{"id":822,"date":"2019-02-02T18:13:13","date_gmt":"2019-02-02T15:13:13","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=822"},"modified":"2023-01-17T12:01:39","modified_gmt":"2023-01-17T09:01:39","slug":"8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2019\/02\/02\/8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar\/","title":{"rendered":"8 Mart\u2019ta feminist kad\u0131n grevine esastan itirazlar"},"content":{"rendered":"

Fulya Aliko\u00e7<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sevda Karaca<\/strong><\/p>\n

KADIN GREV\u0130 \u00c7A\u011eRISININ ARKAPLANI<\/strong><\/p>\n

Son birka\u00e7 y\u0131ld\u0131r, \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan g\u00fcndemleri farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterse de bir\u00e7ok sorunu ortakla\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n merkezinde oldu\u011fu, bizzat \u00f6rg\u00fctledi\u011fi kitlesel protesto ve eylemlere tan\u0131k oluyoruz. 8 Mart\u2019larda bu eylemler \u00f6zel olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctleniyor, daha kitlesel ve co\u015fkulu bir hal al\u0131yor. Kimi yerde t\u00fcm g\u00fcn kimi yerde birka\u00e7 saat i\u015f durdurarak, kimi yerde sendikalar\u0131n kimi yerde kad\u0131n hareketinin \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc oldu\u011fu bu protestolar toplam\u0131na, son 2 y\u0131ld\u0131r \u201cUluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevi<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131yla \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 yap\u0131l\u0131yor. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fi 2015 y\u0131l\u0131na dayan\u0131yor. 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 bir kad\u0131n grevi g\u00fcn\u00fc olarak organize etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevi (International Women\u2019s Strike) Komitesi, \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n arka plan\u0131ndaki ilhamlar\u0131n\u0131 Polonya\u2019da Kara Pazartesi, Arjantin\u2019de Bir Eksik Olmayaca\u011f\u0131z (Ni Una Menos), ABD\u2019de Kad\u0131n Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile Kad\u0131n Grevi hareketlerinin ortak \u00f6rg\u00fctledi\u011fi Kad\u0131ns\u0131z Bir G\u00fcn (Day Without a Woman) gibi deneyimlere dayand\u0131r\u0131yor. Bu \u00f6rneklerin her biri \u00f6zel olarak detaylar\u0131na girmeye, i\u00e7eri\u011fi ve bi\u00e7imine \u00f6zel bir emek verip analiz etmeye ve \u00f6\u011fretici sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131karmaya de\u011fer \u00f6rnekler olsa da biz burada as\u0131l tart\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z\u0131n arka plan\u0131n\u0131 sunmaya yarayacak k\u0131sa bir \u00f6zetle yetinece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n

\u201cKara Pazartesi<\/em>\u201d eylemleri, 2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda Polonya\u2019da k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n tamamen yasaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren yasa tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 protesto etmek i\u00e7in 3 Ekim 2016\u2019da ulusal \u00e7apta yap\u0131lan bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131yla ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu eylemlerde kad\u0131nlar i\u015fe ve okula gitmeyi, ev i\u015fleriyle ilgilenmeyi reddederken, greve destek i\u00e7in baz\u0131 \u015firketler ofislerini kapatm\u0131\u015f, baz\u0131lar\u0131 da kad\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131na eylemlere kat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in izin vermi\u015fti. Bu eyleme 60 kentte 6 milyon ki\u015finin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ifade edilmi\u015fti. Polonya\u2019daki kad\u0131nlar bu b\u00fcy\u00fck eylemin esinini 1975\u2019te \u0130zlanda\u2019da kad\u0131nlar taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen grevden ald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemi\u015flerdi.[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevinin bir di\u011fer ilham kayna\u011f\u0131 da Arjantin\u2019de 19 Ekim 2016\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen ve b\u00fcy\u00fck yank\u0131 bulan Ni Una Menos (Bir Eksik Olmayaca\u011f\u0131z) eylemi. Eylem, Arjantin\u2019de 31 y\u0131ld\u0131r toplanan Ulusal Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131nda 70 bin kad\u0131nla karar alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, \u00fclkedeki t\u00fcm kad\u0131nlar\u0131n (ve kad\u0131n haklar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kan erkeklerin) t\u00fcm \u00fclkede saat 13.00-14.00 aras\u0131nda i\u015fi b\u0131rakmalar\u0131 ve saat 17.00\u2019den sonra protesto eylemleri d\u00fczenlemeleri i\u00e7in \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Arjantin, bu kitlesel eylemin bir y\u0131l \u00f6ncesinde, 2015 y\u0131l\u0131nda korkun\u00e7 boyutlara ula\u015fan ve vah\u015file\u015fen kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddeti apa\u00e7\u0131k ortaya koyan bir olay\u0131n ard\u0131ndan -16 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki Lucia Perez\u2019in vah\u015fice \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi olay\u0131- yayg\u0131n ve geni\u015f kesimleri i\u00e7ine alan bir m\u00fccadele deneyimini ya\u015fam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, 2015 y\u0131l\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bu eylemler t\u00fcm Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerindeki kad\u0131nlar\u0131 da kapsayan bir ortak sloganla \u201cNi Una Menos<\/em>\u201d (Bir Eksik Olmayaca\u011f\u0131z) ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti; y\u00fczbinlerin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6steriler, i\u015f yerlerinde i\u015f b\u0131rakmay\u0131 i\u00e7eren eylemlerle birle\u015fmi\u015fti. 31 y\u0131l boyunca \u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131nda her d\u00fczeyde kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ortak bir m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in ortak bir zemin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu Ulusal Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131, bu geni\u015f \u00e7apl\u0131 eylemlerin mimar\u0131 olurken, eylemlerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinde ve yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131nda yerel kad\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7leri, \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, gruplar\u0131 kendi yerel \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleriyle bu geni\u015f eylemlerin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinde rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

Grev \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na ruhunu veren bir di\u011fer deneyim de Amerika\u2019da 20 Ocak 2017\u2019de Donald Trump\u2019\u0131n yemin t\u00f6reninin hemen ertesi g\u00fcn\u00fcnde yap\u0131lan Kad\u0131n Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc. Trump nezdinde y\u00fckselen sa\u011fc\u0131 politikaya kar\u015f\u0131 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok yerinde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karak destek verdi\u011fi, \u00fclke i\u00e7indeyse yar\u0131m milyon ki\u015finin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn \u00fczerinden \u00e7ok fazla ge\u00e7meden aralar\u0131nda Siyah Hayatlar De\u011ferlidir, Cezaevi Reform Hareketi ve Arap-Amerikan Eylem A\u011f\u0131 gibi etkili kampanyalar\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen isimlerinin de oldu\u011fu 8 kad\u0131n (Linda Mart\u00edn Alcoff, Cinzia Arruzza, Tithi Bhattacharya, Nancy Fraser, Barbara Ransby, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Rasmea Yousef Odeh, Angela Davis), \u201cY\u00fczde 99 i\u00e7in Feminizm<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir a\u00e7\u0131k mektupla \u201cY\u00fczde 99\u2019un feminizmi i\u00e7in 8 Mart\u2019ta bir kad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131lar.[3]<\/a> \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131da Amerikal\u0131 feministler, Polonya, Latin Amerika, \u0130talya, \u0130rlanda, G\u00fcney Kore\u2019de yap\u0131lan kitlesel kad\u0131n eylemliliklerinin \u201culuslararas\u0131 feminist k\u0131p\u0131rdanman\u0131n \u00f6n habercileri\u201d oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekiyorlard\u0131. Ayn\u0131 ekip, ad\u0131 Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevi olan bir a\u011f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin de ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ektiler, verdikleri bilgiye g\u00f6re bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme 8 Mart 2017\u2019de 50 (kimi r\u00f6portajlarda 60) \u00fclkede kad\u0131n grevini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemi\u015f, 2018 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u201cdaha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir feminist grev \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7in yeniden i\u015fe koyulmu\u015flard\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00c7a\u011fr\u0131c\u0131lar kad\u0131n grevini \u201cyeni bir feminist m\u00fccadeleler \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret eden radikal bir eylem<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yor[4]<\/a>, \u201cgrev<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131na yeni bir i\u00e7erik kazand\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor ve bu kapsam ve i\u00e7erikle asl\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine de yeni bir anlam katt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 iddia ediyorlar.<\/p>\n

Buraya kadar anlatt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z, 8 Mart D\u00fcnya Emek\u00e7i Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201culuslararas\u0131 kad\u0131n grevi\/feminist grev g\u00fcn\u00fc<\/em>\u201d olarak yeniden ilan\u0131n\u0131n ve ilhak\u0131n\u0131n arkas\u0131ndaki k\u0131sa takvimsel s\u00fcre\u00e7. S\u00fcrecin arkas\u0131nda ise kad\u0131n hareketi ve feminizm i\u00e7inde s\u00fcregiden \u00f6nemli bir tart\u0131\u015fma var. Bunun \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn i\u00e7eri\u011fini, emek g\u00fcc\u00fc, ev i\u00e7i emek, yeniden \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci-\u00fcretim s\u00fcreci aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki, s\u0131n\u0131f gibi \u00f6nemli temel kavramlara ili\u015fkin feminizm ve Marksizm aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131mlar ve elbette kad\u0131n hareketinin y\u00f6neliminin ne olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi ve s\u0131n\u0131f hareketiyle ili\u015fkisi konusundaki tart\u0131\u015fmalar olu\u015fturuyor.<\/p>\n

A\u00e7al\u0131m\u2026<\/p>\n

YEN\u0130DEN \u00dcRET\u0130M TEOR\u0130S\u0130 VE \u201cKADIN GREV\u0130\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

8 Mart\u2019ta Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek i\u00e7in yola \u00e7\u0131kanlar\u0131n ideolojik-politik arka plan\u0131 \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli olsa da Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevi Komitesinin ana g\u00f6vdesini feminizm i\u00e7inde yeni bir damar olarak ortaya konan Yeniden \u00dcretim Teorisi yazarlar\u0131 olu\u015fturuyor.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

Yeniden \u00dcretim Teorisi tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, Lise Vogel\u2019in Marksizm ve Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n Ezilmi\u015fli\u011fi: Birle\u015ftirici Bir Kurama Do\u011fru<\/em>[6]<\/a> kitab\u0131n\u0131n ilk tart\u0131\u015fma noktas\u0131 olarak ele al\u0131nabilece\u011fi bir tarihe uzan\u0131yor. Kitap, ilk olarak 1983 y\u0131l\u0131nda bas\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, ancak \u00e7ok uzun s\u00fcre sessizlikle kar\u015f\u0131lanm\u0131\u015f, feminist hareket i\u00e7inde uzunca bir s\u00fcre bir ba\u015fvuru kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak ele al\u0131nmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bunda Vogel\u2019in \u201cbirle\u015ftirici bir kuram<\/em>\u201d olarak ifade etti\u011fi tezlerinin, o d\u00f6nemde a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kla \u00e7ift sistemli teorilerin hegemonik oldu\u011fu feminist tart\u0131\u015fmalarda \u00e7ok da ilgi \u00e7ekmemesinin de etkisi var; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00f6nem \u201cataerki ve kapitalizmin ayr\u0131 sistemler olarak ele al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n ve Marksizm ele\u015ftirisinin<\/em>\u201d g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu bir d\u00f6nem. 2008 sonras\u0131 adeta \u201cyeniden ke\u015ffedilen<\/em>\u201d kitap, yazar\u0131na bile \u015fa\u015fk\u0131nl\u0131k veren bir ilgiye mazhar oldu, 2013\u2019te geni\u015f bir \u00f6nyaz\u0131 ile yeniden bas\u0131ld\u0131 ve \u015fimdilerde \u00e7ok bask\u0131 yapan ve referans verilen bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma olarak tart\u0131\u015fmada yerini al\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ekseni ise a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kla 2008 y\u0131l\u0131 sonras\u0131nda daha \u00e7ok netle\u015fti: 2008 sonras\u0131 neoliberal kriz s\u00fcreci, neoliberal y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n \u00f6zellikle kad\u0131n eme\u011fi ve ev i\u00e7i emek\/bak\u0131m eme\u011fi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle Latin Amerika ya da \u00fcretimin yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7evre \u00fclkelerdeki m\u00fccadelelerin \u00e7e\u015fitlenmesi ve kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele eksenine do\u011fru geli\u015fmesi gibi s\u00fcre\u00e7ler, genel olarak Marksizme bir ihtiyac\u0131 ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla yak\u0131nsamay\u0131 do\u011fururken, feminizm i\u00e7inde de tart\u0131\u015fmalar yaratt\u0131. A\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak \u201cKesi\u015fimsel Feminizm<\/em>\u201d[7]<\/a> diye ifade edilen ve bask\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201c\u0131rk-cinsiyet-s\u0131n\u0131f kesi\u015fiminde nas\u0131l g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlere b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc analiz etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan<\/em>\u201d bir t\u00fcr feminizmin 2000 sonras\u0131nda kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k halen devam etse de \u201ckesi\u015fimsel feminizmin Marksizmin toplumu ve toplumsal\u0131 bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak ele alan yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na uzak oldu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d ele\u015ftirisiyle a\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca ikili sistem teorisi olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan \u00e7e\u015fitli sosyalist feminist, maddeci feminist ak\u0131mlarla bir t\u00fcr \u201chesapla\u015fmaya<\/em>\u201d da giren bu yakla\u015f\u0131m \u201cMarx\u2019\u0131n \u00fcretim-yeniden \u00fcretim analizinin eksik b\u0131rakt\u0131klar\u0131na bir cevap olu\u015fturmak<\/em>\u201d gibi iddialara da sahip.<\/p>\n

Hem ikili sistem yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131na sahip feminizmleri hem de Marx\u2019\u0131n analizlerini \u201ca\u015fma<\/em>\u201d \u00e7abas\u0131yla kendini tan\u0131mlayan bu yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Yeniden \u00dcretim Teorisi ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda bulu\u015fturabilece\u011fimiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar olu\u015fturuyor. Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar, ataerki ve kapitalizmi birbiriyle \u00e7at\u0131\u015fabilen veya \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fabilen iki ayr\u0131 \u00fcretim sistemi, \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi de bu iki sistemin alanlar\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlayan ikili sistem feminizmiyle \u201chesapla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d oranda Marksizme yak\u0131nsad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerler olu\u015fuyor.[8]<\/a> Bunlar, detayl\u0131 bir analize girildi\u011finde farkl\u0131la\u015facak olsak da ortak bir m\u00fccadele hatt\u0131nda birle\u015fmeye yetecek kadar benzer d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz noktalar. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 2008\u2019de ba\u015flayarak,i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z s\u00fcreci de etkileyenkrizi ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kad\u0131n eme\u011fi \u00fczerindeki \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f patriyarka ve kapitalizmin kad\u0131n eme\u011fi ve bedeni \u00fczerindeki tahakk\u00fcmde uzla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nem olarak de\u011fil de, \u00e7ok boyutlu (ekonomik, politik, ekolojik vb.) bir i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahip olmakla birlikte kapitalizmin sistematik olarak \u00fcretti\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc bu noktalardan biri.<\/p>\n

