{"id":668,"date":"2018-08-01T11:19:58","date_gmt":"2018-08-01T08:19:58","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=668"},"modified":"2023-01-18T11:04:00","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T08:04:00","slug":"yarim-gercekler","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/08\/01\/yarim-gercekler\/","title":{"rendered":"Yar\u0131m ger\u00e7ekler"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ahmet Cengiz<\/strong><\/p>\n

Son se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla birlikte art\u0131k resmen de i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz “Yeni T\u00fcrkiye”nin k\u0131sa vadedeki en can al\u0131c\u0131 sorunu, patlak verme emareleri giderek artan ekonomik krizin, ne gibi politik<\/em> sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sadece genel tarihsel tecr\u00fcbeler de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin son 20 y\u0131ll\u0131k \u00f6zg\u00fcn politik kampla\u015fma ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imlendirdi\u011fi umumi ortam da, olas\u0131 ekonomik krizin politik<\/em> sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n 2 +2=4 t\u00fcr\u00fcnden basit bir denklemle \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclemeyece\u011fine i\u015faret etmektedir. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle bir otomatizm yok: B\u00fct\u00fcn iktidar iplerinin Erdo\u011fan, partisi ve genel olarak \u0130slami-milliyet\u00e7i mihrak\u0131n elindeyken, onlar\u0131n sorumluluk ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde patlak verecek ekonomik bir krizin politik faturas\u0131 da t\u00fcm\u00fcyle onlara kesilecektir! Ba\u015fta i\u015f\u00e7iler, yoksullar olmak \u00fczere, emek\u00e7i halk kesimlerinin somut bilin\u00e7 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fczeyi; \u00f6te yandan burjuva muhalefetinin \u00f6zellikle bu halk kesimlerinin ana kitlesine veremedi\u011fi g\u00fcven (ki bu g\u00fcvensizlik anla\u015f\u0131labilir nedenlere dayanmaktad\u0131r!); ve ayr\u0131ca d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda esen milliyet\u00e7i, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 r\u00fczgarlar; i\u015fte b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, mevcut iktidar\u0131n, olas\u0131 ekonomik krizin politik faturas\u0131n\u0131, kendisinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7lere \u00e7\u0131kartmas\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lacak imkan ve manevra alanlar\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7 de az olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n

Bu unsurlara k\u0131saca bir g\u00f6z atal\u0131m\u2026<\/p>\n

L\u0130BERAL\u0130ZM\u0130N POL\u0130T\u0130K KR\u0130Z\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

Sadece konumuz bak\u0131m\u0131ndan de\u011fil, genel olarak da \u00fclkemizin herhangi bir politik-ekonomik sorununu ele al\u0131rken, uluslararas\u0131 ekonomik-politik durum, gidi\u015fat, g\u00fc\u00e7lenen\/zay\u0131flayan politik e\u011filimler vb. hususlar\u0131 hep g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurmak durumunday\u0131z. Bu hususlar\u0131n konumuzla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fcncel \u00f6zellikleri aras\u0131nda belki de en \u00f6nemli olan\u0131, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalist-emperyalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n genel olarak (yani ekonomi ve politikada) kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 bir yeniden mevzilenme<\/em> s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde oldu\u011fudur. D\u00fcnya haberlerini birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn takip eden herkes bu s\u00fcreci kolayl\u0131kla g\u00f6rebilir – o denli a\u015fikar bir olgudur bu yani.<\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te ama, dikkat \u00e7eken ve burada belirtmeden ge\u00e7emeyece\u011fimiz bir nokta var, o da \u015fudur: \u0130zlenmekte olunan hakim ekonomi politika ile (gelinen yerde \u00f6nemli a\u00e7mazlar\u0131 olmakla birlikte, “neoliberal” ekonomi politika, hen\u00fcz ciddi bir uygulanamamazl\u0131kla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmaks\u0131z\u0131n s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir), burjuva liberal siyasetindeki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme ve “yeni” e\u011filimler aras\u0131nda (ba\u015fta da \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-sa\u011fc\u0131, milliyet\u00e7i partilerin, nam-\u0131 di\u011fer “otoriter pop\u00fclizm”in ve “ekonomik milliyet\u00e7ilik”in y\u00fckseli\u015fi) b\u00fcy\u00fcmeye meyilli bir ahenksizlik ve s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fme u\u00e7 vermi\u015ftir. Ve burada, belli ba\u015fl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u00f6\u011felerinin bir birikimi vuku bulmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130kisi aras\u0131nda belirmi\u015f olan bu ahenksizlik ve s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmenin, her bir \u00f6\u011fesine ne zaman, nas\u0131l ve ne y\u00f6nde \u015fekil verece\u011fi bug\u00fcnk\u00fc verilerle ancak tahmin edilebilir. Spek\u00fclatif olmayan ise, bu durumun; a –<\/strong> s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011finin zay\u0131f bir ihtimal oldu\u011fudur ve b –<\/strong> s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin somut seyrine g\u00f6re (gerek tek tek \u00fclkelerdeki emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisine, gerekse sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131n\/kapitalist devletlerinin kendi aralar\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak) \u015fekillenece\u011fidir.<\/p>\n

