{"id":769,"date":"2018-12-03T11:12:15","date_gmt":"2018-12-03T08:12:15","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=769"},"modified":"2023-01-17T14:59:25","modified_gmt":"2023-01-17T11:59:25","slug":"brezilyada-isci-partisinin-neoliberalizmi-ve-bolsonaronun-zaferi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/12\/03\/brezilyada-isci-partisinin-neoliberalizmi-ve-bolsonaronun-zaferi\/","title":{"rendered":"Brezilya\u2019da \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin neoliberalizmi ve Bolsonaro’nun zaferi"},"content":{"rendered":"

H\u00fcseyin Sinan G\u00fcler<\/strong><\/p>\n

Irk\u00e7\u0131 JairBolsonaro’nun devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilmesi ile birlikte g\u00f6zler Brezilya\u2019ya \u00e7evrildi. Bolsonaro’nun se\u00e7ilmesi \u00fczerine \u00e7ok\u00e7a makale kaleme al\u0131nsa da s\u00f6z konusu makaleler \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bir aday\u0131n, y\u00fcz\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcm\u00fc olarak en b\u00fcy\u00fck Latin Amerika \u00fclkesine neden ve nas\u0131l ba\u015fkan oldu\u011funa de\u011fil Bolsonaro’nun ki\u015fili\u011fine ve siyasi y\u00f6nelimlerine odaklanm\u0131\u015f durumda. Bolsonaro\u2019nun ki\u015fili\u011fi ve siyasi y\u00f6nelimleri incelenmeye de\u011fer olsa da sadece buna odaklanmak, 2008 krizi sonras\u0131nda d\u00fcnya ekonomisindeki s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131klar, ticaret sava\u015flar\u0131, payla\u015f\u0131m m\u00fccadeleleri, t\u00fcm bu ve ba\u015fkaca olgular\u0131n ko\u015fullad\u0131\u011f\u0131 otoriter politikalar ve \u00f6zel olarak da Brezilya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi liderli\u011finin neoliberal politikalar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmesi anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Oysa hi\u00e7bir \u015fey tarihinden ve ili\u015fkilerinden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ele al\u0131namaz.<\/p>\n

2008 krizi sonras\u0131 t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada artan ekonomik s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015fl\u0131k, ilk olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haklar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar, yoksulluk ve i\u015fsizlikte ya\u015fanan art\u0131\u015fla ekonominin eskisi gibi y\u00f6netilemeyece\u011fi ko\u015fullar ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla uluslararas\u0131 ve tek tek \u00fclkelerdeki sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 bask\u0131c\u0131 ve otoriter siyasal rejimlere y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir. Krizin emek\u00e7iler \u00fczerindeki y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkileri, sosyalist bir alternatifle birle\u015femedi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda emek\u00e7ilerin sol-reformist ya da a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f-fa\u015fist ak\u0131mlara yedeklenmesinin zeminini haz\u0131rlamaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle d\u00fcnya genelinde a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve fa\u015fist partiler az ya da \u00e7ok g\u00fc\u00e7lenme e\u011filimine girmi\u015f, baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerde iktidar olmu\u015flard\u0131r. Yine kriz ko\u015fullar\u0131nda kimi \u00fclkelerde iktidarda yer alan reformist solun ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kitlelerin a\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131 sa\u011f taraf\u0131ndan yedeklenmesine zemin haz\u0131rlayan ba\u015fka bir fakt\u00f6r olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Bu makale, Brezilya’n\u0131n yeni devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n neden ve nas\u0131l se\u00e7ildi\u011fi sorular\u0131na verilecek cevaplar\u0131, yukar\u0131daki genel unsurlar\u0131 da g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131rmadan Brezilya \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde ele alacakt\u0131r. LuizIn\u00e1cioLula da Silva ve DilmaRoussef’in ba\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00f6neminde \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi (PT) h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin icraatlar\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l Brezilya’n\u0131n \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bir devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131na sahip olmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da \u00f6zel olarak irdeleyecektir.<\/p>\n

2002 \u00d6NCES\u0130NDE \u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130 PART\u0130S\u0130 <\/strong><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi (PT), 1980 y\u0131l\u0131nda eski bir metal i\u015f\u00e7isi ve sendikac\u0131 olan LuizIn\u00e1cioLula da Silva liderli\u011finde kuruldu. Partinin kurucu kadrolar\u0131 da 1964 -1985 aras\u0131nda egemen olan askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck taraf\u0131ndan tutuklanm\u0131\u015f, g\u00f6zalt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f ve i\u015fkence g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin siyasal yelpazede nereye denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ise \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan bir konudur. Topraks\u0131z K\u0131r \u0130\u015f\u00e7ileri Hareketi (MST) E\u011fitim Uzman\u0131 JanainaStronzake 2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda verdi\u011fi r\u00f6portajda \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi, 1980-90 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7ilerden, emek\u00e7ilerden yoksullardan yana tutum al\u0131yordu. 1990 sonras\u0131 partinin bu niteli\u011fi de\u011fi\u015fti. Tabandan uzakla\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Temel olarak a\u00e7l\u0131k ve yoksullukla m\u00fccadeleyi \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131<\/em>\u201d demi\u015ftir. Erol Anar ve Esra Akgemici, Brezilya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin iktidara geldikten sonra bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ge\u00e7irdi\u011fini ve sa\u011fa kayarak taban\u0131ndan uzakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylese de kurulu\u015fundan bu yana d\u00fczeni\u00e7i bir platforma sahip olmu\u015ftur.[1]<\/a> \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik hatt\u0131n\u0131 kurmay\u0131 ve sosyalizmi hi\u00e7bir zaman hedeflemeyen bu parti, 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda h\u0131zla neoliberal s\u00f6ylemi sahiplenmi\u015ftir. Anar ve Akgemici\u2019nin \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin sa\u011fa kay\u0131\u015f\u0131 olarak dillendirdikleri olgu, reformist bir partinin iktidara gelmesinden sonra egemen kapitalist ili\u015fkilere ve neoliberal politikalara uyum sa\u011flama s\u00fcreci olarak \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. Bolsonaro\u2019nun se\u00e7imi kazanmas\u0131 da daha sonra ele alaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z gibi \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin reformist ve egemenlerle uzla\u015fmac\u0131 karakterinden dolay\u0131 Toprak Reformu ve tekellere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele gibi ad\u0131mlar atamamas\u0131 ve uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 neoliberal politikalar zemininde olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