Kapitalizmin kendinden \u00f6nceki toplumlardan devrald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ataerkil aileyi, ihtiyar erke\u011fin mutlak iktidar\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki kan ba\u011f\u0131na dayal\u0131 geni\u015f aileyi, alan\u0131 meta \u00fcretimine hizmet edecek \u015fekilde s\u0131n\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f, \u00e7ekirdek aileye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddetin boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fi hususunda da benzer g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerimiz var. Kapitalizmin farkl\u0131 d\u00f6nemlerdeki ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re cinsellik \u00fczerinde farkl\u0131 tahakk\u00fcm ve hegemonya bi\u00e7imleri kurdu\u011fu, ama her daim onu d\u00fczenlemek zorunda oldu\u011fu ya da yerk\u00fcre \u00fczerindeki y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 politikalar\u0131n kapitalizmden kaynakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi di\u011fer \u00f6rnekler de s\u0131ralanabilir. Dikkatli bir g\u00f6z, ortakla\u015fan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin, i\u00e7erisindeki ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z toplumun t\u00fcm ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n emperyalist-kapitalist sistem taraf\u0131ndan ko\u015fulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi temel bir \u00f6nerme etraf\u0131nda k\u00fcmelendi\u011fini g\u00f6recektir. Bu temel \u00f6nerme etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenen emperyalist kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele hatt\u0131nda ortak hareket etmenin yolu da a\u00e7\u0131k.<\/p>\n

Ne var ki, yeniden \u00fcretim sistemi teorisinin, i\u00e7erisinde bar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cikili sistem teorisi\u201d etkilerinden de b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle kurtulabildi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil. Bunun da temel sebebi \u00fcretim ve yeniden \u00fcretim aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin tarihsel analizinde maddi ko\u015fullardan (di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle tarihsel materyalizmden) uzakla\u015fmas\u0131. Bir \u201csomut durumun somut tahlili<\/em>\u201d belgesi ve teori ve eylemin birli\u011fine dayal\u0131 bir \u201cpraksis\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 ses tonuyla kaleme al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f \u201c11 tezli<\/em>\u201d feminist \u201cmanifesto<\/em>\u201d makalesindeki 5. tezde bu uzakla\u015fman\u0131n izlerini g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn:[9]<\/a> \u201cKad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmesini kapitalizm icat etmedi, o \u00f6nceki t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlarda vard\u0131. Ama kapitalizm, yeni kurumsal yap\u0131larla payandalanm\u0131\u015f, yeni ve kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc cinsiyet\u00e7ilik t\u00fcrleri meydana getirdi. As\u0131l yenili\u011fi \u2018insan \u00fcretimi\u2019ni k\u00e2r \u00fcretiminden ay\u0131rmak ve insan \u00fcretimi i\u015fine kad\u0131nlar\u0131 tayin etmek ve insan \u00fcretimini k\u00e2r \u00fcretimine tabi k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r\u2026toplumsal yeniden \u00fcretim cinsiyetlidir; kad\u0131nlara atfedilmi\u015f ya da onlarla ili\u015fkilendirilmi\u015ftir. \u00d6rg\u00fctlenmesi toplumsal cinsiyet rollerine dayan\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden de feminist bir meseledir.<\/strong><\/em>\u201d[10]<\/a> (vurgu bize ait)<\/p>\n

Burada sorunlu temel iki nokta g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Birincisi \u201cinsan \u00fcretimi<\/em>\u201d eme\u011finin kad\u0131nlara y\u00fcklenmi\u015f olmas\u0131 ve toplumsal cinsiyet rollerine dayan\u0131yor olmas\u0131 \u201cmesele<\/em>\u201dyi derhal feminizme havale etmek i\u00e7in yeterli g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor; hem tespitten sonuca atlan\u0131yor hem de kad\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funa dair (sosyalizm gibi) k\u00f6kl\u00fc \u201cteori ve eylem<\/em>\u201d programlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinden atlan\u0131yor. \u0130kincisi, \u201ctoplumsal yeniden \u00fcretim<\/em>\u201din \u2018emek\u2019 kapsam\u0131na dair g\u00f6r\u00fclen yalpalamalar\u0131 metnin tamam\u0131nda g\u00f6rmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. \u201c\u0130nsan \u00fcretimi<\/em>\u201d temelinde tariflenen yeniden \u00fcretim, yer yer kad\u0131n\u0131n hane i\u00e7indeki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z eme\u011fine indirgenirken kapitalizmdeki hizmet \u00fcretimi alanlar\u0131n\u0131 (ofis, kafe, restoran, oteller vb) da kapsayarak a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 geni\u015fletiliyor<\/em>.[11]<\/a> Sonu\u00e7 olarak, bir yandan \u201ctoplumsal yeniden \u00fcretimin s\u0131n\u0131f karakteri aslidir<\/em>\u201d diyerek Marksizme yakla\u015f\u0131yor g\u00f6r\u00fcnen, ama bu sefer de s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131n\u0131 amorfla\u015ft\u0131rarak uzakla\u015fan bir tutum ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Bu da bizi ikinci bir tart\u0131\u015fma noktas\u0131 olan s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131na getiriyor. \u00d6ncelikle belirtmek gerekir ki, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6ld\u00fc<\/em>\u201d kabilinden anti-propagandif savlara, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclten, karikat\u00fcrle\u015ftiren, onu \u201ccan \u00e7eki\u015fen, reformistle\u015fen, mask\u00fclen, salt ekonomik bir varl\u0131k\/kategori<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6ren (ve ironik bir \u015fekilde bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc s\u00fcrekli Marksizme yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran) g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere feminizm i\u00e7erisinden g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc, k\u00f6\u015feli ve net itirazlar\u0131n y\u00fckselmesi yine Marksizme yak\u0131nsayan bir nokta.[12]<\/a> Bununla birlikte s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kal\u0131n duvarlarla \u00e7izilmi\u015f doldurulmas\u0131 gereken bo\u015fluk ya da mekanm\u0131\u015f\u00e7as\u0131na anatilik kategorilere hapsetmeyerek \u201cdinamik bir kavray\u0131\u015f\u201d \u00f6nermek de bu yak\u0131nsaman\u0131n g\u00f6stergelerinden biri. Ancak bu dinamik kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131n yukar\u0131da \u00f6nerilen gibi bir \u201cyeniden \u00fcretim<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 merkeze alarak yapman\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri de (\u201cs\u0131n\u0131ftan ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f<\/em>\u201d denemese de) \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f<\/em>\u201dtan uzakla\u015fman\u0131n izlerini ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 bir tabakala\u015fma, bir \u201ce\u015fitsizlikler g\u00f6stergesi\u201d olarak anlayan bu analiz \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n g\u00fcncellenmi\u015f konumu budur\u201d diyerek asl\u0131nda kendisini yine kimlik politikalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmazlar\u0131na hapsediyor. Son kertede yine s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yerine kimlikleri ya da kimliklerin yerine s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 farkl\u0131 bask\u0131 ve tahakk\u00fcm bi\u00e7imlerinin belirleyiciliklerini koymaktan, bunlar\u0131 da insan praksisinin ana ekseni olarak sunmaktan ka\u00e7am\u0131yor ve kimlik politikas\u0131 ile s\u0131n\u0131f politikas\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015fmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fma iddias\u0131 iddias\u0131zla\u015f\u0131yor<\/em>.[13]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bunun hem bir sonucu hem de bir sebebi olarak \u201cemek<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131 ve \u201cemek m\u00fccadelesi<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7in getirmeyi \u00f6nerdi\u011fi \u201cyenilikler<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6sterilebilir. Nitekim, yukar\u0131dan itibaren yapmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z somutlaman\u0131n da mevcut grev tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 nokta da buras\u0131d\u0131r. Kad\u0131n grevi feminizmini teorik, politik ve pratik bir \u00e7er\u00e7eveye oturtmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u201cfeminist manifesto<\/em>\u201d yazarlar\u0131 \u201cemek denilen \u015feyi<\/em>\u201d (\u00f6rne\u011fin, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z emek t\u00fcrlerini de i\u00e7ine alacak \u015fekilde) yeniden tan\u0131mlayarak \u201cgrevi demokratikle\u015ftirdiklerini<\/em>\u201d iddia ediyorlar. Burada \u201cemek denilen \u015fey<\/em>\u201din hangi soyutlama d\u00fczleminde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 tayin edicidir; \u00fcretici ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 bir faaliyet olarak emek mi, sermaye ile ili\u015fkisi dahilinde (\u00fccretli ve \u00fccretsiz) emek mi\u2026 Hepsinin soyutlama d\u00fczlemi farkl\u0131la\u015f\u0131r. Ancak tart\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z \u201cgrev<\/em>\u201d ise zeminimizin \u00fccretli emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki, kapitalist ile proleter aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkinin (s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi) belirli bir toplumda, belirli bir zamanda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc oldu\u011fu apa\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcn ya da momentin nas\u0131l \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fine ili\u015fkin daha somut ve pratik sorunlar, \u201cburjuvazi ve proletarya aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkinin kendini d\u0131\u015fa vurdu\u011fu bir moment olarak grev<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye yetmez, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc o daha y\u00fcksek bir soyutlaman\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Aksi y\u0131prat\u0131c\u0131 politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olan bir yan\u0131lsamaya d\u00fc\u015fmek olur.<\/p>\n

Ne var ki \u201ckad\u0131n grevi feministleri<\/em>\u201dnin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bu t\u00fcrden bir yan\u0131lsamaya d\u00fc\u015fmek. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00fcretimin durdurulmas\u0131n\u0131, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli i\u015fyerlerinin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131, blokaj, boykot gibi pratiklerle birle\u015ftirerek bir protesto bi\u00e7imi olarak genel grevin repertuar\u0131n\u0131 tazelediklerini, grevi yeni t\u00fcr bir politikayla donatt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 iddia ediyorlar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ittifak yapabilece\u011fi g\u00fc\u00e7leri, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir alana adeta soku\u015fturarak genel olarak s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini, \u00f6zel olarak da grevi mu\u011flakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n

Oysa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7leri, tarihi boyunca s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin geli\u015fkinli\u011fi oran\u0131nda ve kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin geli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak, y\u00f6netici burjuva s\u0131n\u0131fla hem uzla\u015fma hem de \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma zemini olan di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flara ve toplumsal tabakalara (k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi, \u00fcretici k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, \u2018beyaz yakal\u0131lar\u2019 vb), emperyalizmin ezdi\u011fi halklara kapitalizmden kopu\u015f ve hatta kapitalizmin y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in \u2018devrim\u2019 saflar\u0131na kat\u0131lma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve yapmaya da devam eder. Bu geni\u015f perspektifin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli bir ifadesi olarak, grev yapan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, en ba\u015fta kendi s\u0131n\u0131fda\u015flar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan \u2018dayan\u0131\u015fma grevi\u2019 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi, di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flara ve halk kesimlerine k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7ekli i\u015fyerlerinin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131, \u00fcretti\u011fi (mal ve hizmet t\u00fcr\u00fcnden) metalar\u0131n t\u00fcketiminin boykot edilmesi, meydanlarda kendi grevini destekleyen g\u00f6steriler d\u00fczenlenmesi gibi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 ve talepleri hep olmu\u015ftur. Hatta denilebilir ki bir\u00e7ok grevin ba\u015far\u0131 oran\u0131 toplumun sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kesimleri i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na olumlu cevap verdi\u011fi oranda artar.<\/p>\n

Ancak, bunlar grevin \u201c\u00fcretimden gelen bir g\u00fc\u00e7<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirir mi? Kesinlikle hay\u0131r! \u00d6rne\u011fin, boykot prati\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi \u201ct\u00fcketim \u00fczerindeki g\u00fc\u00e7 denemesi<\/em>\u201d diye tarif edebilece\u011fimiz pratikleri grev tan\u0131m\u0131na sokmak \u201cgrevin repertuvar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirmek<\/em>\u201d de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc silahlar\u0131ndan birini amorfla\u015ft\u0131rmak anlam\u0131na gelir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, burjuvazi ve proletarya aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine i\u00e7kin uzla\u015fmaz kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k, toplumdaki di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalar i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli ve ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu nedenle, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n burjuvaziyle m\u00fccadelesinin o g\u00fcnk\u00fc geli\u015fkinli\u011fine g\u00f6re tuttu\u011fu safta de\u011fi\u015fkenlik g\u00f6sterebilecek toplumsal kesimlerin ma\u011faza kapatmak, boykot etmek vb. pratiklerini grevin \u00f6z\u00fcne yerle\u015ftirmek, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n (dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n) burjuvazinin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 zay\u0131flatmak demektir. Odysseus\u2019un at\u0131n\u0131 Truva kap\u0131lar\u0131nda mor kurdelayla kar\u015f\u0131lamak anlam\u0131na gelecek bir \u201cfeminizm grevi yeniden icat ediyor<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131, en iyimser yorumla, \u201c\u2018grev\u2019i yeni ke\u015ffetme<\/em>\u201dnin acemilikleriyle a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir.[14]<\/a><\/p>\n

Buraya kadar yeni bir feminist ak\u0131m olan Yeniden \u00dcretim Teorisinin \u201cfeminist grev\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan teorik arka plan\u0131n\u0131 sunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. \u015eimdi ise ikili sistem teorilerinin feminist kad\u0131n grevi ba\u011flam\u0131nda ifade ettiklerini de\u011ferlendirmek i\u00e7in k\u0131sa bir arka plan de\u011ferlendirmesi yapal\u0131m.<\/p>\n