Zira \u015fu a\u00e7\u0131k olsa gerek ki, liberalizmin ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fck politik sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmelerin ve bu olgunun bir fenomeni olarak “otoriter pop\u00fclizm”in gerisinde, tekelci kapitalizmin i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerindeki keskinle\u015fmeler durmaktad\u0131r. Bilindi\u011fi gibi, 2008 krizi ve onun m\u00fcteakip y\u0131llarda keskinle\u015ftirdi\u011fi sosyal \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ve b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc toplumsal tahribatlar, politik alanda “yeni” e\u011filimlerin boy verip g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine kaynakl\u0131k etmi\u015ftir. Uluslararas\u0131 planda bug\u00fcn i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz d\u00f6nemin “yeniden pozisyon almalarla” karakterize olmas\u0131, belirtti\u011fimiz ahenksizlik ve s\u00fcrt\u00fc\u015fmenin de gerisinde duran bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin asl\u0131nda farkl\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc bi\u00e7iminden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Yeri gelmi\u015fken belirtelim: Burjuva liberalizmdeki kriz belirtilerinin sosyalist devletlerin ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i hareketlerinin bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, bu ak\u0131m\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yalan\u0131n\u0131 daha a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kartm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bilindi\u011fi \u00fczere burjuva liberalizmi, iki d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihsel \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc[1]<\/a>, esas olarak Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ve devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla gerek\u00e7elendirmi\u015fti (onlar\u0131n s\u00f6yleminde fa\u015fizmin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 da bunun bir sonucuydu!). Oysa, liberalizmin giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcyen bug\u00fcnk\u00fc politik sars\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n, sosyalist devletlerin ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i hareketlerinin bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda peydahlanm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, liberalizmin ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki tarihsel \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn de tekelci kapitalizminin do\u011fas\u0131ndaki i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin bir sonucu oldu\u011funun \u00e7ok somut bir kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u00f6nemlidir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu ger\u00e7ek, “uygarl\u0131k de\u011ferleri”nin de teminat\u0131n\u0131n yegane s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, tekelci burjuvazi de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve onun devrimci hareketi oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmektedir!<\/p>\n

ADI VAR KEND\u0130 YOK <\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye gelecek olursak. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki bug\u00fcnk\u00fc burjuva muhalefetin en b\u00fcy\u00fck a\u00e7maz\u0131, talep etti\u011fi politik rejimin (Bat\u0131 Avrupa standartlar\u0131na yakla\u015fan bir “demokrasi”) a\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>.<\/p>\n