1989 y\u0131l\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen ba\u015fkanl\u0131k se\u00e7iminde Lula ikinci turda 31 milyon oy alarak, 4 milyon oy farkla se\u00e7imi kaybetti. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin neo-liberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131ktan desteklemesi de bu se\u00e7im sonras\u0131nda belirgin hale geldi. Bilhassa, 2002\u2019de yap\u0131lan ba\u015fkanl\u0131k se\u00e7imlerinde ve sonras\u0131nda \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi \u201cBa\u015fkanl\u0131k Koalisyonu<\/em>\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 bir se\u00e7im koalisyonu partisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Burada \u00f6nemli olan nokta, Lula ve \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin kurdu\u011fu bu koalisyonun burjuvazi ile olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Haziran 2002\u2019de Lula taraf\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131klanan Carta ao do PovoBrasileiro<\/em> (Brezilya Halk\u0131na Mektup) ile, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi siyasi ve ekonomik hatt\u0131n\u0131 belli ederken, metinde en dikkat \u00e7ekici y\u00f6n ise Brezilya’n\u0131n kurulu\u015fundan bu yana en b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunu olan yoksulluk ve e\u015fitsizlik ile m\u00fccadelenin makro-ekonomik istikrara dayal\u0131 piyasa ekonomisi ile s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclece\u011finin a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131yd\u0131. Brezilya Halk\u0131na Mektup ile \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi, neoliberal politikalar\u0131n ilk laboratuvar\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131lan Latin Amerika’da neoliberal politikalardan sap\u0131lmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a itiraf ediyor ve Brezilya burjuvazisine 1995’ten 2002’ye kadar iktidarda olan FernandoHenriqueCardosa’n\u0131nneoliberal ekonomi politikas\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde devam ettirece\u011finin s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc veriyordu.[2]<\/a> \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi ve Lula, s\u00f6z konusu mektup ile kendi iktidarlar\u0131nda hem ulusal burjuvaziye ve uluslararas\u0131 tekellere kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m vermeyeceklerini hem de kendilerinin emperyalist sistem i\u00e7in s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131 olu\u015fturabilecek bir i\u015f\u00e7i iktidar\u0131 de\u011fil neoliberal politikalar\u0131 \u201csosyal yamalar<\/em>\u201dla uygulayacak bir iktidar olacaklar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yorlard\u0131. Bu mektupla Lula halktan ziyade Brezilya burjuvazisine seslenmi\u015ftir. 2002 se\u00e7imlerinde Lula, 52,8 milyon se\u00e7menin oyunu alarak y\u00fczde 61 ile Brezilya devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak se\u00e7ildi\u011finde Brezilya burjuvazisi biraz rahats\u0131z olsa da \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin burjuvaziye vaat etti\u011fi s\u00f6z konusu g\u00fcvenceler sebebiyle tedirgin olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Lula ile Venezuela\u2019daki Chavez iktidar\u0131n\u0131 birbirinden ay\u0131rmak gerekir. Chavezci politika emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6nemli anti-emperyalist ad\u0131mlar atar ve kritik i\u015fletmeleri kamula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken, neoliberal politikalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na alan kimi halk\u00e7\u0131 uygulamalar\u0131 da ya\u015fama ge\u00e7irdi. Lula ise hi\u00e7bir zaman emperyalist tekellere kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131k bir kar\u015f\u0131 duru\u015fu sergilemedi, yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 destekledi. Sosyal yard\u0131m politikalar\u0131 neoliberalparadigman\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde kald\u0131. Bu nedenle Latin Amerika\u2019da kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmaya niyetlenmese de \u00f6nemli ulusal ad\u0131mlar atan Chavezci anti-emperyalizmle, Lula\u2019n\u0131n sosyal-neoliberalizmi olduk\u00e7a farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

HALK\u00c7I G\u00d6R\u00dcN\u00dcML\u00dc NEOL\u0130BERAL B\u0130R \u0130KT\u0130DAR PART\u0130S\u0130 <\/strong><\/p>\n