\u0130K\u0130L\u0130 S\u0130STEM TEOR\u0130LER\u0130N\u0130N \u201cFEM\u0130N\u0130ST GREV\u0130\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Her ne kadar T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de son g\u00fcnlerde y\u00fckselen feminist kad\u0131n grevi tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, uluslararas\u0131 kad\u0131n grevi tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndaki bu \u201cMarksist<\/em>\u201d tonun silik f\u0131r\u00e7a darbelerini bile ta\u015f\u0131masa da, \u201ckad\u0131n grevi yapal\u0131m<\/em>\u201d \u00f6nerisinin benzer bi\u00e7imde i\u00e7eriklendi\u011fini g\u00f6rd\u00fck, g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. D\u00fcnyadaki e\u011filimler de yaln\u0131zca \u201cyeniden \u00fcretim teorisinin<\/em>\u201d ortaya koydu\u011fu hatt\u0131 esas alm\u0131yor, sosyalist feminizmin klasik ikili sistem teorilerinin, radikal feminist ak\u0131mlar\u0131n da tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6nlerine etkide bulundu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131k. Bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n feminist grev tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n kapsam\u0131n\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in, Marksizmle feminizm aras\u0131ndaki mutat tart\u0131\u015fmaya; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011finin toplumsal-maddi temelinin ne oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin yap\u0131lan farkl\u0131 analizlere bakmam\u0131z gerekiyor.[15]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130kili sistem teorileri en genel anlam\u0131yla ataerkiyi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ev i\u00e7i kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z eme\u011fini \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcren<\/em>\u201d ve kapitalizmi de \u00fccretli eme\u011fini s\u00f6m\u00fcren iki ayr\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc sistemi olarak kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. \u0130kili sistem teorilerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ataerki ve kapitalizmi tamamen ayr\u0131 iki \u00fcretim sistemi oldu\u011funu, ikisinin hayat\u0131n farkl\u0131 alanlar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenledi\u011fini iddia ederken, aralar\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiye de bir olumsall\u0131k atfeder. Bir k\u0131sm\u0131 da ataerki ve kapitalizmi analitik olarak ayr\u0131, ampirik olarak birle\u015fik ya da eklemlenmi\u015f olarak kurgular ve toplumun her iki sistem i\u00e7inde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fini kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hem kapitalist hem de ataerkil s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye, yani ayn\u0131 anda hem \u00fcretimde hem de yeniden \u00fcretimde \u201c\u00e7ifte s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye<\/em>\u201d tabi kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunur.<\/p>\n

Bu iki e\u011filim ataerki ile kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin tarihsel mi yoksa olumsal m\u0131 \u015fekillendi\u011fine dair farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler bar\u0131nd\u0131rsa da i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz sistemi \u201cataerkil kapitalizm<\/em>\u201d olarak tarif etmek gerekti\u011finde ortakla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re, bu iki \u00fcretim sistemi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n eme\u011fi, bedeni ve cinselli\u011fi \u00fczerinde ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re \u00e7at\u0131\u015fan ya da \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fan \u00e7\u0131karlara sahip olabilirler. Bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve\/ya \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fman\u0131n alan\u0131 toplumsal cinsiyet rollerinin bi\u00e7im verdi\u011fi, kad\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z olarak haneye ama en \u00e7ok da erke\u011fe sundu\u011fu hizmetin\/eme\u011fin alan\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretim ile \u00fccret kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kapitaliste sundu\u011fu \u00fcretim alan\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Genel olarak radikal feminizm ile Marksizm aras\u0131nda bir uzla\u015f\u0131 zemini arayan ikili sistem teorilerinin bu ba\u011flamda Marksist kanattan en \u00e7ok referans verdi\u011fi \u00f6nerme Friedrich Engels\u2019in Devletin Ailenin \u00d6zel M\u00fclkiyetin K\u00f6keni<\/em>\u2019ndeki \u00f6ns\u00f6z\u00fcnde ifade edilmi\u015ftir: \u201cMateryalist anlay\u0131\u015fa g\u00f6re, tarihte, egemen etken, sonunda, maddi ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00fcretimi ve yeniden-\u00fcretimidir. Ama bu \u00fcretim, ikili bir \u00f6zl\u00fc\u011fe sahiptir. Bir yandan, ya\u015fam ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n, beslenmeye, giyinmeye, bar\u0131nmaya yarayan nesnelerin, ve bunlar\u0131n gerektirdi\u011fi aletlerin \u00fcretimi; \u00f6b\u00fcr yandan bizzat insanlar\u0131n \u00fcretimi, t\u00fcr\u00fcn \u00fcremesi.<\/em>\u201d[16]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu me\u015fhur paragraf, Marx ile Engels aras\u0131nda temelden bir fikir ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 oldu\u011funa kadar vard\u0131r\u0131l\u0131r. Oysa hem Engels i\u00e7in hem Marx i\u00e7in \u2018\u00fcretim ve yeniden \u00fcretim\u2019 birbirinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin imkans\u0131z oldu\u011fu s\u00fcre\u00e7lerdir. Marx, bu diyalektik b\u00fct\u00fcnc\u00fcll\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc Kapital\u2019de \u015f\u00f6yle ifade eder:<\/p>\n

\u201c\u00dcretim s\u00fcrecinin toplumsal bi\u00e7imi ne olursa olsun, bu s\u00fcrecin s\u00fcrekli olmas\u0131 ya da periyodik olarak s\u00fcrekli ayn\u0131 a\u015famalardan yeniden ge\u00e7mesi zorunludur. Bir toplum t\u00fcketmekten nas\u0131l vazge\u00e7emezse, \u00fcretmekten de ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde vazge\u00e7emez. Bu nedenle, bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olu\u015fu ve bir ak\u0131\u015f h\u00e2linde durmadan yenileni\u015fi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, her toplumsal \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci ayn\u0131 zamanda bir yeniden \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecidir. \u00dcretimin ko\u015fullar\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda yeniden \u00fcretimin ko\u015fullar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/strong><\/em>\u201d[17]<\/a> (vurgu bize ait)<\/p>\n

Hem Marx hem Engels, bir t\u00fcr ve toplumsal varl\u0131k olarak insan\u0131n her toplum bi\u00e7iminde \u00fcretmek ve yeniden \u00fcretmek zorunda oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Bu \u00fcretim ile yeniden \u00fcretim aras\u0131nda kurulan en y\u00fcksek soyutlamadaki ili\u015fki, s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumun do\u011fu\u015fuyla birlikte farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmler al\u0131r, ilerlemenin momentleri de\u011fi\u015fir. Nitekim Engels\u2019in yukar\u0131da al\u0131nt\u0131lanan c\u00fcmlenin devam\u0131nda yazd\u0131klar\u0131 da Marx\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyle tutars\u0131z de\u011fildir. Engels, bir \u00fcst soyutlamada \u201c[bir t\u00fcr olarak] insanlar\u0131n \u00fcretimi<\/em>\u201d \u015feklinde ifade etti\u011fi maddi ya\u015fam\u0131n yeniden \u00fcretiminin, eme\u011fin ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla servetin, buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak emek \u00fcretkenli\u011finin geli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fi oran\u0131nda art\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi taraf\u0131ndan belirlendi\u011fini ifade eder.[18]<\/a> Di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle, maddi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, art\u0131k \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin unsurlar\u0131 \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler ile \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri aras\u0131nda bir \u00e7eli\u015fki formunu alm\u0131\u015f ili\u015fki taraf\u0131ndan belirlenir. Ne var ki bu, ikisinin de ayn\u0131<\/em> \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi taraf\u0131ndan ko\u015fulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmez. Bu konumuz olan kapitalist toplum i\u00e7in de b\u00f6yledir: \u201c\u00dcretim tarz\u0131 kapitalist olursa yeniden \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 da kapitalist olur.<\/em>\u201d[19]<\/a><\/p>\n

Kapitalist toplumda emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satan i\u015f\u00e7i, hem kapitalistin ya\u015fam\u0131 i\u00e7in onun t\u00fcketim fonunu (art\u0131 de\u011fer) hem de kendi ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmek i\u00e7in kendi bireysel t\u00fcketim fonunu (\u00fccret) \u00fcretir. Bu \u00fcretim her ikisinin de maddi ya\u015fam ko\u015fulu<\/em>nu olu\u015fturdu\u011fundan s\u00fcrekli olmas\u0131 zorunludur. S\u00fcreklili\u011fi i\u015f\u00e7i a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan zorunlu k\u0131lan, kapitaliste \u00fcretti\u011fi art\u0131k \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00a0 daha i\u015f\u00e7i \u00fccret almadan de\u011ferlenmesidir. Kapitalistin el koymas\u0131 yoluyla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bu de\u011ferlenme s\u00fcreci i\u015f\u00e7iyi ya\u015fayabilmek i\u00e7in s\u00fcrekli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak (yani kapitalist i\u00e7in \u00fcretmek) zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131r. Kapitalist i\u00e7in zorunlu k\u0131lan ise varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve s\u00fcreklili\u011finin sermayeye olan ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Yani kabaca, i\u015f\u00e7i art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretmeye, kapitalist de \u00fccret vermeye zorunlu hale gelir. Bu ili\u015fkinin s\u0131n\u0131flar d\u00fczeyine ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm \u015f\u00f6yledir: \u201cEmek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak yat\u0131r\u0131lan sermaye, t\u00fcketimleri mevcut i\u015f\u00e7ilerin adale, sinir, kemik ve beyinlerinin yeniden \u00fcretimine ve yeni i\u015f\u00e7ilerin meydana gelmesine hizmet eden ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131na \u00e7evrilir. Bundan dolay\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, mutlak gerekliliklerin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kalan bireysel t\u00fcketimi, sermaye taraf\u0131ndan emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda elden \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan ge\u00e7im ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden sermaye taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclebilecek yeni emek g\u00fcc\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi demektir. Bu t\u00fcketim kapitalist i\u00e7in en vazge\u00e7ilmez \u00fcretim arac\u0131n\u0131n, yani bizzat i\u015f\u00e7inin kendisinin \u00fcretilmesi ve yeniden \u00fcretilmesidir.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131, \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z her toplumda insan\u0131n t\u00fcr olarak \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi, bir toplumsal ili\u015fki olarak sermayenin \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretiminin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olan emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi halini al\u0131r. Marksist yakla\u015f\u0131ma g\u00f6re kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011finin toplumsal-maddi temeli hane i\u00e7indeki, bu kapitalist \u00fcretim ve yeniden \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, \u00f6rne\u011fin ataerkil bir \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi ya da kapitalizmden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z salt ataerkil cinsiyet ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde bulunmaz. Bu temel, daha ziyade ev i\u00e7i eme\u011fin sermaye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal \u00f6neme, emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretiminin kapitalist sistemin yukar\u0131da tarif etti\u011fimiz dinami\u011fini destekleyen, kapitalizmin kendisini yeniden \u00fcretmesini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan zorunlu bir ko\u015ful olmas\u0131 olgusuna dayan\u0131r. Yani kad\u0131nlar erkeklerin kad\u0131nlar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tarih \u00fcst\u00fc bir ataerkil \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmez ya da ezilmezler.<\/p>\n

Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda ezilmi\u015fli\u011finin toplumsal-maddi temeli hanenin sermayenin yeniden \u00fcretimi ile olan yap\u0131sal ili\u015fkisiyle alakal\u0131d\u0131r: Sermaye ve devlet kad\u0131nlar\u0131n gelecekteki emek\u00e7i ku\u015faklar\u0131 \u00fcretme kapasitelerini d\u00fczenleyebilmeye ihtiya\u00e7 duyar, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmeye uygun emek-g\u00fcc\u00fc b\u00f6yle elde edilir. Yani haneyi ya da kad\u0131n-erkek ili\u015fkilerini kendi ba\u015flar\u0131na ya da \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminden ayr\u0131ks\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131larak analiz etmek ki bu, bir\u00e7ok feminist analizin d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc en \u00f6nemli hatad\u0131r- yeterli bir analiz de\u011fildir; yeniden \u00fcretimin \u00fcretimle ili\u015fkisi, sermayenin yeniden \u00fcretimle ili\u015fkisidir esas olan. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kapitalist toplumdaki ezilmi\u015fli\u011fini kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n merkezi ili\u015fkilerinin i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftiren olgu tam da budur.<\/p>\n

Marksist analiz, kapitalizm i\u00e7in kad\u0131nlar\u0131n boyunduruk alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n, kapitalist geni\u015fleme ve hep daha fazla b\u00fcy\u00fcyecek bir emek g\u00fcc\u00fc \u2013kad\u0131n bedeninin tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131yla yeniden \u00fcretimi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan \u00f6zel bir meta olarak\u2013 tedarikini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in ya\u015famsal \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyar. Bu nedenle, kapitalizmde ataerkil toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 basit\u00e7e \u00f6nceki \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imlerinden aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00f6rt\u00fck bir kal\u0131nt\u0131 ya da ayr\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde ilerleyen ayr\u0131 bir \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi de\u011fildir. Aksine bu ili\u015fkiler \u201ckapitalizmin s\u00f6nmeyen ate\u015finin benzinini<\/em>\u201d yani emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc yeniden \u00fcretmek i\u00e7in mutlak surette gereklidir. Ataerkil ili\u015fkileri yeniden \u00fcreten \u015fey egemen \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imidir ve bu \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin kendisi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak ataerkildir. Yani ataerki, \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan etkiledi\u011fi bir olgu de\u011fildir. Emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn toplumsal yeniden \u00fcretiminin ataerkil karakterikad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilen cinsiyet olmas\u0131 sorununu s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir mesele haline getirir, tam da bu nedenlekad\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmesi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin alan\u0131na girer.<\/p>\n

Marksizmin tam da bu noktada bir\u00e7ok ak\u0131m taraf\u0131ndan ekonomik determinist ya da s\u0131n\u0131f indirgemeci olmakla temelsizce su\u00e7lanmas\u0131, esasen, s\u00f6z konusu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n ekonomiyi indirmesiyle maluld\u00fcr.[20]<\/a>Marksizm-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 ak\u0131mlar\u0131n, s\u0131n\u0131f d\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bir\u00e7ok toplumsal ili\u015fkiyle, \u00f6rne\u011fin, \u0131rk, ulus, cinsiyet ile, s\u0131n\u0131f aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi kurmak i\u00e7in eklektik<\/em> teorizasyonlara ihtiya\u00e7 duyar. Marksizm ise kapitalizmde salt ekonomik g\u00f6r\u00fcnen<\/em> her ili\u015fkinin toplumsal karakterini, ekonomiden yal\u0131t\u0131k salt sosyal, politik, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel g\u00f6r\u00fcnen<\/em> her ili\u015fkinin ekonomik temelini b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc ele al\u0131r. \u00dcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi birbirinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen ikili sistem teorilerinin aksine, Marksizmmaddi ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00fcretim ve yeniden \u00fcretimi<\/em>ni ayn\u0131 s\u00fcrecin birbiri \u00fczerinde etkide bulunan g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleri ve\/ya momentleri olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Kabaca ifade etmek gerekirse, kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminde, salt ekonomik gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen<\/em> meta \u00fcretimi ile ataerkil normlar\u0131n etkide bulundu\u011fu <\/em>emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn (yeniden) \u00fcretimi s\u00fcreci sermayenin (\u201csermaye ili\u015fkisinin<\/em>\u201d) \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi s\u00fcrecinin birbiri \u00fczerinde etkide bulunan ve birbirinden ayr\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez momentleridir.<\/p>\n