Bu rejimin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin yak\u0131n tarihindeki ger\u00e7ekli\u011fini, “ad\u0131 var kendi yok”<\/em> s\u00f6z\u00fcyle tarif edebiliriz. Nitekim T\u00fcrkiye, en ge\u00e7 \u00e7ok partili d\u00f6neme ge\u00e7ti\u011finden beri, s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona “laik ve demokratik” bir cumhuriyettir; “sosyal-hukuk devleti”dir; “bas\u0131n\u0131 h\u00fcr”d\u00fcr; t\u00fcm egemenlik “kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z millette” ve “onun meclisi”ndedir! Oysa biliyoruz ki, ger\u00e7ekte bu nitelemeler, b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda ve \u00f6z\u00fc bak\u0131m\u0131ndan as\u0131ls\u0131zd\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin i\u015f\u00e7ileri, emek\u00e7ileri, yoksul halk kesimleri, s\u00f6ylem ile ger\u00e7eklik aras\u0131ndaki bu bariz farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 belki teorik olarak tan\u0131mlamaktan uzakt\u0131, ama ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131na dair belirli bir sezgisi ve bilinci olu\u015fmu\u015ftu; ve tepki biriktirme ve bu rejime g\u00fcven duymama bak\u0131m\u0131ndan son derece hakl\u0131 gerek\u00e7eleri bulunmaktayd\u0131. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc burjuva muhalefetin en ileri noktada dillendirdi\u011fi ise, asl\u0131nda, ger\u00e7ekten ad\u0131na yak\u0131\u015f\u0131r bir sosyal-hukuk devleti ve laik-demokratik bir cumhuriyeti in\u015fa edece\u011fiz vaadinden ibarettir – \u00fcstelik bu vaadini, inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 olmas\u0131 ihtimalini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirebilecek ciddi bir \u00f6zele\u015ftiriyle birle\u015ftirme cesaretini dahi g\u00f6steremeksizin yapmaktad\u0131r. Yani, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin, yoksullar\u0131n, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc burjuva muhalefetinin bu s\u00f6ylem ve vaadine g\u00fcvenmemelerinin k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve anla\u015f\u0131labilir nedenleri bulunmaktad\u0131r. Ve bu nedenlerin esasta k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, kimlik ve dinsel olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6zellikle g\u00f6r\u00fclmeli ve anla\u015f\u0131lmal\u0131d\u0131r. Tayyip Erdo\u011fan ve partisinin, bizzat bu muhalefeti kastederek, “onlar konu\u015fur AKP yapar” slogan\u0131n\u0131n, emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n belirtilen tarihsel tecr\u00fcbesiyle bulu\u015fan bir \u00f6zelli\u011fe haiz oldu\u011fu reddedilemez.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu arada; uluslararas\u0131 planda esen ve en ileri \u00fclkelerinde bile burjuva liberalizmini sorgulayan ve sarsan r\u00fczgarlar\u0131n, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki burjuva muhalefetinin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i halkla ili\u015fkilerindeki bu g\u00fcven sorununu hafifletmedi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k olsa gerek. Hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphesiz, bu \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fma, \u00fclkemizin i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerinin burjuva muhalefetine olan g\u00fcvensizli\u011fini daha da peki\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Fakat, bu \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fman\u0131n as\u0131l vahim etkisi, T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i halk kesimlerinin kendi b\u00fcnyesel zaaflar\u0131n\u0131 derinle\u015ftirmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r! Bir taraftan burjuva muhalefetinin g\u00fcven vermeyen profili, di\u011fer taraftan \u00f6rne\u011fin “ABD i\u015f\u00e7ilerine kaybettikleri i\u015flerini geri getirme<\/em>” demagojisiyle s\u00fcslenen “America First” (\u00f6nce Amerika) siyasetinin, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ba\u015fta savunma olmak \u00fczere “milli sanayi” hamleleriyle t\u00fcrevini buluyormu\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesi, \u00fclkemiz i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ileri saflar\u0131nda hi\u00e7 de zay\u0131f olmayan milliyet\u00e7i beklenti ve duygular\u0131 daha da g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmi\u015ftir. Yak\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Erdo\u011fan ve partisinin T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerindeki bu ciddi zaaf\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131yla de\u011ferlendikleri g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir.<\/p>\n

M\u0130LL\u0130YET\u00c7\u0130 S\u00d6YLEMDEK\u0130 \u00d6ZG\u00dcNL\u00dcK <\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki bug\u00fcnk\u00fc milliyet\u00e7i propagandan\u0131n \u00f6zellikle iki \u00f6zg\u00fcn s\u00f6yleminden s\u00f6z edilmelidir: a –<\/strong> T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin emperyalistler taraf\u0131ndan b\u00f6l\u00fcnmek istendi\u011fi (d\u00fcn Ermeniler, Yunanlar, bug\u00fcn de K\u00fcrtler \u00fczerinden); b –<\/strong> T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ekonomik bak\u0131mdan kalk\u0131nmas\u0131 ve eski g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc g\u00fcnlerine geri d\u00f6nmesinin emperyalist devletler taraf\u0131ndan istenmeyip engellendi\u011fi.<\/p>\n

Dikkat edilirse, milliyet\u00e7i propagandada, mevcut a\u015famas\u0131nda, do\u011frudan<\/em> \u015fu ya da bu halka kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist devletlere (ba\u015fta ABD\u2019ye) kar\u015f\u0131ym\u0131\u015f gibi bir s\u00f6ylem geli\u015ftirilmektedir. Bu emperyalizm (Bat\u0131l\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck devletler) “kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d, me\u015fruiyetini dolayl\u0131 ya da dolays\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde iki tarihsel referanstan almaktad\u0131r: a –<\/strong> Osmanl\u0131 imparatorlu\u011funun \u00e7\u00f6kmesine neden olan Bat\u0131; b –<\/strong> \u00dclkeyi i\u015fgal eden emperyalist devletlere kar\u015f\u0131 verilen Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 (ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle, r\u00f6van\u015f niyetini hep korumu\u015f Bat\u0131l\u0131 devletlerinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ikinci bir kurtulu\u015f\/kurulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n gereklili\u011fi!).<\/p>\n