JairBolsonaro’nun iktidara geli\u015finin k\u00f6\u015fe ta\u015flar\u0131 asl\u0131nda \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin icraatlar\u0131 ile olu\u015ftu. Bu sebeple \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nin iktidarda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 14 y\u0131l boyunca neyi yap\u0131p, neyi yapmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bug\u00fcn\u00fc anlayabilmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hayati derecede \u00f6nem arz ediyor. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi iktidarda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcre boyunca, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck sosyal yard\u0131m program\u0131 olarak bilinen Bolsa Familia program\u0131 ile 11 milyon yoksul aileye sosyal yard\u0131m sa\u011flanmas\u0131, gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131ndaki adaletsizli\u011fin k\u0131smi olarak azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 ve k\u0131smi olarak adland\u0131raca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kimi reformlar ile halk\u00e7\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fc \u00e7izse de bu d\u00fczenlemeler neoliberal politikalarla kol kola ilerledi ve bu paradigman\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmad\u0131. M\u00fclkiyet ili\u015fkilerine hi\u00e7bir zaman dokunmamas\u0131 ve kendi sermaye grubunu olu\u015fturmas\u0131 ile, esas olarak halk\u00e7\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcml\u00fc neoliberal bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet olmaktan ileri gidemedi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri; \u00e7ok uluslu \u015firketlere \u00f6d\u00fcnler veren, do\u011fa talan\u0131n\u0131n ve do\u011fal kaynaklar\u0131n tahribinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7meyen, hatta Amazon Ormanlar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tekellerin \u201cyeni yat\u0131r\u0131m g\u00f6zdesi<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131 i\u00e7in politikalar \u00fcreten, yeni kalk\u0131nmac\u0131 politika ve ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcme ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck maa\u015f ve hak kay\u0131plar\u0131na neden olan, sosyal yard\u0131m politikalar\u0131n\u0131 se\u00e7im yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 olarak g\u00f6ren, b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n her y\u0131l artt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve i\u00e7-d\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7lanma sebebiyle halk\u0131n zenginliklerini uluslararas\u0131 tekellere ak\u0131tan h\u00fck\u00fcmetler oldu.<\/p>\n

Neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131 uygulayarak, makroekonomik istikrar\u0131 sa\u011flayarak, uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin m\u00fclkiyetine dokunmadan yoksullu\u011fu ve gelir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131ndaki e\u015fitsizli\u011fi azaltmay\u0131 hedefleyen politikalar\u0131 Lulismo<\/em>olarak adland\u0131ran \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri, bilimsel sosyalizme alternatif olarak s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 belli olmayan bir \u201cPT tipi sosyalizm<\/em>\u201d icat etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu durumu, Brezilya Devrimci Kom\u00fcnist Partisi Mart 2010’da AVerdade<\/em>(Ger\u00e7ek) gazetesinde “Nereye Gidiyorsunuz?<\/em>” ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalede “Teorik bak\u0131mdan zay\u0131f ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci teorisi Marksizm-Leninizmi tam olarak anlamay\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman denememi\u015f olan \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi, mu\u011flak ‘PT-tipi sosyalizm’ u\u011fruna bilimsel sosyalizmi umursamadan do\u011fmu\u015ftur. Sonras\u0131nda ise, kapitalist toplumdaki egemen fikirlere -burjuva ideolojisine ve ahlak\u0131na- kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmek i\u00e7in gerekli olan ideolojik sa\u011flaml\u0131\u011fa sahip olmayan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva kesimlerin egemen oldu\u011fu bir parti haline gelmi\u015ftir<\/em>“[3]<\/a>diyerek analiz etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Lula taraf\u0131ndan hayata ge\u00e7irilen bu ekonomik ve sosyal politikalar\u0131n uygulanabilmesi uluslararas\u0131 piyasalardaki emtia fiyatlar\u0131nda ya\u015fanan art\u0131\u015f ve 2007’de Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri’nden ba\u015flayan, 2008\u2019de a\u00e7\u0131k bir bi\u00e7imde kendini g\u00f6steren veuluslararas\u0131 alana yay\u0131lan \u2018K\u00fcresel Ekonomik Kriz\u2019 ile birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck faizli krediler ile m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmu\u015ftur. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler Kalk\u0131nma Program\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan yay\u0131mlanan \u0130nsani Kalk\u0131nma Raporlar\u0131na g\u00f6re Bolsa Familia<\/em> program\u0131n\u0131n uygulanmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131yla birlikte 2003’te y\u00fczde 39 olan yoksulluk oran\u0131 2009’da y\u00fczde 21’e d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 yoksulluk s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda ya\u015fayanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 11 milyon, yoksulluk s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda ya\u015fayanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 da 13 milyon azalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca belirtmek gerekir ki \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi iktidar\u0131, bir toplumsal hareket zeminine dayanarak geldi\u011fi i\u00e7in g\u00f6steri ve y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne sayg\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Ancak b\u00fct\u00fcn sosyal politika d\u00fczenlemeleri, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131nda haklar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftiren, kamu hizmetleri ile belirli bir ya\u015fam g\u00fcvencesi sa\u011flayan bir sosyal-demokrat platformda dahi ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmemi\u015ftir. Neoliberal politikalar, esnek \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve g\u00fcvencesizlik yayg\u0131nla\u015f\u0131rken \u00e7e\u015fitli sosyal yard\u0131m mekanizmalar\u0131 geni\u015fletilmi\u015ftir. Bu, AKP\u2019nin de dahil oldu\u011fu, neoliberal politikalarla g\u00fcvencesiz ya\u015fama mahkum edilen kitleleri, i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc piyasas\u0131 ve sistem i\u00e7inde tutmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz neoliberal sosyal yard\u0131m mekanizmas\u0131n\u0131n tipik \u00f6rne\u011fiydi.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri halk\u00e7\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcme sahip olsa da baz\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck reformlar yapmaktan \u00f6teye gitmemi\u015ftir. Medyay\u0131 reforme edememi\u015f, toprak reformunu g\u00fcndemine almam\u0131\u015f olan \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi ne \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyete y\u00f6nelik belli ad\u0131mlar atm\u0131\u015f ne de uluslararas\u0131 \u015firketlerin kar transferleri \u00fczerinde kontrol sa\u011flayabilmi\u015ftir. Aksine \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi 2002’de yay\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Brezilya Halk\u0131na Mektup<\/em>“ta dedi\u011fi gibi, yoksulluk ve e\u015fitsizlik ile m\u00fccadeleyi makroekonomik istikrara dayal\u0131 piyasa ekonomisi ile s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu \u00e7aba, k\u00fcresel piyasalar\u0131n imkan verdi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olurken emtia fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131n tedrici olarak d\u00fc\u015fmesi ve 2013’ten sonra Amerikan Merkez Bankas\u0131 FED’infaizleri y\u00fckseltmeye ba\u015flayarakk\u00fcresel piyasalardaki dolar dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 azaltmas\u0131 karar\u0131 ile birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck faizli kredilerin ve s\u0131cak para ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n olanaks\u0131z hale gelmesi \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nin sosyal politikalar\u0131n\u0131 da sekteye u\u011fratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’ne Marksist-Leninist odaklardan y\u00f6neltilen ele\u015ftirilerin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bu y\u00f6ndedir. Brezilya Devrimci Kom\u00fcnist Partisi, Uluslararas\u0131 Marksist Leninist Parti ve \u00d6rg\u00fctler Konferans\u0131’n\u0131n (CIPO-ML) yay\u0131n organ\u0131 olan Birlik ve M\u00fccadele dergisinin 33. say\u0131s\u0131nda \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’ni 14 y\u0131ll\u0131k iktidar d\u00f6neminde servet vergisi, i\u015fletmelerin millile\u015ftirilmesi, \u00e7okuluslu \u015firketlerin kar transferleri \u00fczerinde kontrol, finans kapital hareketlili\u011finin s\u0131n\u0131rlanmas\u0131 gibi ilerici ad\u0131mlar\u0131 atmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Lula’n\u0131n se\u00e7ildi\u011fi 2002 y\u0131l\u0131ndan DilmaRousseff\u2019in bir meclis darbesi ile azledildi\u011fi 2016’ya kadar yabanc\u0131 sermaye hakimiyeti t\u00fcm \u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131nda geni\u015flerken, Brezilya ekonomisi hammadde ve tar\u0131m \u00fcr\u00fcnleri ihracat\u0131 \u00fczerinden b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi hedef alan bir \u00e7izgiye savrulmu\u015ftur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi, Brezilya Kalk\u0131nma Bankas\u0131 (BNDES) fonlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden kendine yak\u0131n bir sermaye grubu yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. CampeoesNacionais<\/em> ya da PT giri\u015fimcileri<\/em> olarak bilinen ve imalat, in\u015faat, petrol, madencilik ve ticari tar\u0131m gibi sekt\u00f6rlerde faaliyet g\u00f6steren bu sermaye grubu devlet taraf\u0131ndan altyap\u0131 deste\u011fi ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck faizli krediler ile korunmu\u015ftur. Ekonomik olarak uluslararas\u0131 tekeller ve yerli burjuvazi ile uzla\u015fan \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi y\u00f6netimi siyasi olarak da se\u00e7imleri kazanmaya odakland\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan giderek i\u015f\u00e7i ve halk hareketinden kopmu\u015ftur. 1998 se\u00e7imlerinde \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n en \u00e7ok oy verdi\u011fi siyasi parti olan \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi 2002’de iktidara gelmesi ile birlikte “Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k Koalisyonu” ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda kurdu\u011fu koalisyon ile s\u0131n\u0131f uzla\u015fmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131 uygulayarak, m\u00fcesses nizam\u0131 kollayan bir siyasi parti oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini a\u015fikar etmi\u015ftir. Ayr\u0131ca bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019ne daha \u00f6nce destek veren Topraks\u0131z K\u0131r \u0130\u015f\u00e7ileri Hareketi (MST), 2010 se\u00e7imlerinden sonra Lula taraf\u0131ndan uygulanan tar\u0131m politikalar\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131rsal kesimde yoksullu\u011fu art\u0131rmas\u0131, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin toprak reformunu s\u00fcrekli \u00f6teleyerek g\u00fcndemden \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131 ve neoliberal politikalar ile uyumlu olarak end\u00fcstriyel tar\u0131m\u0131n alan\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015flemesi gibi nedenlerle \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019ne kar\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131ktan muhalefet etmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. En b\u00fcy\u00fck destek\u00e7isi MST\u2019nin bu tutumu, iktidara geli\u015fi ile kitlelerde bir umut olan \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin,bizzat reformist karakterinin do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi kendi reform \u00f6nerilerine bile ihanet etmesiyle b\u00fcy\u00fck bir hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