Bu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 etkile\u015fim sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u015fekillenir ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Nas\u0131l ki feodal d\u00f6nemin ataerkil karakteri ile kapitalist d\u00f6nemin ataerkil karakteri aras\u0131ndaki fark geni\u015f aileden \u00e7ekirdek aileye do\u011fru de\u011fi\u015fen aile yap\u0131s\u0131nda kendini d\u0131\u015fa vuruyorsa, kapitalizmin kendi d\u00f6nem ve a\u015famalar\u0131nda da kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilme pratikleri farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterir. Bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar kapitalizmin kendinden \u00f6nceki toplumlardan devrald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu ataerkil karakterin sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131yla \u015fekillenen etkisidir. Kad\u0131n istihdam\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f ve bar\u0131\u015f d\u00f6nemlerinde farkl\u0131 konumland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, ataerkil normlar kullan\u0131larak kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00fccretlerinin bask\u0131lanmas\u0131, neoliberal d\u00f6nemin \u201ci\u015f ve aile ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 uzla\u015ft\u0131rma<\/em>\u201d ilkesi, kad\u0131n bedeninin kimi zaman cinsel bir t\u00fcketim nesnesi kimi zamansa dinle kutsanm\u0131\u015f bir do\u011furganl\u0131k abidesi olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131, kimi zaman da son iki y\u0131ld\u0131r 8 Martlarda oldu\u011fu gibi \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, \u00f6zg\u00fcr<\/em>\u201d kad\u0131n imgesinin bizzat patronlar taraf\u0131ndan servise sunulmas\u0131 gibi \u00f6rnekler verilebilir. Her biri yukar\u0131da tarif etti\u011fimiz b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fck i\u00e7erisinde emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretiminde kapitalizmin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ataerkil normlarla \u015fekillendirilmesine, yani emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretimindeki ataerkil ili\u015fkilerin etkisine i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n

Bir di\u011fer tart\u0131\u015fma konusu da emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretiminde kad\u0131n\u0131n ezilen cinsiyet olarak konumu ve rol\u00fcn\u00fcn do\u011furganl\u0131ktan ibaret, salt biyolojik s\u00fcre\u00e7lerden ibaret olupolmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Elbette insan\u0131n t\u00fcr olarak ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi evrimsel s\u00fcre\u00e7te geli\u015fen cinsel \u00e7ift bi\u00e7imlili\u011fin, bir\u00e7ok memelinin aksine gebeli\u011fi iki ayak \u00fczerinde ya\u015faman\u0131n, fetus geli\u015fiminin do\u011fumdan sonra rahim d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tamamlanmas\u0131n\u0131n (yani insan yavrusunun bak\u0131ma muhta\u00e7 do\u011fmas\u0131n\u0131n) ko\u015fullad\u0131\u011f\u0131, kendili\u011finden tek ba\u015f\u0131na bir e\u015fitsizlik \u00fcretmeyen do\u011fal ko\u015fullar\u0131n do\u011fal belirleyicili\u011fi yads\u0131namaz. Ne varki bu ko\u015fullar ancak s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumun do\u011fu\u015fuyla cinsiyet\u00e7i ve ataerkil bir karaktere b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f, her s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumda devral\u0131narak yeniden \u00fcretimin bir unsuru haline getirilmi\u015ftir. Son s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplum olan kapitalizmde, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fini dikte edense, sermayenin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yeniden \u00fcretimini garanti alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in, kad\u0131nlara \u00f6zg\u00fc biyolojik s\u00fcre\u00e7lere (gebelik, do\u011fum, emzirme vb.) olan ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Sermayeyi ve onun devletini kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00fcremesini kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131p d\u00fczenlemeye y\u00f6nelten ve onlar\u0131 erkek-egemen bir toplumsal cinsiyet d\u00fczenini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmeye sevk eden, i\u015fte budur. Tam da bu y\u00fczden t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131flardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu, sermaye kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki ana devrimci \u00f6zne olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015funa ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc ancak bu, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve e\u015fitli\u011finin \u00f6nko\u015fulunu olu\u015fturur.<\/p>\n

\u00c7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yap\u0131lan feminist kad\u0131n grevinin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan i\u00e7eri\u011fini \u201cev i\u015flerini yapmamak, \u00e7ocuk, hasta, ya\u015fl\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131 yapmamak, seks yapmamak, \u00fccretli \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan alanlarda i\u015f b\u0131rakmak<\/em>\u201d olarak ifade eden feminist yakla\u015f\u0131m; esas\u0131nda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ana m\u00fccadele alan\u0131n\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u2018politik bir \u00f6zneye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeleri\u2019 yoluyla patriyarkaya ve onun cisimle\u015fmi\u015f haline (erke\u011fe) kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele olarak tarif ediyor, temel m\u00fccadele alan\u0131n\u0131 da \u00f6zel alan yani ev\/aile olarak ifade ediyor. Onlara g\u00f6re bu m\u00fccadelenin temelinde kad\u0131nlar\u0131n nesnel ger\u00e7eklikleri yani \u201cerkekler taraf\u0131ndan bask\u0131lanmalar\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmelerinden kaynaklanan ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131<\/em>\u201d yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bu m\u00fccadelede, nesnel olarak ezen \u00f6zne konumunda bulunan erkeklerin yer alamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da kad\u0131n grevinin me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na hizmet etmekle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalan sendikalar\u0131n grev yapmas\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 sadece kad\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendiriyor, -kimi yerlerde \u2018erkekler kat\u0131lmal\u0131lar\u2019 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 olsa da- genel olarak, bu greve \u00fccretli \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan alanlarda erkeklerin kat\u0131lmamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini savunuyorlar.<\/p>\n

Feminist \u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ev i\u00e7i eme\u011fini sermaye bak\u0131m\u0131ndan hayati rol\u00fcnden soyutlayarak yaln\u0131zca aile i\u00e7indeki erkeklerin el koydu\u011fu bir emek haline getiriyor; \u201chane<\/em>\u201dyi, \u201cerke\u011fi<\/em>\u201d, toplumsall\u0131ktan soyundurulmu\u015f \u201ckad\u0131n-erkek ili\u015fkilerini<\/em>\u201d yeniden kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011finin ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn maddi zemini ve ba\u015fat \u00f6znesi haline getiriyor.[21]<\/a><\/p>\n

Feminist grev iddias\u0131n\u0131 \u201caile ve erkek kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccretsiz eme\u011fine el koyarak kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamakta bir yandan da kapitalizm i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yeniden \u00fcretilmesi de teminat alt\u0131na al\u0131nmaktad\u0131r, b\u00f6ylece erkekler ve sermaye el ele kad\u0131nlar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrmektedir<\/em>\u201d tezine dayand\u0131r\u0131rken, m\u00fccadelenin taraflar\u0131n\u0131n bizzat kad\u0131nlar ve erkekler oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla temizlik, yemek, ya\u015fl\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131 ve en \u00f6nemlisi \u00e7ocuk bak\u0131m\u0131 gibi \u2018kad\u0131n i\u015fleri\u2019nin yap\u0131lmas\u0131ndan erkeklerin maddi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyerek, aile i\u00e7inde \u201ceme\u011fi s\u00f6m\u00fcren<\/em>\u201d erke\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 \u201ckurallar\u0131 t\u0131pk\u0131 toplus\u00f6zle\u015fme gibi d\u00fczenlenmi\u015f<\/em>\u201d bir ili\u015fki talebinde bulunuyor:<\/p>\n

\u201cFabrikalarda ve i\u015fyerlerinde kolektif \u015fekilde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenerek harekete ge\u00e7me alanlar\u0131 buldu\u011fumuz fakat hane i\u00e7i emek -ve tabii a\u015fk, arzu, cinsellik- s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda tek ba\u015f\u0131na, bireysel hareket eden, karar alan \u00f6znelere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmemiz gerek. Kurallar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fczenlemedi\u011fimiz her ili\u015fki keyfi ihlalleri beraberinde getirmeye m\u00fcsait. Kurall\u0131 ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imlerini, t\u0131pk\u0131 bir toplu pazarl\u0131k yaparcas\u0131na hem hane i\u00e7i \u00fccretli eme\u011fin hem de ili\u015fkinin bir temeli haline getirmemiz bir yol olabilir\u2026 18. ve 19. yy. boyunca kad\u0131nlar\u0131n grevi, hedef ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fverene kar\u015f\u0131 bir tehdit unsuru oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131; yeni kurallar\u0131n hayata ge\u00e7mesini, bu kurallar\u0131n kurumsalla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Ayn\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc iradeyle bug\u00fcn sokaklarda \u2018grev\u2019 ismiyle m\u00fccadele etti\u011fimiz \u00f6zneye kar\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ek bir tehdit olu\u015fturabilecek miyiz? Bu tehdit kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zel hayatlar\u0131nda herhangi bir radikal de\u011fi\u015fime i\u015faret edecek mi?<\/em>\u201d[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 elindeki en \u00f6nemli silahlardan olan grev, bug\u00fcn adeta s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir konum haline getirilen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n (\u201ckad\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n<\/em>\u201d) elinde \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc erkek s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na<\/em>\u201d, m\u00fccadele edilen \u201cba\u015f d\u00fc\u015fmana<\/em>\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 bir silah, tehdit olarak ele al\u0131n\u0131yor. Beklenti ise; bu t\u00fcrden bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla yap\u0131lan grevin \u201ckad\u0131nlar\u0131n hayat\u0131nda radikal bir de\u011fi\u015fime i\u015faret etmesi.<\/em>\u201d \u201cKad\u0131nlar\u0131n hayat\u0131ndaki radikal de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d sa\u011flayacak olan\u0131n esasen erkeklere\/patriyarkaya kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyen bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, radikal de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fin \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin de\u011fi\u015fmesi, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin ve s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen Marksizme i\u00e7kin kategorileri, soyutlamalar\u0131 vs. ihtiyac\u0131 has\u0131l oldu\u011funda i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir bi\u00e7imde kullanmakta bir beis g\u00f6rm\u00fcyor. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, art\u0131k feminist perspektifle yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f bir genel grevin hi\u00e7bir bi\u00e7imde genel grev say\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131na kadar var\u0131yor.[23]<\/a><\/p>\n

Burada feminizmin politik \u00f6znesinin kim oldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 da giriyor devreye: Sosyalist feminizmin bu konudaki en genel \u00f6nermesi, feminizmin, belirli bir egemenlik ve iktidar ili\u015fkisini (patriyarkay\u0131) hedef ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu nedenle herhangi bir politik hareketin program\u0131na bir alt ba\u015fl\u0131k olarak eklenemeyece\u011fi i\u00e7in ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na politik bir hareket oldu\u011fu ve bu politik hareketin politik \u00f6znesinin de feministler oldu\u011fudur. Kad\u0131n \u00f6znesi ise, politik \u00f6zneye yani feministe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi beklenen kolektif \u00f6znedir. Tam da bu noktada feminizmin hem g\u00fc\u00e7 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 hem de ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131n belas\u0131 haline gelen \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131k s\u00f6ylemi<\/em>\u201d devreye giriyor. Birbiriyle \u00e7eli\u015fki i\u00e7erisinde bulunan farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f, ulus, din, k\u00fclt\u00fcr yap\u0131lar\u0131ndan gelen kad\u0131nlar, bu \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d eritmeden, \u2018ortak ezen\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi kad\u0131n olmalar\u0131ndan, kad\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131ndan kaynaklanan bir birliktelikle nas\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctebilirler?[24]<\/a><\/p>\n

Elbette ki kad\u0131nlar cinsiyet olarak ezilme konusunda farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flarda farkl\u0131 d\u00fczeylerde ya\u015fanan ezilmeyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yalar, tam da bu nedenle kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ortak m\u00fccadelesinin ortak zemini olabilecek \u015feyler var. E\u015fitsizli\u011fin, tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn ve bask\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerine kar\u015f\u0131 kolektif eylemleri, taleplerin kolektif olarak \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, bu taleplerin kolektif haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131, bunlar\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, haklar\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 vs. i\u00e7in ortak bir m\u00fccadele zorunlu. \u00dcstelik g\u00f6r\u00fcnen kadar\u0131yla \u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n da dile getirdi\u011fi talepler ve bu taleplerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 neoliberal s\u00fcrece ili\u015fkin analizleri ortakla\u015f\u0131labilecek \u00f6zellikler ta\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Ancak burada dikkat \u00e7ekmek istedi\u011fimiz \u015fey \u015fu; zaten bunlar da onlar\u0131n form\u00fcle etti\u011fi de\u011fil, kad\u0131n hareketinin bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak form\u00fcle etti\u011fi, y\u00fczy\u0131la dayanan m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7inden s\u00fcz\u00fclen talepler\u2026 \u0130\u015f, bu ortak talepler etraf\u0131nda ortak bir m\u00fccadelenin y\u00f6nteminin ad\u0131n\u0131n kad\u0131n grevi\/feminist grev olarak konulmas\u0131na gelince, de\u011fi\u015fiyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc asl\u0131nda kad\u0131n grevi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131 bu ortak hareket zeminimizin, ortak m\u00fccadelemizin \u00fczerine fikri hegemonik bir \u00f6rt\u00fc serme \u00e7abas\u0131yla, ideolojik politik \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 hareketin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcne mal ederek kabul ettirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ortak eylemimizin ad\u0131n\u0131 grev koyma \u0131srar\u0131, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fcretim ve yeniden \u00fcretim s\u00fcre\u00e7leri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan analizlerimizdeki farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc bak\u0131m\u0131ndan teorik zeminlerimizin farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 feminizm lehine yok etme \u00e7abas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyor. Bu \u00e7aba da bizi herhangi bir eylemde birle\u015fmeden \u00f6nce, hareketi ortakla\u015ft\u0131racak zemini bulmak i\u00e7in, yani ortakla\u015fabilece\u011fimiz ve ortakla\u015famayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u015feyleri a\u00e7\u0131k ve net olarak ifade etmeye, pop\u00fcler bir deyimle \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n<\/em>\u201d alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmeye mecbur b\u0131rak\u0131yor. Bu nokta, ayn\u0131 zamanda Marksizm ve feminizmi uzla\u015fmaz bir \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya koyan ikili\u011fe de i\u015faret ediyor. \u201cKad\u0131nlar aras\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d m\u0131 yoksa \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 kad\u0131n dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d m\u0131? Marksistler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 kad\u0131n dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n<\/em>\u201d asl\u0131nda \u201cs\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fcst\u00fc feminist bir hareket<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu apa\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kad\u0131n grevi\/feminist greve \u201cesastan<\/em>\u201d itiraz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131; kat\u0131l\u0131m olur mu olmaz m\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na, bu t\u00fcrden bir grevin hangi y\u00f6ntemle \u00f6rg\u00fctlenip \u00f6rg\u00fctlenemeyece\u011fine ili\u015fkin de\u011fil; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fi sorunu ve sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc noktas\u0131ndaki ideolojik, politik farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131za ili\u015fkin.<\/p>\n