“B\u00fcy\u00fck T\u00fcrkiye\u201d s\u00f6ylemlerindeki r\u00f6nesans, asl\u0131nda, “k\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d furyas\u0131n\u0131 kapsayan y\u0131llar\u0131n (esasta 1990\u2019dan 2008 krizine kadar) bir yan \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. 500 y\u0131ll\u0131k bir \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun merkezi olan ve \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k m\u00fccadelesi veren, ama onlarca y\u0131l da az geli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fe mahkum edilen topraklarda, \u00fclkedeki sermaye birikiminde, “k\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d furyas\u0131n\u0131n alameti farikas\u0131 olan ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc sermaye ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar neticesinde \u00f6ncesinde g\u00f6r\u00fclmemi\u015f bir h\u0131zda yol kat edilmi\u015f olmas\u0131, bu \u00f6zlemleri yeniden canland\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, dahas\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131lar g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulunduruldu\u011funda, emperyalist \u00fclkelerle ekonomik alanda i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7inde olmak, fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda \u015fu ya da bu emperyalist g\u00fcce kar\u015f\u0131 kafa tutmak geni\u015f halk kesimleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir \u00e7eli\u015fki olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi \u015f\u00f6yle dursun, tersine, i\u015fin gere\u011fi olarak yans\u0131maktad\u0131r: \u201cTicari ve ekonomik faaliyetlerimizi geli\u015ftirmek yarar\u0131m\u0131<\/em>zad<\/em>\u0131r, fakat dayatmalara boyun e\u011fmeye de mahkum de\u011filiz!<\/em>\u201d \u201cBirincisi geli\u015fmemizin yolu, ikincisi engelleri tan\u0131mama kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z<\/em>\u201d olarak anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r!<\/p>\n

Somut toplumsal bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeyi ve tarihi \u015fekillenmesi bilinir olan T\u00fcrkiye toplumunun \u00e7<\/em>o\u011funlu\u011fu<\/em> a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu alg\u0131 ve anlay\u0131\u015f, irrasyonel anlamland\u0131rmalara olduk\u00e7a a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: \u0130\u015fler iyi gidiyorsa, b\u00fcy\u00fcyor ve g\u00fc\u00e7leniyoruzdur! \u0130\u015fler k\u00f6t\u00fc gidiyor, ekonomik s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lar art\u0131yorsa, bu g\u00fc\u00e7leniyor olmam\u0131zdand\u0131r, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131lara neden olan d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 milli duru\u015fumuzu g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmeliyizdir! Birincisinden, ikinci haldeki tutumumuzun hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve vazge\u00e7ilemezli\u011fi, ikincisinden birinci haldeki durumumuzun g\u00fcvencesi bulunmaktad\u0131r!<\/p>\n