LULA\u2019NIN HALEF\u0130 DILMA ROUSSEF <\/strong><\/p>\n

Lula da Silva’n\u0131n g\u00f6rev s\u00fcresinin dolmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi taraf\u0131ndan aday g\u00f6sterilen eski gerilla DilmaRoussef, 27 Ekim 2014’te 54 milyon Brezilyal\u0131n\u0131n deste\u011fiyle se\u00e7ilmi\u015fti. Lula’n\u0131n ba\u015fkanl\u0131k d\u00f6nemlerinde g\u00f6receli bir \u201ckapitalist kalk\u0131nma<\/em>\u201d s\u00fcreci ya\u015fayan Brezilya, Rousseff\u2019in ba\u015fkanl\u0131k s\u00fcrecini kapsayan d\u00f6nem boyunca ekonomik daralma ya\u015famaya ba\u015flad\u0131r. DilmaRousseff\u2019in bu anlamda Lula’ya g\u00f6re neoliberal ekonomi politikalara daha mesafeli oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebilsek de bu k\u0131smi mesafeli duru\u015f arkas\u0131ndan k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri getirmemi\u015ftir. Bu daralma Lula d\u00f6neminde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen sosyal politikalar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde devam ettirilememesine neden olmu\u015f, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi y\u00f6netiminin s\u0131n\u0131f uzla\u015fmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131 da terk etmemesi Brezilya’y\u0131 hem siyasi hem de ekonomik olarak derin bir krize itmi\u015ftir. Bir di\u011fer deyi\u015fle, bilimsel sosyalizme bir alternatif olarak g\u00f6sterilen Lulismo, ilk krizde kendi s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Bu ekonomik kriz i\u00e7erisinde \u00f6ncelikle \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi yanl\u0131s\u0131 sermaye ile di\u011fer sermaye gruplar\u0131 aras\u0131nda \u00e7eki\u015fmeler ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, daha \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemlerde \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’ni destekleyen \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frencileri de toplu ta\u015f\u0131maya yap\u0131lan zamlar nedeniyle Haziran 2013’te kitlesel g\u00f6sterilerde bulunmu\u015ftur. Ekonomide ya\u015fanan daralma ile birlikte sosyal politikalara ayr\u0131lan b\u00fct\u00e7enin y\u0131ldan y\u0131la azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 ile birlikte 2014 D\u00fcnya Kupas\u0131 ve 2016 Yaz Olimpiyatlar\u0131 gibi dev b\u00fct\u00e7eli spor organizasyonlar\u0131na da ev sahipli\u011fi yap\u0131lmas\u0131 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nin oy deposu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen toplumun en yoksul kesimleri ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tepkisini \u00e7ekmi\u015f, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nden uzakla\u015fmaya yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Burada \u00f6nemli olan nokta \u015fudur ki; Haziran 2013’te soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kan kitleler \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’ne sempati duyan kitlelerdi. Ayr\u0131ca, \u00f6\u011frenci hareketi 2013\u2019te yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 eylemlerle s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 kalmad\u0131. B\u00fct\u00e7eden Brezilya\u2019daki stat ve etkinlik alanlar\u0131n\u0131 FIFA standartlar\u0131na uygun hale getirmek i\u00e7in milyonlarca dolar ayr\u0131lmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen e\u011fitimde neoliberal uygulamalar\u0131n devam ettirilmesi ve e\u011fitim standartlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmesi ile birlikte ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 lise \u00f6\u011frencilerinin \u00e7ekti\u011fi \u00f6\u011frenci hareketi t\u00fcm \u00fclke \u00e7ap\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6steri y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fleri ve i\u015fgal eylemleri ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi.[4]<\/a>MST\u2019nin toprak i\u015fgalleri de bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131 ve \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri ile daha fazla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Fakat \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’ne muhalif olan sa\u011f siyaset bu protestolar\u0131 kendileri i\u00e7in bir z\u0131plama tahtas\u0131 g\u00f6rerek gerek soka\u011fa inmi\u015f, gerekse de Lula’n\u0131n yolsuzluktan tutuklanmas\u0131na ve DilmaRoussseff\u2019in ba\u015fkanl\u0131ktan azledilmesine giden parlamenter darbe s\u00fcrecini ba\u015flatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

LULA\u2019NIN TUTUKLANMA VE DILMA\u2019NIN AZ\u0130L S\u00dcREC\u0130\u00a0 \u00a0 \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lula’ya y\u00f6neltilen yolsuzluk iddialar\u0131 ve soru\u015fturmalar\u0131 asl\u0131nda \u00e7ok erken bir tarihte, 2005’te ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Haziran 2005’te Lula’ya se\u00e7im deste\u011fi sa\u011flamak \u00fczere Kongre \u00fcyelerine 30 bin real ayl\u0131k \u00f6dendi\u011fi iddialar\u0131 g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015f, bu olay Mensalao<\/em> skandal\u0131 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Skandal\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, Lula’dan sonra en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ki\u015fi olarak bilinen Lula’n\u0131n \u00f6zel kalem m\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc JoseDirceu’nun da aralar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu bir grup \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi y\u00f6neticisi g\u00f6revlerinden istifa etmi\u015ftir. Bu tarihten sonra \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi kabinesindeki baz\u0131 isimlerin yolsuzlu\u011fa kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde davalar a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve baz\u0131 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partililer tutuklanm\u0131\u015f olsa da Lula’ya y\u00f6nelik iddialar bir s\u00fcre g\u00fcndemden uzak kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mart 2014’te Federal Y\u00fcksek Mahkeme Yarg\u0131c\u0131 SergioMoro ba\u015flat\u0131lan Lava Jato<\/em> soru\u015fturmas\u0131 ile Lula tekrar yolsuzluk iddialar\u0131n odak noktas\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi yanl\u0131s\u0131 sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131 hedef alan yolsuzluk soru\u015fturmas\u0131n\u0131n en ate\u015fli destekleyici ise kendisi de yolsuzlu\u011fa bula\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir politikac\u0131 olan Brezilya Demokratik Hareket Partisi’nin (PMDB) lideri MichelTemer’di.<\/p>\n