Kendini feminist olarak ifade etmeyen, hatta sosyalist, Marksist olarak ifade eden kimi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin ise kad\u0131n grevi\/feminist grev tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na bu ideolojik\/politik arka plan\u0131 g\u00f6rmekten uzak bir bi\u00e7imde, s\u0131rf i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kavramlar\u0131 kullan\u0131l\u0131yor diye heyecan duyan, bu y\u00fczden de \u201ckad\u0131n grevinde<\/em>\u201d \u0131srarc\u0131 olan tutumlar\u0131n\u0131 ise kendi \u00e7eli\u015fkileriyle a\u00e7\u0131klamaktan ba\u015fka \u00e7aremiz yok.<\/p>\n

B\u0130R \u2018EL KOYMA\u2019 MESELES\u0130: FEM\u0130N\u0130ST GREV\u0130 8 MART\u2019TA YAPMAK NE DEMEK?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Giderek a\u011f\u0131rla\u015fan ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zellikle kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ev ve bak\u0131m y\u00fckleri bahane edilerek esnekle\u015ftirilmesi, g\u00fcvencesizle\u015ftirilmesi, art\u0131k tek bir i\u015fte \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n yetmedi\u011fi, farkl\u0131 farkl\u0131 onlarca i\u015fte \u00f6lesiye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131p yine de ge\u00e7inememe derdi… D\u00fcnyan\u0131n her yerine yay\u0131lan sava\u015f ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, artan milliyet\u00e7ilik ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k… Hem sava\u015f hem ekonomik nedenlerle art\u0131k g\u00fcvenle ya\u015fanabilecek bir ortam bulamayan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kitleler halinde g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n insan ka\u00e7ak\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ve beden ticaretinin kurbanlar\u0131 haline getirili\u015fleri… G\u00f6\u00e7menlerin g\u00f6\u00e7 ettikleri yerlerdeki ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131 nedeniyle asl\u0131nda sermayeye y\u00f6nelmesi gereken \u00f6fkenin hedefi haline getirilmeleri… Giderek artan kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm bu tablo i\u00e7inde \u201cme\u015fru ve s\u0131radan<\/em>\u201d hale gelmesi, her g\u00fcn binlerce kad\u0131n\u0131n erkek \u015fiddeti nedeniyle ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmesi, ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmiyorsa ya\u015fama umudunu kaybetmesi…<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya bu haldeyken, sermayenin yine kendi yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 krize \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu olarak ortaya att\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey daha muhafazakar, daha \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, daha pop\u00fclist, daha antidemokratik partilerin ve siyasi fig\u00fcrlerin \u201ckurtar\u0131c\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak piyasaya sunulmas\u0131 oldu.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn, sermayenin onlarca y\u0131ld\u0131r uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 neoliberal politikalar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m, sefalet, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve e\u015fitsizli\u011fi onu harekete ge\u00e7irecek, isyan ettirecek kadar yak\u0131c\u0131 hisseden \u00e7ok daha kalabal\u0131k kad\u0131n y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 var.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131nda itirazlar\u0131n\u0131 ve taleplerini \u00e7ok geni\u015f kad\u0131n kesimlerinin kitlesel olarak sokakta ifade etti\u011fi eylemlere tan\u0131k oluyoruz. Arjantin, Peru, \u015eili\u2019de; \u0130talya, Polonya, \u0130spanya, Fransa, \u0130ngiltere, \u0130zlanda\u2019da; Hindistan, Pakistan, Tunus, G\u00fcney Kore, ABD\u2019de kad\u0131nlar kimi yerde say\u0131lar\u0131 y\u00fczbinleri bulan kitlesellikte sokaktalard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu hareketlili\u011fin esas zeminini kapitalizmin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fitsizli\u011fin, adaletsizli\u011fin, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn, \u015fiddetin a\u011f\u0131r sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na art\u0131k daha fazla katlanmak istemeyen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ba\u015fka bir ya\u015fam hayali olu\u015fturuyor…<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn, farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerden yap\u0131lan eylem \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131, tam da bu s\u00fcrecin kad\u0131nlar\u0131 giderek daha fazla m\u00fccadeleye kat\u0131lmak zorunda hissettiren, \u00f6fkesini soka\u011fa ak\u0131tma, birlikte m\u00fccadele etme yollar\u0131 aramaya y\u00f6nelten karakteri nedeniyle sokakta kitlesel kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k buluyor.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u00fccadele g\u00fcn\u00fc olarak ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini koruyan 8 Mart, zaten bir m\u00fccadele ve dayan\u0131\u015fma g\u00fcn\u00fc olarak kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bu \u00f6fkesinin, ba\u015fka bir ya\u015fam hayalinin \u00e7e\u015fitli y\u00f6ntemlerle, m\u00fccadele ve eylem bi\u00e7imleriyle dile getirilece\u011fi g\u00fcn; kald\u0131 ki bu yaln\u0131zca \u00fcretim alan\u0131nda de\u011fil, feministlerin \u2018yeniden \u00fcretim alanlar\u0131\u2019olarak tarif etti\u011fi t\u00fcm alanlarda, \u00f6zel-kamusal her alanda eme\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lma ve bu g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezli\u011fi yaratan ve s\u00f6m\u00fcren sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 her t\u00fcrden eylem ve etkinli\u011fi i\u00e7eriyor.<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201ctabana ait feminizmi, i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar, aileleri ve t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyadaki destek\u00e7ileriyle dayan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7indeki antikapitalist bir feminizmi kurmak i\u00e7in<\/em>\u201d ya da esas m\u00fccadelesini patriyarkaya kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele, rol\u00fcn\u00fc de kad\u0131n kitlelerini feminist bilince ula\u015ft\u0131rmak olarak ortaya koyanlar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 s\u0131namak i\u00e7in grev \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 bug\u00fcne \u201cdenk getirmesi<\/em>\u201dni a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u201chaz\u0131ra konma<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n

8 Mart gibi tarihi kayna\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k bir g\u00fcnde, kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin karakterinin i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar, aileleri, t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyadaki destek\u00e7ileriyle dayan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7inde antikapitalist karakterinin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n zaten zorunluluk oldu\u011fu bu ko\u015fullarda, geni\u015f kad\u0131n kesimlerinin kimisinde yaz\u0131 boyunca aktarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n hi\u00e7 bilinmedi\u011fi, kimisinde ise tam da bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00f6zel bi\u00e7imde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen irili ufakl\u0131 kad\u0131n eylemlerinin, etkinliklerinin \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131na verdi\u011fi yan\u0131t\u0131n \u201culuslararas\u0131 feminizmin g\u00f6stereni, g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ve etkisinin resmi<\/em>\u201d gibi kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 iki nedenle do\u011fru bulmuyoruz.<\/p>\n

Birincisi; farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerden, k\u00f6kenlerden, inan\u00e7lardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bir arada \u00f6rg\u00fctledi\u011fi, kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, ses \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 her t\u00fcrden eyleme kad\u0131nlar\u0131 bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131 yapan \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckleri, ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve zeminleri g\u00f6zetmeden \u201cfeminist<\/em>\u201d etiketi yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p buradan sanal bir \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7<\/em>\u201d dev\u015firme \u00e7abas\u0131na girmenin yanl\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n

Daha \u00f6nemli buldu\u011fumuz, tart\u0131\u015fmak istedi\u011fimiz ikinci nokta ise, \u201culuslararas\u0131 kad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fi, bi\u00e7imi, kapsam\u0131 ve niteli\u011fi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ifade etti\u011fi ideolojik politik zemine ili\u015fkin.<\/p>\n

Hem uluslararas\u0131 kad\u0131n grevi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n, hem T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bir kad\u0131n grevi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi gerekti\u011fine ili\u015fkin kad\u0131n hareketinde tart\u0131\u015fmalar y\u00fcr\u00fctenlerin \u201cgrev<\/em>\u201din i\u00e7eri\u011fi ve kapsam\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u201ceylem ve boykotu<\/em>\u201d a\u015fan bir i\u00e7erik ve kapsam ortaya koymad\u0131klar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan 8 Mart g\u00fcn\u00fc yap\u0131lacak her eylem ve her etkinlik \u201cgrev<\/em>\u201d \u015femsiyesi alt\u0131nda toplan\u0131rken, esasen grevin ne oldu\u011fu, \u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201dnin ne oldu\u011fu konusunda bir netli\u011fin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Bu durumda d\u00fcnya ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 8 Mart g\u00fcn\u00fc yap\u0131lacak her eylem ve etkinlik, o \u00fclkede \u201ckad\u0131n grevi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131<\/em>\u201d var diye \u201ckad\u0131n grevine kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n<\/em>\u201d bir g\u00f6stereni mi olacak? Asl\u0131nda olamaz. Ama ge\u00e7en sene oldu!<\/p>\n

2017 y\u0131l\u0131 8 Mart\u2019\u0131nda yap\u0131lan kad\u0131n grevi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den de kat\u0131l\u0131m g\u00f6stermek gerekti\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu konudaki fikirlerimizi tart\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve ortak d\u00fczenledi\u011fimiz 8 Mart etkinliklerinin ve eylemlerinin bu kapsamda ifade edilmesinin do\u011fru olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dile getirmi\u015ftik. 2017 8 Mart\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki kad\u0131n hareketinin bile\u015fenlerinin bir k\u0131sm\u0131 \u201ckad\u0131n grevi\u201d adland\u0131rmas\u0131nda \u0131srar etmi\u015f, sonu\u00e7ta ortakla\u015fma sa\u011flanamay\u0131nca \u201cd\u00fcnyadaki kad\u0131n grevine ses veriyoruz\u201d bi\u00e7iminde asl\u0131nda ne demek istedi\u011fi \u00e7ok da a\u00e7\u0131k olmayan bir c\u00fcmleyle kad\u0131n platformlar\u0131n\u0131n metinlerinde ve eylemlerinde yerini bulmu\u015ftu. Ancak sonra Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevi komitesinin a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda ve 2018\u2019e yans\u0131yan \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131nda \u201ckad\u0131n grevinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi \u00fclkeler<\/em>\u201d aras\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye de say\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

Peki bu, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bir kad\u0131n grevi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir mi? Bu durumda \u201cT\u00fcrkiye dahil 50 \u00fclkede kad\u0131n grevi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti<\/em>\u201d olarak yans\u0131t\u0131lan tablonun ger\u00e7ek\u00e7ili\u011finden ku\u015fku duymak gerekmez mi? B\u00f6yle bir kad\u0131n grevi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011finden T\u00fcrkiyeli kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun (hadi \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu olmas\u0131n da yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n olsun) haberi var m\u0131? B\u00f6yle bir grev tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olmayan, karar alma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin merkezili\u011fi ve darl\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedeniyle bu tart\u0131\u015fmaya dahil olma olanaklar\u0131 bile olmayan ama \u00f6fkeleri, talepleri, dayan\u0131\u015fma ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131yla kad\u0131nlar\u0131n farkl\u0131 kent merkezlerinde ya da kent \u00e7eperlerinde, mahallelerde, i\u015fyerlerinde irili ufakl\u0131 etkinliklerde, eylemlerde bir araya geli\u015fi \u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d say\u0131l\u0131r m\u0131?<\/p>\n

Feminist kad\u0131n grevini savunanlar \u201c\u00d6nemli olan hangi kad\u0131n\u0131n bu tart\u0131\u015fmalardan ve i\u00e7erikten haberdar oldu\u011fu de\u011fil, bir \u015fekilde harekete ge\u00e7mi\u015f olmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d diyebilir. Bizce bu, tam da yak\u0131n zamanda T\u00fcrkiye Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda tart\u0131\u015fmak istedi\u011fimiz, \u201cKad\u0131n hareketinin \u00f6znesi kimdir<\/em>\u201d sorusuna verdi\u011fimiz yan\u0131tlar\u0131n ideolojik, politik \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z<\/em>\u201d nedeniyle farkl\u0131 oldu\u011fu, \u00f6znesini farkl\u0131 tarif eden bile\u015fenlerin ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n hangi hukuka dayanmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fine ili\u015fkin daha geni\u015f \u00e7er\u00e7evede y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n da bir par\u00e7as\u0131.[25]<\/a><\/p>\n

KADIN GREV\u0130 D\u0130YE B\u0130R \u015eEY OLMAZ MI?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kad\u0131n grevinin di\u011fer bir boyutu olan \u201cniteli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d hakk\u0131ndaki duru\u015fumuzu da a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015ftural\u0131m: Bizim iddiam\u0131z \u201cKad\u0131n grevi gibi bir \u015fey olmaz<\/em>\u201d de\u011fil. Nitekim; tarihte yaln\u0131zca i\u015fyerleri ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmayan, kad\u0131n grevi olarak adland\u0131r\u0131labilecek pek \u00e7ok \u00f6rnek var; en ba\u015fta da 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 do\u011furan kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin grev ve m\u00fccadelesi!<\/p>\n