A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, bu alg\u0131 ve anlay\u0131\u015f, objektif olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, irrasyoneldir, u\u00e7uktur, hayal aleminde dola\u015fman\u0131n bir tezah\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr. Evet; bununla birlikte ama, alt\u0131 \u00e7izilerek belirtilmelidir ki, bu alg\u0131 ve anlay\u0131\u015f inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 objektif ili\u015fkiler ve durumdan almaktad\u0131r! \u015eimdi sorulabilir ki, bu nas\u0131l m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabiliyor; yani objektif olarak irrasyonel olan s\u00fcbjektif bir alg\u0131 ve anlay\u0131\u015f, nas\u0131l objektif durum ve ili\u015fkilerden inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (yani rasyonel bir a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131) alabilir?! E\u011fer (milliyet\u00e7i) kurgu; emperyalizm veya Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist devletler olgusu \u00fczerine bina edilmi\u015fse, bu gayet m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. M\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu alg\u0131 ve anlay\u0131\u015ftaki irrasyonel \u015feyler, hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; emperyalist devletlerin ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, riyakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00e7ifte standart\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, talanc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, soygunculu\u011fu, darbecili\u011fi, anti-demokratikli\u011fi, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 vb.\u2019den dev\u015firmektedir! Bunlar\u0131n objektif oldu\u011fu ise reddedilemez.<\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, kapitalist ekonominin yasalar\u0131 bellidir. Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir sanayiye dayanmayan, katma de\u011fer \u00fcretimi son derece zay\u0131f olan, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kronik cari a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131 bulunan bir \u00fclke ekonomisinde, \u2018faiz sebep enflasyon sonu\u00e7tur\u2019 diyerek faizleri t\u00fcm aksi emarelere kar\u015f\u0131n y\u00fckseltmekten ka\u00e7\u0131nmak ak\u0131l kar\u0131 de\u011fildir. Enflasyonu y\u00fcksek, faizi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck bir \u00fclkeye yabanc\u0131 finans sermayesi yat\u0131r\u0131m yapmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131r. Hele ki, d\u00fcnya piyasalar\u0131nda \u00e7ok daha fazla getirisi olan yerler varken. Elbette ki, finans sermayesi, do\u011fas\u0131 gere\u011fi, \u00fclke ekonomisini ya\u011fmalamak ister; faiz oranlar\u0131, onun o \u00fclkede yarat\u0131lan art\u0131-de\u011ferden alaca\u011f\u0131\/almak istedi\u011fi pay\u0131 ifade eder. Kendine muhta\u00e7 olan \u00fclkelere a\u011f\u0131r ko\u015fullar dayat\u0131r. Bu, objektif bir ger\u00e7ektir. Milliyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemini s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 olma \u00fczerine bina eden bir siyasi \u00e7izgi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, bu ger\u00e7eklik, gayet rahat bir \u015fekilde \u00fclkenin ekonomik ger\u00e7eklikleriyle \u00f6rt\u00fc\u015fmeyen ama rasyonelmi\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bir yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n dayana\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Nitekim ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi: \u201c\u00dclkemde ekonominin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi i<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>in yat\u0131r\u0131mlar artmal\u0131, bunun i<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>in de yat\u0131r\u0131mlar i\u00e7in zehir olan faizler d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmelidir. Kendi \u00fclkelerinde s\u0131f\u0131r faiz politikas\u0131 izleyen d\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7ler ise, bize y\u00fcksek faiz dayatmas\u0131nda bulunmaktad\u0131r ve b<\/em>\u00f6<\/em>ylelikle \u00fclkemizin kalk\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemeye <\/em>\u00e7<\/em>al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131rlar. Buna kar\u015f\u0131 koydu\u011fumuzda ise, kur \u00fczerinden oynayarak bizi terbiye etmeye <\/em>\u00e7<\/em>al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131rlar!<\/em>\u201d (Erdo\u011fan, mealen aktard\u0131k.)<\/p>\n

Kurgu bunun \u00fczerinden kuruldu\u011funda, bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeyi g\u00f6rece geri olan ve fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda ruhi \u015fekillenmesinde emperyalizm ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist devletlerin k\u00fcstahl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n derin izler b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir halk\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerinin ana kitlesinin, “boyun e\u011fmemeyi\u201d, “terbiye edilmemeyi\u201d vaaz veren s\u00f6ylemleri desteklemesi anla\u015f\u0131lamaz olmasa gerek. Kald\u0131 ki, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn ABD\u2019sinin bile, ba\u015fta AB ve \u00c7in olmak \u00fczere ba\u015fka \u00fclkeleri “ABD\u2019yi soymakla<\/em>\u201d su\u00e7lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve “ABD sanayisini korumak<\/em>\u201d \u00fczere himayeci tedbirler ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde, “ekonomik milliyet<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>ilik<\/em>\u201din bizde de al\u0131c\u0131 bulmas\u0131, yani geni\u015f toplumsal kesimler taraf\u0131ndan akla uygun bulunmas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Demek oluyor ki, \u00fclkemizdeki hakim ve toplumda, \u00f6zellikle de yoksul halk kesimleri aras\u0131nda hala ciddi bir destek g\u00f6ren bu milliyet\u00e7i siyasi \u00e7izgi de, yar\u0131m ger<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>ekler<\/em> \u00fczerine bina edilen bir \u00e7izgidir. Yar\u0131m ger\u00e7ekler ama, siyasi demagojinin en tehlikelisidir. Zira kendini s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcreten ve g\u00fcncelleyebilen bir yap\u0131ya sahiptir. Bir noktada ba\u015far\u0131yla te\u015fhir edilmesi, onun ba\u015fka bir nokta \u00fczerinden kendini yeniden diriltmesini, etki g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc yenilemesini engellemeyebilir.<\/p>\n