Rousseff hakk\u0131nda ise Ulusal Kongre’nin onay\u0131 olmadan devlet harcamalar\u0131na yetki verme ve \u00e7ift\u00e7ileri finanse etmek i\u00e7in Brezilya Bankas\u0131’ndan kredi kullanma yoluyla Anayasa’y\u0131 ihlal etti\u011fi gerek\u00e7esi ile devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan azledilme s\u00fcreci ba\u015flat\u0131ld\u0131. Say\u0131\u015ftay’\u0131n onaylad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu harcamalara yetkisinin oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemesine ra\u011fmen DilmaRousseff, 31 A\u011fustos 2016’da 20’ye kar\u015f\u0131 61 oyla Federal Senato taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6revden azledildi.[5]<\/a>Her ne kadar Kongre, Brezilya tarihinin en gerici kongrelerinden biri olmas\u0131 ve ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 burjuvazinin mali yap\u0131land\u0131rma program\u0131na Rousseff\u2019in direnece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnerek bu azil s\u00fcrecine destek vermesi gibi etmenler s\u00f6z konusu olsa da \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi’nin i\u015f\u00e7i ve halk hareketinden uzakla\u015farak bir se\u00e7im koalisyonu hali olmas\u0131 ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc reformlar\u0131 yapmaya cesaret edememesi de bu s\u00fcrecin engellenememesinin sebebi olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

PARLAMENTER DARBE SONRASI TEMER D\u00d6NEM\u0130 <\/strong><\/p>\n

DilmaRousseff\u2019inazledilmesi sonras\u0131nda Devlet Ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6revini MichelTemer \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir. Temer’in ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ge\u00e7en 2,5 y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7 yerli ve yabanc\u0131 tekelci burjuvazininBrezilya emek\u00e7ilerinin kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haklar\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l t\u0131rpanlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da g\u00f6stergesi olmu\u015ftur. Bunun en belirgin g\u00f6stergesi ise Uluslararas\u0131 \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (ILO) taraf\u0131ndan bile ele\u015ftirilen \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc Reformu’dur. Falcao\u2019ya g\u00f6re; bu reform Brezilya’da g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki t\u00fcm engelleri kald\u0131r\u0131rken, i\u015f\u00e7i ile i\u015fverenin serbest pazarl\u0131k yapaca\u011f\u0131 yalan\u0131 \u00fczerinden \u00fccret denetimini de ortadan kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[6]<\/a> Bankerler H\u00fck\u00fcmeti olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 Temer h\u00fck\u00fcmetine kar\u015f\u0131 Fora Temer<\/em>(Temer Defol!) slogan\u0131yla Brezilya halk\u0131 \u00e7e\u015fitli g\u00f6sterilerde bulunsa da ne halk\u0131n soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ne de sendikalar\u0131n grevleri Temer h\u00fck\u00fcmetini neoliberal politikalardan vazge\u00e7irememi\u015ftir.[7]<\/a> \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi y\u00f6netimi ise soka\u011fa ta\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7i ve halk hareketlerini se\u00e7im \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na kanalize etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak kitlelerin enerjisini s\u00f6n\u00fcmlendirmi\u015ftir. Yolsuzluktan h\u00fck\u00fcm giymesi sebebiyleLula’n\u0131n adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n yarg\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan engellenmesi de bu s\u00fcreci iyice \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi aleyhine \u00e7evirmi\u015ftir. Sonu\u00e7 itiba\u0131yla; ba\u015fkanl\u0131k se\u00e7imi, Brezilya kamuoyunda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir fig\u00fcr olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmeyen \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partili FarnandoHaddad ile Sosyal Liberal Parti (PSL) \u00fcyesi JairBolsonaro aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f ve Bolsonaro se\u00e7imleri y\u00fczde 55 ile kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