Grevin niteli\u011fine dair mesele, yine hangi soyutlama d\u00fczleminden tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zla ilgili; \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fkinli\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak, \u00fcretici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, yani i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n belirli bir talebi elde etmek i\u00e7in \u201cde\u011fer \u00fcretme<\/em>\u201d kapasitesinin verdi\u011fi g\u00fcc\u00fc kapitalist \u00fczerinde uygulamas\u0131 olarak grev cinsiyetsizdir, \u00f6yle de olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Burada soyutlama d\u00fczeyi, kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminde s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesidir. Kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ister toplumdaki cinsiyet\u00e7i \u015fiddete kar\u015f\u0131, ister bar\u0131\u015f talebiyle mevcut bir sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131, ister e\u015fit \u00fccret gibi ekonomik bir taleple yapm\u0131\u015f olsun, kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcn talepleriyle yapt\u0131klar\u0131 greve \u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d denmesinde hi\u00e7bir sak\u0131nca yoktur. Ne var ki grev burada yukar\u0131dakine g\u00f6re somutlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle, grev \u201csomut bir \u00f6znenin somut talepleri<\/em>\u201d taraf\u0131ndan belirlenmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6yle tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015f bir kad\u0131n grevinde, i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, kapitalizmin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne maruz kalan ve ataerkil tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc alt\u0131nda ezilen di\u011fer t\u00fcm kad\u0131nlara i\u015f durdurma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla, yani evdeki bak\u0131m y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc reddetme \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla zorunlu olarak tamamlan\u0131r. Bu bir anlamda, s\u00f6z konusu taleple (\u201ccinsiyet\u00e7i \u015fiddetin son bulmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201csava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 bar\u0131\u015f<\/em>\u201d, \u201ce\u015fit i\u015fe e\u015fit \u00fccret<\/em>\u201d ve hatta kapitalizmi y\u0131kmak) greve \u00e7\u0131kan kad\u0131nlarla di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131ftan kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda varsayd\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ve \u00e7e\u015fitli vesilelerle soka\u011fa yans\u0131tabildi\u011fimiz \u201ck\u0131z karde\u015fli\u011fin<\/em>\u201d de s\u0131nanmas\u0131d\u0131r. En son \u00f6rne\u011fi Flormar direni\u015fidir, denebilir.<\/p>\n

Ancak bu t\u00fcrden bir kad\u0131n grevinin \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 bu noktada bile eksik kal\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n grev \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yine zorunlu olarak par\u00e7as\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm mensuplar\u0131n\u0131 da kapsamal\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, en indirgenmi\u015f ifadeyle, ona kapitalizmin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn ve ataerkil tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm ve pratiklerinden kurtulmak ve nihayetinde bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc her g\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcreten kapitalizmi y\u0131kmak i\u00e7in bir \u201cordu<\/em>\u201d gerekmektedir. Bu ordu da kendisinin asli bir par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011fu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131d\u0131r.[26]<\/a> Hangi nicelikte olursa olsun i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n erkek \u00fcyelerinin ataerkil tahakk\u00fcm ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7erisinde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tutum ve sergiledi\u011fi davran\u0131\u015flar bu toplumsal ko\u015fulu de\u011fi\u015ftirmez. Tam tersine, onlar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 olduklar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc terk edip, kendi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ve tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn son buldu\u011fu bir toplum d\u00fczeni fikrini (kom\u00fcnizm) ve bunu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek olan eylemi (devrim) bir an \u00f6nce sahiplenmesi i\u00e7in bu tarihsel g\u00f6reve yap\u0131lan \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n daha da g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6sterir. Nitekim burjuvaziye yasal ya da pratik geri ad\u0131m att\u0131ran kad\u0131n grevi \u00f6rneklerinden biz bunu \u00f6\u011freniyoruz.<\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin 1912\u2019de ABD Massachusetts eyaletinde kurulu olan, k\u0131rk farkl\u0131 ulustan i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck tekstil fabrikas\u0131 Lawrence\u2019da 54 saatlik haftal\u0131k \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma saati, y\u00fczde 15 \u00fccret art\u0131\u015f\u0131, fazla mesai kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00e7ift \u00f6deme, e\u015fit i\u015fe e\u015fit \u00fccret talepleriyle grev yapan, grev boyunca yay\u0131mlanan b\u00fct\u00fcn bildirileri tam 25 farkl\u0131 dile \u00e7eviren, \u201cEkmek ve G\u00fcl<\/em>\u201d slogan\u0131yla b\u00fcy\u00fck y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fler d\u00fczenleyen kad\u0131nlar, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, m\u00fccadele ve direni\u015f tarihinde \u00f6nemli izler ve kazan\u0131mlar yaratt\u0131. Bu grevin \u00f6rg\u00fctleyicilerinden Elizabeth Gurley Flynn\u2019in hikayesi bize kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin yaln\u0131zca \u00fccret talebini de\u011fil, sendika y\u00f6netimlerinin ataerkil yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na cevaps\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcndem ettiklerini, m\u00fccadelelerini do\u011fum kontrol y\u00f6ntemlerine eri\u015fimden, oy hakk\u0131na kadar geni\u015f bir alanda s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fcklerini de g\u00f6steriyor.[27]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, Petrogradl\u0131 tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n 8 Mart 1917\u2019de t\u00fcm i\u015fyerlerinde birden \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131 grev, kent \u00e7ap\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir direni\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f, ister evde ister tarlada \u00e7al\u0131\u015fs\u0131n t\u00fcm kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ortak dertlerini isyana d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir m\u00fccadeleye evriltmi\u015fti. Rusya\u2019daki \u00e7arl\u0131k rejimine kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flayacak direni\u015fin k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m\u0131 olan bu grev, 1917 Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 da haz\u0131rlad\u0131.<\/p>\n

1857\u2019de New York\u2019ta 40 bin tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isinin 16 saatlik i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn 10 saate indirilmesi, insanl\u0131k d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczeltilmesi, \u00fccretlerin y\u00fckseltilmesi, kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin e\u015fit haklara sahip olmas\u0131 talebiyle ba\u015flatt\u0131klar\u0131 grev, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n yoksul semtlerden ba\u015flayan y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015flerini kenti boydan boya ge\u00e7erek zenginlerin oturdu\u011fu mahallelere do\u011fru y\u00f6nelince polislerin ac\u0131mas\u0131z sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131yla k\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Ancak kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu dalga, kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fccadele dalgas\u0131n\u0131n da \u00f6nemli dayanaklar\u0131ndan biri olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc ve 1910 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u0130kinci Uluslararas\u0131 Sosyalist Kad\u0131n Konferans\u0131nda Clara Zetkin\u2019in \u00f6nerisiyle her y\u0131l bir g\u00fcn\u00fcn kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ekonomik ve politik haklar\u0131yla ilgili uluslararas\u0131 bir dayan\u0131\u015fma ve m\u00fccadele g\u00fcn\u00fc olarak kutlanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in al\u0131nan karar sonucu olarak sadece Almanya, Avusturya, Danimarka ve \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2019de 1911 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n 19 Mart\u2019\u0131nda \u201cUluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n G\u00fcn\u00fc<\/em>\u201d olarak bir milyondan fazla kad\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla kitlesel kutlamalar yap\u0131lmas\u0131na var\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, \u0130ngiliz emek\u00e7ilerinin tarihinde \u201ce\u015fit \u00fccret<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan ilk grevi 1918\u2019de \u201cE\u015fitiz, E\u015fit \u00dccret \u0130steriz<\/em>\u201d sloganlar\u0131yla Londra\u2019daki kad\u0131n tramvay i\u015f\u00e7ileri ba\u015flatt\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan di\u011fer \u015fehirlerde ve metro i\u015f\u00e7ileri aras\u0131nda da yay\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, kad\u0131n erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fccret e\u015fitli\u011fini sa\u011flayan kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcne bir de h\u00fck\u00fcmetin \u201cSava\u015f Kabinesi Komitesi\u2019nin End\u00fcstrideki Kad\u0131nlar \u00fczerine Raporu<\/em>\u201dnda ortaya kondu\u011fu gibi, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n, annelik haklar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczeltilmesinin g\u00fcndem edilmesiyle ba\u015far\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[28]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130talya\u2019da 1917-1918 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7iler ge\u00e7im \u00f6dene\u011finin (bug\u00fcnk\u00fc asgari ge\u00e7im indiriminin bir bi\u00e7imi) erkek ve kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda e\u015fit olmas\u0131, sadece erkeklere verilen saat ba\u015f\u0131 \u00fccret art\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n (%25) ayn\u0131 i\u015fi yapan kad\u0131nlara da verilmesi, par\u00e7a ba\u015f\u0131 \u00fccret sisteminin kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p yerine onurlu bir ya\u015fam s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye yetecek sabit bir \u00fccret konmas\u0131, i\u015fg\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn 8 saat olmas\u0131 talepleriyle grev yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00dcstelik m\u00fccadelelerini yaln\u0131zca ekonomik taleplere s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131\u015f, \u0130talya\u2019n\u0131n sava\u015ftan \u00e7ekilmesi amac\u0131yla \u00fcretimden gelen g\u00fc\u00e7lerini de kullanm\u0131\u015flar. D\u00f6neme ili\u015fkin s\u00f6zl\u00fc tarih \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 buna dair bir\u00e7ok veri sunuyor. 1918\u2019de Torino\u2019daki FIAT fabrikas\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Maria Barbero\u2019nun \u201c[e\u011fer greve \u00e7\u0131kmazsak] sava\u015f sona ermeyecek, biz a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6lece\u011fiz, onlar [askerler] siperlerde \u00f6lecekler [dedik]. Erkekler bize bakt\u0131 ve sonra bizimle d\u0131\u015far\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. FIAT bek\u00e7ileri y\u00fcz\u00fcm\u00fcze bakt\u0131 ama hi\u00e7bir \u015fey demedi<\/em>\u201d diye anlat\u0131yor.[29]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bunlar gibi sayabilece\u011fimiz daha pek \u00e7ok \u00f6rnek bize g\u00f6steriyor ki; \u201ckad\u0131n grevleri<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi talepleri yaln\u0131zca \u00fccret ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmayan, \u00fccretli istihdam alan\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131na ta\u015farak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme s\u00fcrecinin do\u011fal par\u00e7as\u0131 olan, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bu grev ve direni\u015flerle yaln\u0131zca ekonomik haklar elde etmedi\u011fi \u00fcst\u00fcne d\u00f6nemlerinin sendikal anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 da de\u011fi\u015ftirdikleri, bedenlerine ili\u015fkin haklar\u0131n\u0131 kullanmay\u0131 talep ettikleri, oy hakk\u0131 gibi politik haklar\u0131n\u0131 elde etmenin en \u00f6nemli arac\u0131 olarak \u00fcretimden gelen g\u00fc\u00e7lerini kullanmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frendikleri, sava\u015f s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde bar\u0131\u015f s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc en etkili bi\u00e7imde dile getirdikleri m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imleridir.<\/p>\n

SON OLARAK\u2026<\/strong><\/p>\n

Feminist kad\u0131n grevi tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye kad\u0131n hareketi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da \u00f6nemli bir tart\u0131\u015fma g\u00fcndemi olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda durdu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131k. 5-6 Ocak 2019\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen T\u00fcrkiye Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda da 8 Mart\u2019a ili\u015fkin \u201cyeniden \u00fcretim<\/em>\u201d alan\u0131nda da \u201ci\u015f durdurmay\u0131<\/em>\u201d esas alan feminist kad\u0131n grevi \u00f6nerildi.[30]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bulu\u015fmada greve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye ko\u015fullar\u0131nda olabilirli\u011fine ku\u015fkuyla bakanlar oldu\u011fu gibi, grevin esas\u0131na itirazla bu bulu\u015fma bile\u015fenlerinin ortakla\u015fabilece\u011fi bir m\u00fccadele g\u00fcndemi olarak \u201c8 Mart \u00fccretli izin g\u00fcn\u00fc olsun kampanyas\u0131<\/em>\u201d \u00f6nerenler de oldu. Hatta greve ili\u015fkin tart\u0131\u015fma T\u00fcrkiye Bulu\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan da devam etti. Her ne kadar \u201c\u00fccretli izin g\u00fcn\u00fc kampanyas\u0131<\/em>\u201d \u00f6nerisi T\u00fcrkiye Bulu\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcndemleri toparlayan sonu\u00e7 metnine yans\u0131masa da \u201c8 Mart kad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d bir tart\u0131\u015fma g\u00fcndemi olarak metinde yer buldu. 8 Mart\u2019a giden s\u00fcre\u00e7te de t\u00fcm yerellerde, ortak m\u00fccadele alanlar\u0131m\u0131zda tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaya devam edecek. Kad\u0131n hareketinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak bu tart\u0131\u015fma g\u00fcndemine ili\u015fkin fikrimizi ortak m\u00fccadele alanlar\u0131m\u0131zda dile getirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k, yeniden s\u00f6yleyelim 8 Mart\u2019ta feminist kad\u0131n grevine esastan itiraz\u0131m\u0131z var. Bu yaz\u0131 da bu esastan itiraz\u0131n teorik ve politik nedenlerini a\u00e7\u0131klama, s\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn bir arka plana dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlatma \u00e7abas\u0131yla yaz\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 8 Mart feminist kad\u0131n grevi \u00f6nerisinin, esasen \u00f6nce bi\u00e7iminin dayat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, i\u00e7eri\u011finin ise oldubittiye getirildi\u011fi bir tabloda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz. B\u00f6ylesi bir grevin teorik arka plan\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7mayan, en basitinden \u201cBu grevin temel talebi ne olacak<\/em>\u201d sorusunun bile ortaya konamad\u0131\u011f\u0131, Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevi hareketinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olmak gerekti\u011finin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131p ortakla\u015f\u0131lmadan ba\u015ftan herkes\u00e7e kabul edilmi\u015f bir \u201cgereklilik<\/em>\u201d olarak varsay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tablo bu. Bizim gibi esastan itiraz\u0131 olanlar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda; \u201cfeminist grev<\/em>\u201d olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenecek olsa bile, bunun bug\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye ko\u015fullar\u0131nda olabilirli\u011fini tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7an, esas\u0131na itiraz etmese de olabilirli\u011fine itiraz\u0131 olan \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc kamu emek\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, bir\u00e7o\u011funun ihrac\u0131yla, grevin \u201crapor alma<\/em>\u201d \u00e7izgisine, sendika kap\u0131s\u0131na ya da yakalara mor kurdela tak\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00e7izgisine \u00e7ekilmesiyle sonu\u00e7lanan, son 2 y\u0131ll\u0131k \u201cgrev<\/em>\u201d deneyimini g\u00f6rmezden gelen, k\u0131sacas\u0131 \u201cgrev<\/em>\u201d diye yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lan ilk anda \u201cgrev<\/em>\u201din \u00f6znesi olacak milyonlarca i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n\u0131n somut ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n grev tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na dahil edilemedi\u011fi bir \u201ctart\u0131\u015famama<\/em>\u201d ortam\u0131nda esastan itirazlar\u0131 dile getirmek de \u00e7ok kolay olmad\u0131. Ne yaz\u0131k ki, 8 Mart feminist kad\u0131n grevini tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7man\u0131n bile bir nevi \u201cbozgunculuk<\/em>\u201d olarak ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u201ctart\u0131\u015famama<\/em>\u201d s\u00fcreci de ya\u015fad\u0131k.[31]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u015eunu s\u00f6ylemeden ge\u00e7meyelim; b\u00f6yle temel ideolojik farkl\u0131l\u0131klara tekab\u00fcl eden bir konunun, kad\u0131n hareketinin ortak m\u00fccadelesinin ve m\u00fccadele g\u00fcndemlerinin nas\u0131l belirlenece\u011fine, farkl\u0131 ideolojik-politik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerden kad\u0131nlar olarak birlikte yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kad\u0131n hareketinin nas\u0131l yol alaca\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin yap\u0131lan bulu\u015fmalarda bir dayatma olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fru bulmuyoruz. Hatta, bu konuda ortakla\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131kken, bunun sanki ortakl\u0131k s\u00f6z konusuymu\u015f gibi yans\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u201cayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131<\/em>\u201d buluyoruz. \u00d6rne\u011fin, 5-6 Ocak 2019 tarihlerinde \u0130stanbul\u2019da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen T\u00fcrkiye Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n tam bir y\u0131l \u00f6ncesinde feminist kad\u0131n grevi g\u00fcndemi yine platformlar\u0131n, sendikalar\u0131n g\u00fcndemine geldi\u011finde konu hakk\u0131ndaki fikirlerimizi dile getirmi\u015fken, hem bulu\u015fma \u00f6ncesinde hem de bulu\u015fma s\u0131ras\u0131nda bu konuda ortakla\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 ifade etme alanlar\u0131n\u0131 zorlamak zorunda kal\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z (evet, zorlamak zorunda kald\u0131k, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sanki b\u00f6yle bir itiraz\u0131m\u0131z yokmu\u015f gibi bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na neden olan sorunlar ya\u015fand\u0131 bulu\u015fmada) esasen bizden de\u011fil, bu konuda bir ortakla\u015fma olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k oldu\u011fu halde bir ortakl\u0131k varm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktan kaynakl\u0131 bir sorundur.<\/p>\n