Toparlayacak olursak; ister burjuva muhalefeti olsun, isterse iktidardaki dinci-milliyet\u00e7i burjuva \u00e7izgi olsun, geni\u015f emek\u00e7i halk kesimlerini yedekleyebilmek i\u00e7in ikisi de siyasetlerini yar\u0131m ger\u00e7ekler \u00fczerine bina etmektedir. Nerede? \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z hareketiyle bu politik m\u00fccadelelere damgas\u0131n\u0131 vurabilmekten hen\u00fcz uzak oldu\u011fu ve bunun da bir sonucu olarak toplumun, s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7eli\u015fkileri de perdeleyen k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, ideolojik-politik yar\u0131m ger\u00e7eklerle iki kampa b\u00f6l\u00fcnebildi\u011fi bir \u00fclkede\u2026<\/p>\n

GER\u00c7EK B\u00dcT\u00dcND\u00dcR<\/strong><\/p>\n

Somut durumu ve haleti ruhiyesi bu olan bir \u00fclkenin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partisinin ister istemez bir\u00e7ok meydan okuma, g\u00f6rev ve sorumlulukla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze gelmi\u015f oldu\u011fu ve daha da gelece\u011fi \u015f\u00fcphesizidir. Fakat bunlar aras\u0131nda \u015fu anda en yak\u0131c\u0131 olan\u0131, a –<\/strong> g\u00fcc\u00fc ve olanaklar\u0131 yetti\u011fi oranda, propaganda ve ajitasyonunu \u00f6zg\u00fcnle\u015ftirerek ilerletmek, bu alandaki faaliyetlerinin isabetlili\u011fini \u00f6zenle g\u00f6zden ge\u00e7irmek, kazan\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken kitlelerin alg\u0131 ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinde bug\u00fcn egemen olan burjuva-gerici fikirlerin te\u015fhir edilmesinde ezber ve al\u0131\u015f\u0131k olandan uzak \u00f6zel ve yarat\u0131c\u0131 bir gayret ortaya koymakt\u0131r.[3]<\/a> Zira a\u00e7\u0131k olmal\u0131d\u0131r ki, bug\u00fcn, yani; her bir burjuva fraksiyonun, d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yenilgisinin etkilerinin hala s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik m\u00fccadelelerde kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z hareketiyle fiilen etkide bulunam\u0131yor olmas\u0131ndan do\u011fan imkanlar\u0131 tepe tepe kullanabildi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde; ger\u00e7e\u011fin Tek<\/em>\u2019li\u011finden esinlenmekle yetinen bir ajitasyon ve propaganda bizi ilerletmeyecektir. Bize laz\u0131m olan, ger<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>e\u011fin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden<\/em> esinlenebilendir![4]<\/a>b –<\/strong>K<\/em>itle <\/em>\u00e7<\/em>al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i<\/em>\u00e7<\/em>erisinde yer alan<\/em> \u00fcye ve taraftarlar\u0131n\u0131n ideolojik-politik donan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zla geli\u015ftirmek, onlar\u0131 politik m\u00fccadelenin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n gerektirdi\u011fi konularda \u00f6zel olarak e\u011fitmek ve bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeylerini y\u00fckseltmektir.<\/p>\n