BALSONARO K\u0130MD\u0130R?<\/strong><\/p>\n

14 y\u0131ll\u0131k \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan se\u00e7imi kazanan J. Bolsonaro\u2019nun kim oldu\u011fu konusu da ayr\u0131 bir tart\u0131\u015fma konusu. Yaz\u0131n\u0131n temel oda\u011f\u0131 Bolsonaro olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan \u00fczerinde fazla durmayacak olsak da, iktidara gelen fikirleri ve politikalar\u0131 anlamak i\u00e7in Bolsonaro\u2019yu k\u0131sa olsa da incelemek gereklidir. Eski bir asker ve 1991 y\u0131l\u0131ndan bu yana Kongre \u00fcyesi olan Bolsonaro Sosyal Liberal Parti\u2019nin aday\u0131 olarak devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilse de bu partideki ge\u00e7mi\u015fi \u00e7ok eskiye gitmemektedir. Partiye girdikten sonra parti i\u00e7erisindeki liberal gruplar\u0131 tasfiye eden Bolsonaro, se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecinde siyasi kariyerinde s\u0131k\u00e7a bulunan \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve cinsiyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemleri ve se\u00e7im vaatleri ile s\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00fcndeme geldi. “Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck d\u00f6neminin hatas\u0131 i\u015fkence edip \u00f6ld\u00fcrmemekti<\/em>” diyerek diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck d\u00f6nemini savunan Bolsonaro, okul m\u00fcfredatlar\u0131ndan bu d\u00f6nemi anlatan b\u00f6l\u00fcmleri \u00e7\u0131kararak askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck d\u00f6nemini normalle\u015ftirmek istiyor.<\/p>\n

Ekonomi Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019na neoliberalizm savunucusu \u201cChicago Boy\u201d lakapl\u0131 PauloGuedes\u2019i getiren Bolsonaro, kamu bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ve b\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeleri savunuyor. Toprak Reformu\u2019nu siyasi ajandas\u0131na almayan Bolsonaro, tam tersi bir y\u00f6nde hareket ederek yerli halk\u0131 toprak hakk\u0131ndan muaf tutmay\u0131 planl\u0131yor. \u0130\u00e7 g\u00fcvenli\u011fi de askerile\u015ftirerek i\u015f\u00e7i ve halk m\u00fccadelesini kriminalize etmeyi ve \u015fiddetle bast\u0131rmay\u0131 planlayan Bolsonaro, se\u00e7im kampanyas\u0131 boyunca MST gibi gruplar \u00fczerinden hak arayan herkesi ter\u00f6rist olarak yaftalayan s\u00f6zler s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti. Silah sahipli\u011fi \u00fczerindeki s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar\u0131n hafifletilmesi ve polise \u2018\u00f6ld\u00fcrme ruhsat\u0131\u2019 verilmesi gibi uygulamalar da Bolsonaro\u2019nun g\u00fcndeminde.<\/p>\n

Filistin\u2019in bir \u00fclke olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde beyan veren Bolsonaro, Brezilya\u2019n\u0131n \u0130srail\u2019de bulunan b\u00fcy\u00fckel\u00e7ili\u011fini de Kud\u00fcs\u2019e ta\u015f\u0131may\u0131 planl\u0131yor. D\u0131\u015f politikada ABD yanl\u0131s\u0131 bir tutum i\u00e7erisinde olan Bolsonaro, \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi d\u00f6neminde kurulan b\u00f6lgesel ittifaklar\u0131 da g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irece\u011fini beyan etmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

Bolsonaro\u2019nun se\u00e7im s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde en tepki \u00e7eken s\u00f6zleri kad\u0131nlara ve LGBT\u0130+ bireylere y\u00f6nelik s\u00f6zleri idi. 2003\u2019te bir kad\u0131n milletvekiline “Sana asla tecav\u00fcz etmezdim \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc sen buna bile lay\u0131k de\u011filsin<\/em>” diyecek kadar kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 olan Bolsonaro, LGBT\u0130+ bireylere y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddeti de normalle\u015ftiren ve hatta te\u015fvik eden a\u00e7\u0131klamalarda da bulundu.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n