\u201cBirbirinin fikrini ve itiraz\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nemsedi\u011fini, esas olan\u0131n farkl\u0131l\u0131klar de\u011fil ortakl\u0131klar oldu\u011funu<\/em>\u201d vurgulayarak bir aradal\u0131k hukuku olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in yola \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade eden bir T\u00fcrkiye Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131, bu itirazlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezle\u015fti\u011fi, \u201ckad\u0131n grevini bir g\u00fcndem olarak \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze koyma<\/em>\u201d ifadesiyle yuvarlanan bir sonu\u00e7 metni \u00e7\u0131kararak asl\u0131nda fiilen \u201cfeminist kad\u0131n grevi konusunda ortakla\u015fma var, mesele bunu nas\u0131l \u00f6rg\u00fctleyece\u011fimizde<\/em>\u201d diyerek kayda alm\u0131\u015f oldu.[32]<\/a>Peki, \u00f6rne\u011fin yerellerde birlikte m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz alanlarda, platformlarda bu ortakla\u015fman\u0131n ger\u00e7ekte olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ne olacak? Daha ba\u015ftan b\u00f6ylesi bir ortakla\u015fman\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi s\u00f6z konusuyken, bulu\u015fmadan bir \u201ckad\u0131n grevi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi<\/em>\u201d sonucu \u00e7\u0131karmak do\u011fru da de\u011fil, kad\u0131n hareketinin hukukuna uygun da de\u011fil. Kad\u0131nlar Birlikte G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ismini birlikte koydu\u011fumuz, bu zamana kadar birlikte yol ald\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u201cbir aradal\u0131k<\/em>\u201dta, farkl\u0131 feminizmlerin bi\u00e7im ve i\u00e7eri\u011fini ortak tarif edece\u011fi bir \u201cfeminist grev<\/em>\u201d karar\u0131 al\u0131n\u0131p uygulanabilir mi bilemeyiz, ancak bizim bak\u0131m\u0131m\u0131zdan \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131k ki biz burada geldi\u011fimiz noktada \u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201dni sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir zeminde tart\u0131\u015fam\u0131yoruz.<\/p>\n

Herkesin kendi politik g\u00fcndemini dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fil, kad\u0131n hareketinin do\u011fas\u0131na uygun olarak geni\u015f kad\u0131n kesimlerinin \u201cbenim s\u00f6z\u00fcm<\/em>\u201d diyebilece\u011fi ortak taleplerin konu\u015fulabildi\u011fi, bu m\u00fccadele g\u00fcndemleri i\u00e7in en geni\u015f kad\u0131n birlikteli\u011fini nas\u0131l sa\u011flar\u0131z, nas\u0131l ortak hareket edebiliriz sorusuna birlikte anlaml\u0131 yan\u0131tlar verebilece\u011fimiz, asgari bir ortakla\u015fma zemini sa\u011flayabilece\u011fimiz t\u00fcm mecralarda birlikte yol y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye elbette devam edece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> 24 Ekim 1975\u2019de \u0130zlanda\u2019da kad\u0131nlar \u00fccretlerdeki e\u015fitsizli\u011fin giderilmesi i\u00e7in, yani e\u015fit \u00fccret talebiyle birlikte \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve ev ya\u015fam\u0131nda ya\u015fanan ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n topluma ve ekonomiye sundu\u011fu katk\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131 talebini birle\u015ftirerek \u201cKad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u0130zin G\u00fcn\u00fc<\/em>\u201d (\u0130ngilizce: Women\u2019s Day Off, \u0130zlandaca: Kvennafr\u00eddagurinn) slogan\u0131yla saat 2.05\u2018te i\u015f durdular. Bu erkeklerle aralar\u0131ndaki \u00fccret fark\u0131n\u0131 simgeliyordu. O d\u00f6nem 220 bin n\u00fcfuslu \u00fclkede, 25 bin ki\u015fi ba\u015fkent Reyjavik\u2018teki protestoya kat\u0131ld\u0131. Daha \u00e7ok kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bal\u0131k\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k gibi kimi sekt\u00f6rlerde o g\u00fcn i\u00e7in fabrikalar kapand\u0131. Ertesi y\u0131l parlamento e\u015fit \u00fccret yasas\u0131n\u0131 onaylad\u0131.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a>Ulusal Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131 bu y\u0131l 33. kez ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. Arjantin\u2019deki bu bulu\u015fmalar ve genel olarak kad\u0131n hareketi hakk\u0131nda daha detayl\u0131 bilgi i\u00e7in Ekmek ve G\u00fcl\u2019de yay\u0131nlanan II. Latin Amerika ve Karayipler Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131\u2019nda (Quito 2018) Arjantin delegelerinin sundu\u011fu rapora bak\u0131n\u0131z: https:\/\/ekmekvegul.net\/guncel-dosya\/arjantin-milyonlarca-kadinin-sokagi-birakmadigi-ulke<\/a> Bulu\u015fmadaki di\u011fer delegelerin sundu\u011fu raporlar i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z: https:\/\/ekmekvegul.net\/file\/ii-latin-amerika-ve-karayipler-kadin-bulusmasi<\/a>\u00a0<\/em><\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> A\u00e7\u0131k metnin tamam\u0131 i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z: https:\/\/www.migrantinnen.net\/abd-kadin\/.<\/p>\n

Y\u00fczde 99\u2019un feminizmi ve kad\u0131n grevi tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na ili\u015fkin bir ba\u015fka de\u011ferlendirme ve tart\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z: \u201cYeni Bir Kad\u0131n Hareketi, Yine Bir Feminizm\u201d, Teori ve Eylem, Nisan 2017, http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/2017\/04\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Cecilia Palmeiro, \u201cDevrimci zaman\u0131m\u0131z olarak kad\u0131n grevi\u201d https:\/\/baslangicdergi.org\/devrimci-zaman-kadin grevi\/<\/a><\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Yaz\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131nda ortaya koydu\u011fumuz gibi, 8 Mart\u2019ta yap\u0131lacak bir feminist grevi savunan ve \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirenler yaln\u0131zca Yeniden \u00dcretim Teorisi feministleri de\u011fil. Nitekim \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli feminizmler feminist kad\u0131n grevinin \u201cgereklili\u011fi\u201d konusunda ortakla\u015fan fikirlere sahip olsalar da zaman\u0131, i\u00e7eri\u011fi, niteli\u011fi ve kapsam\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler ortaya koyabiliyorlar.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Lise Vogel, Marksizm ve Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n Ezilmi\u015fli\u011fi: Birle\u015ftirici Bir Kurama Do\u011fru<\/em>, \u00e7ev. \u00c7i\u011fdem \u00c7\u0131daml\u0131, \u0130stanbul: Nota Bene, 2015. Kitap 1990 y\u0131l\u0131nda Mine \u00d6ng\u00f6ren \u00e7evirisiyle Pencere Yay\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan Marksist Teoride Kad\u0131n<\/em> ad\u0131yla yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Orijinali ilk kez Marxism and the Oppression of Women<\/em> ad\u0131yla Rutgers University Press taraf\u0131ndan \u201cHistorical Materialism Book Series\u201d [Tarihsel Materyalizm Serisi] dahilinde 1983\u2019te bas\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201c\u0131rk, s\u0131n\u0131f, etnisite, din ve cinsel y\u00f6nelim\u201d gibi \u201cfarklar\u0131n\u0131n\u201d birbiri \u00fcst\u00fcne binen kimlikler, tahakk\u00fcm ve ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k deneyimleri olarak ele alan Kesi\u015fimsel Feminizm bu \u201cfarklar\u0131n\u201d kendilerine \u00f6zg\u00fc toplumsal zeminlerden ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p, sonra da birbiriyle eklemlendi\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. \u201cToplumsal cinsiyet, \u0131rk ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u201d\u0131 birer kimlikler \u00e7oklu\u011fu olarak kavrayan kesi\u015fimsel feminizm, ger\u00e7ekte b\u00fct\u00fcn olan tahakk\u00fcm, bask\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc bi\u00e7imlerini ayr\u0131 birer sistem olarak ele al\u0131p, kapitalizmden ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rarak bunlar\u0131 birer kimlik g\u00f6stereni haline getiriyor. \u00a0 Kesi\u015fimsellik kavram\u0131na ele\u015ftirel bir feminist de\u011ferlendirme i\u00e7in bkn: Delia D. Aguilar, \u201cKesi\u015fimsellik\u201d, Marksizm ve Feminizm i\u00e7inde, sy 255-277, der. Shahrzad Mojab, Yordam Kitap, 2015<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> C. Arruzza, T. Bhattacharya ve N. Fraser, \u201cNotes for a feminist manifesto\u201d, New Let Review 114, Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k say\u0131s\u0131: sf. 113-134. Makale \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde \u00e7\u0131kacak Feminism for the 99 Percent: A Manifesto<\/em> [%99\u2019un Feminizmi: Bir Manifesto] kitab\u0131n\u0131n anahatlar\u0131n\u0131 da temsil ediyor.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> Feminist bir manifestoda bu kadar \u00e7ok Marksizm izini nas\u0131l yorumlamal\u0131?!<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> \u201cCapitalism did not invent the subordination of women, which has existed in different modes in all previous class societies. But capitalism established new, distinctively modern forms of sexism, underpinned by new institutional structures. The key innovation was to separate the making of people from the making of profit, to assign the first job to women, and to sub\u00adordinate it to the second. \u2026 social reproduction is gendered\u2014assigned to or associated with women. Its organization depends on gender roles and entrenches gender oppression. Social reproduction is therefore a feminist issue.<\/em>\u201dA.g.e. sf. 121.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> \u0130tiraz\u0131m\u0131z bunlar\u0131n kapitalist yeniden \u00fcretimle ili\u015fkisini kurmamak \u00fczere de\u011fil, cinsiyetli <\/em>\u2018insan \u00fcretimi\u2019 gibi k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 bir zeminde tarif edilmi\u015f bir \u2018yeniden \u00fcretim\u2019in temelsiz geni\u015fletilmesine. Zira Marksizme g\u00f6re mal ve hizmet \u00fcretiminden olu\u015fan her meta \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci ayn\u0131 zamanda bir yeniden \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecidir.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> Kad\u0131n grevi feminizminin bu tutumuna ili\u015fkin bir \u00f6rnek i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z: Bhattacharya, \u201cHow Not To Skip Class: Social Reproduction of Labor and the Global Working Class\u201d [S\u0131n\u0131f Nas\u0131l G\u00f6zden Ka\u00e7maz: Eme\u011fin Toplumsal Yeniden \u00dcretimi ve K\u00fcresel \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131], \u00a0 https:\/\/www.viewpointmag.com\/2015\/10\/31\/how-not-to-skip-class-social-reproduction-of-labor-and-the-global-working-class\/ (eri\u015fim: 21.01.2019)<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> Manifesto yazarlar\u0131 bu noktada s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yeni bir a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyorlar, bu a\u015fama da feminist, enternasyonalist, \u00e7evreci, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi. Oysa \u201cemek m\u00fccadelesi denilen \u015fey<\/em>\u201din politik program\u0131nda ya da pratik taleplerinde, \u00f6rne\u011fin, kapitalizmin do\u011fay\u0131 talan\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7eriklerin olmas\u0131 onu, sorunu kapitalizmde g\u00f6rmeyen \u00e7evreci hareketlerle ekolojist bir \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmeye sokmayaca\u011f\u0131 gibi, kad\u0131nlara \u00f6zg\u00fc her d\u00fczeyde cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fin, \u015fiddetin cinsel tacizin son bulmas\u0131 gibi i\u00e7erikler de feminizmle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmeye yetmez. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6z\u00fc ve \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 gere\u011fi enternasyonalist oldu\u011fu tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131zd\u0131r. Feminizmin bunu yeni ke\u015ffediyor olmas\u0131 proleterya a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni bir tan\u0131mlamay\u0131 de\u011fil, feministlerin yeni bir tutum almas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> %99\u2019un feminizmi temsilcilerinin manifestolar\u0131nda yapt\u0131klar\u0131 \u201cburjuva\/liberal feminizmden kopu\u015f\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 ayn\u0131 \u201cacemili\u011fin\u201d bir ba\u015fka yans\u0131mas\u0131 olsa gerektir; zira \u201cfeminist olmayan\u201d sosyalist kad\u0131nlar ve proleter kad\u0131nlar, m\u00fccadeleleri tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan beri burjuva-liberal feminizmle \u201ckopu\u015f\u201d gerektirecek bir \u201cbirlik\u201d i\u00e7erisinde yer almam\u0131\u015f, hatta Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131, \u0130talya\u2019da fa\u015fizm, Almanya\u2019da Nazizim \u00f6rneklerinde de g\u00f6r\u00fclebilece\u011fi \u00fczere burjuvaziye payanda olmalar\u0131n\u0131 Enternasyonal<\/em> d\u00fczeyinde mahkum etmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> Marksizm ile ikili sistem feminizmi aras\u0131ndaki tart\u0131\u015fma, bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n ana tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 olarak de\u011fil sadece bir arka plan sunmaya yetecek kadar ele alman\u0131n beraberinde getirdi\u011fi ifade k\u0131s\u0131tlar\u0131 olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> Engels, \u201cBirinci Bask\u0131n\u0131n \u00d6ns\u00f6z\u00fc\u201d, Ailenin, \u00d6zel M\u00fclkiyetin ve Devletin K\u00f6keni<\/em>, \u00e7ev. Kenan Somer, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 12<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> Marx, Kapital<\/em> 1. Cilt,\u00e7ev. Mehmet Selik ve Nail Satl\u0131gan, Yordam Kitap, sf. 547<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> \u201cKan ba\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulmu\u015f eski toplum, yeni yeni geli\u015fmi\u015f toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 sonucu de\u011fi\u015fir; yerini, art\u0131k dayanaklar\u0131n\u0131 kan ba\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulmu\u015f topluluklar\u0131n de\u011fil, belirli bir \u00fclkede ya\u015fayan topluluklar\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu devlet i\u00e7inde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen aile rejiminin tamamen m\u00fclkiyet rejimi taraf\u0131ndan belirlendi\u011fi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar gelen yaz\u0131l\u0131 tarihin b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc bi\u00e7imlendiren s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131flar sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n bundan b\u00f6yle i\u00e7inde \u00f6zg\u00fcrce geli\u015fti\u011fi yeni bir topluma b\u0131rak\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d Engels, K\u00f6ken, sf. 12.<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a>Marx, Kapital<\/em> 1., sf. 547<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a>\u201cMateryalist tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na g\u00f6re, tarihte belirleyici etken, son a\u015famada, ger\u00e7ek ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimidir. Ne Marx, ne de ben, hi\u00e7bir zaman daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmedik. E\u011fer, sonradan herhangi biri, \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p da ekonomik etken tek belirleyicidir dedirtmek \u00fczere bu \u00f6nermenin anlam\u0131n\u0131 zorlarsa, onu, bo\u015f, soyut, anlams\u0131z bir s\u00f6z haline getirmi\u015f olur.<\/strong> \u0130ktisadi durum temeldir, ama \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fcst yap\u0131 \u00f6\u011feleri \u2026 tarihsel sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n gidi\u015fi \u00fczerinde etki yaparlar ve bir\u00e7ok durumda a\u011f\u0131r basarak onun bi\u00e7imini belirlerler. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu etkenlerin etkisi ve tepkisi vard\u0131r, \u00f6yle ki ekonomik hareket, bu etkenlerin ba\u011fr\u0131nda, sonunda, bir zorunluluk olarak, sonsuz bir raslant\u0131lar (yani aralar\u0131ndaki gizli ba\u011flant\u0131 o kadar uzak ya da ortaya konulmas\u0131 o kadar g\u00fc\u00e7 oldu\u011fundan, yok sayabildi\u011fimiz ya da hesaba katmayabildi\u011fimiz \u015feyler ve olaylar) y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 aras\u0131ndan kendine yol a\u00e7maya ba\u015flar.<\/em>\u201d Engels, \u201cJoseph Bloch\u2019a Mektup\u201d (21 Eyl\u00fcl 1890), Felsefe \u0130ncelemeleri<\/em> (Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u00e7ev. Sevim Belli)<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> Oysa s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri d\u00fczeyinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ili\u015fkilere dayan\u0131r ve basit\u00e7e art\u0131k eme\u011fe el koyma olgusunda indirgenemez. S\u0131n\u0131flar da basit bir bi\u00e7imde insan \u00f6zneleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin ampirik olarak g\u00f6zlemlenmesinden t\u00fcretilmez.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a>https:\/\/catlakzemin.com\/fabrikalardan-evlere-kadin-grevi\/<\/a><\/p>\n