A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, bu hususlarda geli\u015fme kaydedilmesi, i\u015f\u00e7i havzalar\u0131nda, fabrikalarda, i\u015f\u00e7i ve yoksul mahallelerinde k\u00f6k salma \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczeyi ve etkisinin geli\u015febilmesi demektir. Bu hususlarda ciddi geli\u015fmeler kaydedilemedi\u011finde, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r ve verimsiz ilerlemesi i\u015ften bile de\u011fildir. Mevcut ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir yandan vahameti, fakat \u00f6te yandan dinamizmi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda, verimsizlik ve a\u011f\u0131r hareket etmenin, bug\u00fcnden bile daha gerilere d\u00fc\u015fmeye neden olabilece\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Yakla\u015fmakta olan ekonomik krizin ekonomik faturas\u0131 ba\u015fta i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olmak \u00fczere emek\u00e7i halka \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Halk kitleleri tabiat\u0131yla tepkilerini g\u00f6stereceklerdir. Sorun ama bu de\u011fildir; sorun, bu tepkinin politik bak\u0131mdan nereye kanalize edilece\u011fi veya edilebilece\u011fidir. “Yeni T\u00fcrkiye”nin tan\u0131k oldu\u011fumuz ilk politik kararlar\u0131, olas\u0131 ekonomik krizin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015febilecek sosyal tepkilere me\u015fru bir zemini ba\u015ftan tan\u0131mamay\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren bir haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011fa i\u015faret etmektedir. Bu durumda, ekonomik krizin politik faturas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ncelikle \u00fclkenin diri, ayd\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f, ilerici, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve m\u00fccadeleci kesimlerine \u00e7\u0131kartmak, bu haz\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z kalmamas\u0131n\u0131n tabii bir \u00f6n ad\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130slami-milliyet\u00e7i burjuva fraksiyonu “Yeni T\u00fcrkiye” ile y\u0131llard\u0131r hayalini kurdu\u011fu zirveyi zapt etti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektedir. Ne var ki, zirve olgusunun kendisinin belirli bir diyalekti\u011fi vard\u0131r. Nitekim, zirveyi zapt etmi\u015f olmak bir taraftan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ba\u015far\u0131 ve mutluluk an\u0131d\u0131r, di\u011fer taraftan ama o, en yorgun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fclen and\u0131r da; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc oraya ula\u015fma yolunda az g\u00fc\u00e7 sarf edilmemi\u015f, az yara al\u0131nmam\u0131\u015f, az bedel \u00f6denmemi\u015ftir! Bu bak\u0131mdan zapt edilen zirveler, ayn\u0131 zamanda bedellerinin de bir t\u00fcr zirvesidir. Zirve ger\u00e7ekse, bedeller de onun ger\u00e7e\u011fidir.<\/p>\n

Zirve metaforunu politik ya\u015fama uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda, bug\u00fcn g\u00f6rmemiz gereken, zapt edilmi\u015f olunan kendisinden ziyade, \u015fu an bilincinde olup olmamas\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin \u00f6demek durumunda oldu\u011fu ve kalaca\u011f\u0131 bedellerdir. B\u00fct\u00fcn mesele, bu karma\u015f\u0131k durumun ve bedellerinin ger\u00e7ek mahiyetinin i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i kitleleri taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr ve anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r olmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak nitelikte bir politik \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 (ajitasyon-propaganda-\u00f6rg\u00fctleme) geli\u015ftirebilmektedir.<\/p>\n

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[1]<\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>1920\u2019li y\u0131llarda fa\u015fizme gidi\u015f esnas\u0131nda “liberal uygarl\u0131k de\u011ferleri” b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f ya\u015f\u0131yordu. Eric Hobsbawm, tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 tezleri de i\u00e7eren “K\u0131sa 20. Y\u00fczy\u0131l” adl\u0131 kitab\u0131nda bu de\u011ferleri \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetliyor: “Liberal uygarl\u0131k de\u011ferleri”, “diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe ve mutlak y\u00f6netime g\u00fcvensizlik; hukuk d\u00fczeninin g\u00fcvencesi alt\u0131nda \u00f6zg\u00fcrce se\u00e7ilmi\u015f h\u00fck\u00fcmetler ve temsili meclislere ya da bunlar\u0131n y\u00f6netimi alt\u0131ndaki anayasal h\u00fck\u00fcmete ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131k; ve konu\u015fma, bas\u0131n ve toplanma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc kapsayan kabul edilmi\u015f bir yurtta\u015f hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri setinden olu\u015fuyordu.” (Hobsbawm, sf. 132, \u00c7ev: Yavuz Alogan, Sarmal Yay\u0131nevi, Ekim 1996.)<\/p>\n