SONU\u00c7 YER\u0130NE<\/strong><\/p>\n

Se\u00e7imden \u00f6nce \u201cSe\u00e7ildi\u011fimde \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Parti\u2019sinin taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131, politik kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131m\u0131 temizleyece\u011fim<\/em>\u201d diyen, 20 y\u0131l s\u00fcren Cunta y\u00f6netimini a\u00e7\u0131ktan savunan, cinsiyet\u00e7i ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 s\u00f6ylemlere sahip Bolsonaro’nun iktidara gelmesi ile Brezilya’da yeni bir d\u00f6nemin ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 muhakkakt\u0131r.[9]<\/a>Bolsonaro iktidar\u0131nda \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 neoliberal politikalar daha h\u0131zlanarak devam edece\u011fi kesin olmakla birlikte uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin Brezilya\u2019daki faaliyetleri de artacakt\u0131r. Ekonomik ve siyasi anlamda Lula d\u00f6neminde \u00c7in ve Rusya ile yak\u0131nla\u015fan ve BRICS i\u00e7erisinde yer alan Brezilya\u2019n\u0131n ABD ile yak\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131 da beklenen bir geli\u015fmedir. Bu anlamda k\u0131tan\u0131n yeniden Amerika\u2019n\u0131n arka bah\u00e7esi olmas\u0131na Bolsonaro \u00f6nemli bir katk\u0131 sa\u011flayacakt\u0131r. Sosyal anlamda Lula d\u00f6neminde yap\u0131lan k\u0131smi iyile\u015ftirmelerde de h\u0131zla geriye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f ya\u015fanaca\u011f\u0131 Bolsonaro\u2019nun kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetten ve se\u00e7im politikas\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kazan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f haklar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik bir sava\u015f\u0131n ba\u015flat\u0131laca\u011f\u0131, sol partilerin \u00fcyelerinin bask\u0131lanaca\u011f\u0131, MST\u2019nin toprak i\u015fgallerine kar\u015f\u0131 ordunun da devreye girece\u011fi bask\u0131 ve \u015fiddet politikalar\u0131n\u0131n uygulanaca\u011f\u0131, LGBT\u0130+ bireylere kar\u015f\u0131 nefret su\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n devlet taraf\u0131ndan ho\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fclece\u011fi ve desteklenece\u011fi bir d\u00f6nem Brezilya\u2019y\u0131 beklemektedir. Trump ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve fa\u015fist liderler taraf\u0131ndan hemen benimsenen Bolsonaro’ya kar\u015f\u0131 nas\u0131l bir alternatif geli\u015ftirilece\u011fi ise Brezilya’n\u0131n g\u00fcndeminde olan konu. Fakat t\u00fcm bunlar i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin g\u00fcc\u00fcne ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak geli\u015fecektir. Bolsonaro\u2019nun iktidar\u0131, Brezilya\u2019da yeni bir s\u0131n\u0131f ve halk hareketinin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlama olana\u011f\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131rken bu hareketin g\u00fcc\u00fc ve \u00f6mr\u00fc, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve onun partisinin \u00f6znel ko\u015fullar\u0131 yarat\u0131p yaratamayaca\u011f\u0131 ile alakal\u0131 olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a>Akgemici, E. (2018) Brezilya Siyasetinde Pop\u00fclizm ve Yolsuzluk \u0130li\u015fkisi: Lula’y\u0131 Cezaland\u0131rmak, Birikim, 353, sf. 72-23; Anar, E. (2013) G\u00fcney Amerika yaz\u0131lar\u0131: Brezilya \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi ger\u00e7ekten sosyalist mi?, T24, http:\/\/t24.com.tr\/yazarlar\/erol-anar\/guney-amerika-yazilari-brezilya-isci-partisi-gercekten-sosyalist-mi,6646<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a>Akgemici, Brezilya Siyasetinde Pop\u00fclizm\u2026, sf. 77.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a>Breziya’daki Krize Halk\u00e7\u0131 ve Devrimci Bir Alternatif, Birlik ve M\u00fccadele, 33, 20-24.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a>Steinman, I. (2015). Rio\u2019sStudentResistance. Jacobin. https:\/\/www.jacobinmag.com\/2015\/07\/youth-protests-dilma-rousseff-pt\/; Pureza, F. (2016). Brazil\u2019sStudentUprising. Jacobin. https:\/\/www.jacobinmag.com\/2016\/11\/brazil-student-occupations-temer-pt-psol-education\/<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a>Saad-Filho, A. (2018)PrivilegeVersusDemocracy in Brazil,Jacobin, https:\/\/www.jacobinmag.com\/2018\/10\/brazil-election-bolsonaro-haddad-lula-pt-democracy<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a>Falcao, F. (2017) \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc Reformu ve Serbest Pazarl\u0131k Yalan\u0131, Birlik ve M\u00fccadele, 35, sf. 3-6, sf. 5.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a>Patriota, S. (2017) Brezilya halk\u0131 bankerlerin h\u00fck\u00fcmetine direniyor, Evrensel gazetesi, https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/332444\/brezilya-halki-bankerlerin-hukumetine-direniyor<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a>I\u015f\u0131k,O. (2018) Brezilya\u2019n\u0131n Yeni Ba\u015fkan\u0131 A\u015f\u0131r\u0131 Sa\u011fc\u0131 Bolsonaro Kimdir?,Biane, \u00a0 https:\/\/bianet.org\/bianet\/siyaset\/202112-brezilya-nin-yeni-baskani-asiri-sagci-bolsonaro-kimdir<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a>Patriota, S. (2018) Brezilya se\u00e7imleri ve fa\u015fizmle m\u00fccadele, Evrensel gazetesi, https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/362466\/brezilya-secimleri-ve-fasizmle-mucadele<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

H\u00fcseyin Sinan G\u00fcler Irk\u00e7\u0131 JairBolsonaro’nun devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilmesi ile birlikte g\u00f6zler Brezilya\u2019ya \u00e7evrildi. Bolsonaro’nun se\u00e7ilmesi \u00fczerine \u00e7ok\u00e7a makale kaleme al\u0131nsa da s\u00f6z konusu makaleler \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 bir aday\u0131n, y\u00fcz\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcm\u00fc olarak en b\u00fcy\u00fck Latin Amerika \u00fclkesine neden ve nas\u0131l ba\u015fkan oldu\u011funa de\u011fil Bolsonaro’nun ki\u015fili\u011fine ve siyasi y\u00f6nelimlerine odaklanm\u0131\u015f durumda. Bolsonaro\u2019nun ki\u015fili\u011fi ve siyasi y\u00f6nelimleri incelenmeye de\u011fer olsa da sadece buna odaklanmak, 2008 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":770,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[494,376,319],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-769","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-25-sayi-aralik-2018","category-dunya","category-huseyin-sinan-guler"],"yoast_head":"\nBrezilya\u2019da \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin neoliberalizmi ve Bolsonaro'nun zaferi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/12\/03\/brezilyada-isci-partisinin-neoliberalizmi-ve-bolsonaronun-zaferi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Brezilya\u2019da \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u2019nin neoliberalizmi ve Bolsonaro'nun zaferi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"H\u00fcseyin Sinan G\u00fcler Irk\u00e7\u0131 JairBolsonaro’nun devlet ba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilmesi ile birlikte g\u00f6zler Brezilya\u2019ya \u00e7evrildi. 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