniden g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131. Siyonist y\u00f6netim, \u0130srail devletinin “Yahudi<\/em>” kimli\u011fini yasala\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Ge\u00e7mi\u015f tarihlerinde b\u00fcy\u00fck imparatorluklara sahne olmu\u015f T\u00fcrkiye, Avusturya-Macaristan, \u0130talya gibi \u00fclkelerde, “imparatorluklar\u0131n ihti\u015faml\u0131 tarihi<\/em>“ne methiyeler yeniden d\u00fcz\u00fclmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. \u015eoven milliyet\u00e7i ideoloji, “gelenek ve g\u00f6reneklere ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>” ve “ecdad\u0131n miras\u0131<\/em>” t\u00fcr\u00fc “asar-\u0131 atika<\/em>” malzemeyle takviye edildi. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ba\u015fkenti Ankara\u2019da Osmanl\u0131 k\u00fclliyecili\u011fiyle modern kapitalist yap\u0131 kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 saraylarda “yeni bir tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131<\/em>” ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131. “Rabia selam\u0131<\/em>“,”\u00fc\u00e7 hilal<\/em>“li “tek millet<\/em>” \u015fovenizmiyle hemhal olmu\u015f vaziyette yay\u0131lmac\u0131 militarizmin devlet \u015feklini i\u015faret eden anahtar\u0131 oldu, vb.<\/p>\n

      [40]<\/a> Eco, Yenge\u00e7 Ad\u0131mlar\u0131yla…, sf. 14.<\/p>\n

      [41]<\/a> “G\u00f6\u00e7 ve yabanc\u0131lar sorunu<\/em>“yla i\u015fsizlik ve yoksulluk sorunlar\u0131, birincisi ikincisinin nedeni g\u00f6sterilerek tarihte ilk kez politika konusu edilmiyor. Kapitalizmin geli\u015fmesi ve uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131yla da ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak her bir kapitalist \u00fclke i\u00e7inde b\u00f6lgeler aras\u0131 n\u00fcfus hareketlerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u00fcretimin ve ticaretin “ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar<\/em>“\u0131 a\u015fmas\u0131, \u00fcretim ve i\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 sonucu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan olgusal geli\u015fmelerden biri de i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc hareketlili\u011finin uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6zellik g\u00f6stermesidir. Bu “g\u00f6\u00e7<\/em>“ler sonucu -askeri zor nedenli olanlar\u0131 da dahil olmak \u00fczere- kendi \u00fclkeleri ve topraklar\u0131ndan ba\u015fka \u00fclkeler topraklar\u0131na gidenler, \u00f6nemlice b\u00f6l\u00fcmleriyle ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ‘malzemesi’ haline getirilirken, di\u011fer yandan sadece yabanc\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 milliyet\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan de\u011fil yerli n\u00fcfusun i\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk, a\u00e7l\u0131k ve bar\u0131naks\u0131zl\u0131k gibi sorunlar\u0131yla bo\u011fu\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerinin bir kesimi taraf\u0131ndan da i\u015fsiz kal\u0131\u015flar\u0131 ve yoksulluklar\u0131n\u0131n “nedeni<\/em>“; ekmeklerine “ortak olanlar<\/em>” ve hatta “\u00e7alanlar<\/em>” olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclebilmi\u015flerdir. Kapitalist toplum ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi sorunlar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 ve sorumlulu\u011funu yanl\u0131\u015f adreste arayan ya da g\u00f6ren bu tutum, proleter s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci ve etnik k\u00f6ken farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131na ra\u011fmen emek\u00e7i dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 geli\u015fip g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 oranda farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve etkisi zay\u0131flayabilmi\u015ftir. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn sorunu da artm\u0131\u015f ve daha da belirginle\u015fmi\u015f bi\u00e7imiyle ayn\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

      Yusuf Akda\u011f \u201cPop\u00fclizm\u201d, d\u00fczinelerce yazar\u0131n binlerce sayfa tutan \u00e7ok say\u0131daki kitap ve makalesine \u201ckonu\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015f bir \u201ckavram\u201d \u00f6zelli\u011fi kazanm\u0131\u015f -ya da bu d\u00fczeye \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor! \u201cPop\u00fclizm k\u00fclliyat\u0131\u201dda diyebilece\u011fimiz bu yaz\u0131nda kavram, genel olarak belirlenimi g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck g\u00f6steren \u201chalk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k\u201d kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kullan\u0131lmakla birlikte, daha belirgin \u015fekilde ‘muhalif politikalar’\u0131n farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imleriyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilmekte; k\u00fcreselle\u015fme ve neoliberalizmle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 ekonomi politikalar \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmakta; \u201cklasik\u201d, \u201cneoliberal\u201d ya […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":858,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[497,370,362],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-857","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-28-sayi-mart-2019","category-kuram","category-yusuf-akdag"],"yoast_head":"\n\u201cPop\u00fclizm\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ve Marksistlerin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 - 1<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2019\/03\/04\/populizm-tartismalari-ve-marksistlerin-yaklasimi-1\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u201cPop\u00fclizm\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ve Marksistlerin yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 - 1\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Yusuf Akda\u011f \u201cPop\u00fclizm\u201d, d\u00fczinelerce yazar\u0131n binlerce sayfa tutan \u00e7ok say\u0131daki kitap ve makalesine \u201ckonu\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015f bir \u201ckavram\u201d \u00f6zelli\u011fi kazanm\u0131\u015f -ya da bu d\u00fczeye \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor! 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