[2]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>AKP ve liderinin neyi ne kadar ve hangi d\u00fcnya ko\u015fullar\u0131nda yapabildi\u011fi yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n konusu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ge\u00e7iyoruz. Ancak \u015fu kadar\u0131n\u0131 belirtelim ki, i\u015fin bu boyutu; emek\u00e7i halktaki tarihsel tecr\u00fcbeyi do\u011frulamaktan ba\u015fka bir sonu\u00e7 vermeyen 2001 krizi, onu izleyen y\u0131llardaki “s\u0131cak para bollu\u011fu” vb. ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fmelerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011ferlendirilemez.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0<\/sup>Belirtmek bile gereksizdir ki, y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmekte olan ajitasyon ve propaganda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n somut ele\u015ftirisi ancak ampirik yap\u0131labilir. Bizim bu makale s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde \u00fczerinde durdu\u011fumuz, tabiat\u0131yla i\u015fin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r sadece. Ajitasyon ve propaganda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na olan talebin mahiyetini anlamak bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, ba\u015fta Bol\u015fevikler olmak \u00fczere, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partilerinin deneyimi bug\u00fcn de \u00f6\u011freticidir. Yeni ileti\u015fim teknikleri ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 (ki bunlar bir a\u00e7\u0131dan i\u015fimizi zorla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131rken ba\u015fka a\u00e7\u0131lardan da kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131rlar), s\u00f6z gelimi, gidi\u015fat\u0131n h\u0131zla pratik bir ihtiya\u00e7 haline getirece\u011fi \u00f6zel ajitat\u00f6r ve propagandac\u0131 gruplar\u0131n\u0131n yeti\u015ftirilip e\u011fitimden ge\u00e7irilmesi, bunlar aras\u0131nda en iyilerinin halihaz\u0131rdaki en \u00f6nemli direni\u015f ve m\u00fccadele mahallerine yollanmas\u0131, politik bak\u0131mdan \u00f6nemli te\u015fhir ve a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 bunlar\u0131n yapmas\u0131, deney biriktirmesi, bu deneylerin parti merkezince \u00f6zel bir \u00e7abayla genelle\u015ftirilmesi vb. ad\u0131mlar\u0131n gerekliliklerini ortadan kald\u0131rmamaktad\u0131r. Sonu\u00e7ta, ister yaz\u0131l\u0131 ister s\u00f6zl\u00fc olsun, propaganda-ajitasyon \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i kitlelerle dolays\u0131z ve stratejik temas noktam\u0131zd\u0131r. Gerek onlar\u0131n partiyi anlamas\u0131 ve tan\u0131mas\u0131, gerekse partinin onlar\u0131 anlayabildi\u011finden emin olmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fka bir yolu yoktur. Nitelikli, somut, vuku bulanda en \u00f6zg\u00fcn olan\u0131 kapsamak suretiyle o andaki en \u00f6nemli halkay\u0131 yakalayan vb. \u00f6zelliklere sahip olmayan bir ajitasyon ve propaganda, amac\u0131 ve i\u015flevi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, harcanan emek ve zamanla ters orant\u0131l\u0131 bir sonu\u00e7 vermekten \u00f6teye gitmez. Bu ayn\u0131 \u015funa benzer: Alan\u0131nda \u00e7ok ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 ses sanat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konseri, kulaklar\u0131 t\u0131rmalayan ve sanat\u00e7\u0131n\u0131n ses ve yorum kalitesini de yans\u0131tmaktan uzak bir ses d\u00fczene\u011fiyle yapmak!<\/p>\n

[4]<\/sup><\/a>\u00a0\u00a0<\/sup>Hegel\u2019e g\u00f6re, “ger\u00e7ek b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr”. Peki neden? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc “b\u00fct\u00fcn<\/em>“, “ancak kendi geli\u015fimiyle kendini tamamlayan \u00f6zd\u00fcr.<\/em>” Mutlak olan; esas itibar\u0131yla sonu\u00e7tur, ger\u00e7ekte te\u015fkil etti\u011fi \u015feyi ancak sonunda olmaktad\u0131r. Kendi geli\u015fimiyle kendini tamamlayan b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn dolay\u0131m\u0131na<\/em> dayand\u0131r\u0131lmayan bir ger\u00e7ek, ister istemez somut de\u011fildir!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ahmet Cengiz Son se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla birlikte art\u0131k resmen de i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz “Yeni T\u00fcrkiye”nin k\u0131sa vadedeki en can al\u0131c\u0131 sorunu, patlak verme emareleri giderek artan ekonomik krizin, ne gibi politik sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece genel tarihsel tecr\u00fcbeler de\u011fil, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin son 20 y\u0131ll\u0131k \u00f6zg\u00fcn politik kampla\u015fma ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imlendirdi\u011fi umumi ortam da, olas\u0131 ekonomik krizin politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n 2 +2=4 t\u00fcr\u00fcnden basit bir denklemle […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":669,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[490,370,287],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-668","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-21-sayi-agustos-2018","category-kuram","category-ahmet-cengiz"],"yoast_head":"\nYar\u0131m ger\u00e7ekler<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/08\/01\/yarim-gercekler\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Yar\u0131m ger\u00e7ekler\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ahmet Cengiz Son se\u00e7im sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla birlikte art\u0131k resmen de i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz “Yeni T\u00fcrkiye”nin k\u0131sa vadedeki en can al\u0131c\u0131 sorunu, patlak verme emareleri giderek artan ekonomik krizin, ne gibi politik sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. 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