[23]<\/a> \u201cBu tarihten itibaren \u00fcretim kapsam\u0131na indirgenen bir grev her zaman \u2018k\u0131smi grev\u2019 olacak.\u201dhttps:\/\/catlakzemin.com\/bu-bir-genel-grev-degil-feminist-grevdir-kadinlar-durursa-dunya-durur\/<\/a><\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> Bu konuda bir tart\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7in bkn. Marksizm ve Feminizmin Daimi Ge\u00e7imsizli\u011fi https:\/\/ozgurlukdunyasi.org\/arsiv\/298-sayi-224\/950-marksizm-ve-feminizmin-daimi-gecimsizligi-bir-konferansin-ardindan-feminizmi-yeniden-degerlendirmek<\/a><\/p>\n

[25]<\/a>Bu tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 yaz\u0131n\u0131n son b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde T\u00fcrkiye Kad\u0131n Hareketinin son aylarda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi tart\u0131\u015fmalar \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> \u0130sko\u00e7ya\u2019da, par\u00e7as\u0131 olduklar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n erkek \u00fcyeleriyle sendikalar\u0131nda bir tan\u0131nma m\u00fccadelesi vermi\u015f, buradaki kazan\u0131mla i\u015fverenleri olan belediyeye kar\u015f\u0131 \u201ce\u015fit \u00fccret\u201d talebiyle greve \u00e7\u0131kan Glasgow Belediye i\u015f\u00e7isi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n grevi, bu kad\u0131n grevi bir\u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6\u011fretici duruyor. \u201cGMB Sendikas\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc Rhea Wolfson: E\u015fit \u00fccret, i\u015fverenin bize verdi\u011fi bir hediye de\u011fil. Bu bizim hakk\u0131m\u0131z. K\u00f6t\u00fc i\u015fverenlere ve onlar\u0131n alt\u0131 rakaml\u0131 maa\u015flar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fmak i\u00e7in bir ordu gerekiyor, ama bizim de bir ordumuz var. Bu kavga sadece cinsiyetle ilgili de\u011fil. S\u0131n\u0131f ile ilgili. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan kad\u0131nlar sava\u015farak kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k veriyor.<\/em>\u201d (Sarya Tun\u00e7, \u201cGlasgowlu Kad\u0131n \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler: E\u015fit \u00fccret hediye de\u011fil hakt\u0131r\u201d, Ekmek ve G\u00fcl, 24 Ekim 2018, https:\/\/ekmekvegul.net\/sinirlarin-otesi\/glasgowlu-kadin-isciler-esit-ucret-hediye-degil-haktir)<\/p>\n

[27]<\/a> \u201cDireni\u015fi kad\u0131nlarla dokuyan Elizabeth Gurley Flynn\u201d, M\u00fcslime Karabatak, Ekmek ve G\u00fcl dergisi Aral\u0131k 2014 say\u0131s\u0131, https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/99154\/direnisi-kadinlarla-dokuyan-elizabeth-gurley-flynn<\/a><\/p>\n

[28]<\/a>https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/284158\/sen-benim-yarimsin-gel-birlesip-tam-olalim<\/a><\/p>\n

[29]<\/a> http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/2017\/05\/italyada-fasizm-ve-kadinlar-1\/<\/p>\n

[30]<\/a> Tam da bu noktada kendi duru\u015fumuzu da a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmakta fayda var: Nas\u0131l ki \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi birbirinden kopuk ele alm\u0131yorsak, i\u015fyeriyle haneyi de birbirinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z alanlar olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnm\u00fcyoruz. Yukar\u0131daki tarif etti\u011fimiz \u015fekilde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f bir\u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d ve ona destek eylemleri<\/em>nin zorunlu bir sonucu olan<\/em> evde de\u011fil sokakta olma halini, yani zaten bir kad\u0131n grevi yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacak sonucu (eylem s\u00fcresince evde bak\u0131m eme\u011finden \u00e7ekilmeyi) s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n eyleminden ayr\u0131 bir eylem olarak tan\u0131mlayan feminist greve itiraz ediyoruz.<\/p>\n

[31]<\/a> Bu \u201ctart\u0131\u015famama<\/em>\u201d sorununda esasen kad\u0131n hareketi i\u00e7inde \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131zla bir araday\u0131z<\/em>\u201d derken feminizmin bir turnusal haline getirilip, kad\u0131n hareketinin kapsay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k iddias\u0131n\u0131 \u201cfeminist olan\/olmayan<\/em>\u201d ifadesiyle sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan hegemonik yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131n da etkili oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, kad\u0131n hareketinin feminist bile\u015fenlerinin, kad\u0131n hareketinin ortak metinlerinde \u201cfeminist isyan<\/em>\u201d, \u201cfeminist dayan\u0131\u015fma<\/em>\u201d ve benzeri ifadelere yer verilmeyince politik kimli\u011finin yok say\u0131lmas\u0131 hissiyat\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemesi ile \u00e7eli\u015fki yarat\u0131yor. Kad\u0131n hareketine, hareketin asli unsurlar\u0131ndan biri olan feminizm d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan, \u00f6rne\u011fin di\u011fer bir asli unsur olan sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesinden, \u00f6rne\u011fin ezilen ulus ve\/ya mezhep m\u00fccadelesinden ya da sadece ve sadece emek\u00e7i bir kad\u0131n olarak s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen m\u00fccadelelerden gelen, hatta egemen din\/mezhep mensubu olarak \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc de kurmu\u015f ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ortak sorunlar\u0131 i\u00e7in bir arada m\u00fccadele etme fikriyle kad\u0131n hareketine gelmi\u015f herkesin farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 \u201cfeminist olmayan<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezle\u015ftiriliyor.<\/p>\n

Bu g\u00f6r\u00fcnmezle\u015ftirme i\u00e7inde bir de \u201cBizi bir araya getirenler neler<\/em>\u201d sorusunun \u201cBizi buraya hangi hareket\/\u00f6rg\u00fctlenme getirdi<\/em>\u201d sorusuna b\u00fck\u00fclmesi de sorunu derinle\u015ftiriyor. \u0130lki, t\u00fcm farkl\u0131l\u0131klara ra\u011fmen ortak m\u00fccadele g\u00fcndemlerimizi olu\u015fturmaya ili\u015fkin anlaml\u0131 bir tart\u0131\u015fmayken, ikincisi herkesin feminist oldu\u011funun\/olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011finin varsay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir zeminde sosyalist kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bu varsay\u0131ma ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na itiraz\u0131n\u0131 bir zorunluluk haline getiriyor. Bu durum hem \u201cvarsayan\u0131<\/em>\u201d hem de \u201citiraz edeni<\/em>\u201d yoran, aralar\u0131ndaki hukuku y\u0131pratan bir gerilime d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor. Bunun, kad\u0131n hareketini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren bir tart\u0131\u015fma zemini olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n

[32]<\/a> Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m Bulu\u015fma\u2019da \u201ckad\u0131n grevi<\/em>\u201d karar\u0131 al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f gibi, Kad\u0131nlar Birlikte G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u2019y\u00fc de grev karar\u0131 alma yetkisi olan bir \u201cmerkezi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme<\/em>\u201d imi\u015f gibi g\u00f6steren man\u015fetlerin at\u0131lmas\u0131na \u201cyol verdi.<\/em>\u201d \u0130ki \u00f6rnek i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z:<\/p>\n

\u201cKad\u0131nlar Birlikte G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc\u2019den 8 Mart i\u00e7in Kad\u0131n Grevi Karar\u0131\u201d https:\/\/tele1.com.tr\/kadinlar-birlikte-gucluden-8-mart-icin-kadin-grevi-karari-23431\/<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cKad\u0131nlar Birlikte G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc: 8 Mart Grevine T\u00fcrkiye\u2019den Ses Verilecek\u201d http:\/\/www.etha1.com\/Haberler\/kadinlar-birlikte-guclu-8-mart-grevine-turkiyeden-ses-verilecek-\/10\/8812<\/a><\/p>\n

<\/h1>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Fulya Aliko\u00e7 Sevda Karaca KADIN GREV\u0130 \u00c7A\u011eRISININ ARKAPLANI Son birka\u00e7 y\u0131ld\u0131r, \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan g\u00fcndemleri farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterse de bir\u00e7ok sorunu ortakla\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n merkezinde oldu\u011fu, bizzat \u00f6rg\u00fctledi\u011fi kitlesel protesto ve eylemlere tan\u0131k oluyoruz. 8 Mart\u2019larda bu eylemler \u00f6zel olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctleniyor, daha kitlesel ve co\u015fkulu bir hal al\u0131yor. Kimi yerde t\u00fcm g\u00fcn kimi yerde birka\u00e7 saat i\u015f durdurarak, kimi yerde sendikalar\u0131n kimi yerde […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":823,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[496,366,314,350],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-822","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-27-sayi-subat-2019","category-toplumsal-cinsiyet","category-fulya-alikoc","category-sevda-karaca"],"yoast_head":"\n8 Mart\u2019ta feminist kad\u0131n grevine esastan itirazlar<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2019\/02\/02\/8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"8 Mart\u2019ta feminist kad\u0131n grevine esastan itirazlar\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Fulya Aliko\u00e7 Sevda Karaca KADIN GREV\u0130 \u00c7A\u011eRISININ ARKAPLANI Son birka\u00e7 y\u0131ld\u0131r, \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan g\u00fcndemleri farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterse de bir\u00e7ok sorunu ortakla\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n merkezinde oldu\u011fu, bizzat \u00f6rg\u00fctledi\u011fi kitlesel protesto ve eylemlere tan\u0131k oluyoruz. 8 Mart\u2019larda bu eylemler \u00f6zel olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctleniyor, daha kitlesel ve co\u015fkulu bir hal al\u0131yor. Kimi yerde t\u00fcm g\u00fcn kimi yerde birka\u00e7 saat i\u015f durdurarak, kimi yerde sendikalar\u0131n kimi yerde […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2019\/02\/02\/8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Teori ve Eylem\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/teoriveeylem\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2019-02-02T15:13:13+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2023-01-17T09:01:39+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/02\/4.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"640\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"354\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@teoriveeylem\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@teoriveeylem\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Yazan:\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"53 dakika\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2019\\\/02\\\/02\\\/8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2019\\\/02\\\/02\\\/8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308\"},\"headline\":\"8 Mart\u2019ta feminist kad\u0131n grevine esastan itirazlar\",\"datePublished\":\"2019-02-02T15:13:13+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2023-01-17T09:01:39+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2019\\\/02\\\/02\\\/8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":13145,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2019\\\/02\\\/02\\\/8-martta-feminist-kadin-grevine-esastan-itirazlar\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2019\\\/02\\\/4.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"27. 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