{"id":616,"date":"2018-06-03T15:55:23","date_gmt":"2018-06-03T12:55:23","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=616"},"modified":"2022-12-07T19:31:20","modified_gmt":"2022-12-07T16:31:20","slug":"marksizmin-uluslararasi-iliskilere-katkisi-uluslarin-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/06\/03\/marksizmin-uluslararasi-iliskilere-katkisi-uluslarin-kaderlerini-tayin-hakki\/","title":{"rendered":"Marksizmin uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilere katk\u0131s\u0131: Uluslar\u0131n kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131*"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>H\u00fcseyin Sinan G\u00fcler<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>Ekin Deniz Ho\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>\u0130smail Furkan Narl\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Ulus, uluslararas\u0131 ve uluslar\u00fcst\u00fc kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n gerek akademide gerekse de yaz\u0131l\u0131 ve g\u00f6rsel bas\u0131nda s\u0131k\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel bir d\u00f6nemde s\u00f6z konusu bu kavramlar\u0131n teorik derinlikleri ile politik kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bir arada yeniden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duyuluyor. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z da bu ama\u00e7 do\u011frultusunda yap\u0131lmakta ve ulusal hareketlerin tekrar g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011fi bu d\u00f6nemde makalemiz Marksizmin ulusal soruna bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, Marksizmin uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler disiplinine \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir katk\u0131s\u0131 olan uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 kavram\u0131n\u0131, 1917 Ekim Devrimi s\u00fcrecinde ve sonras\u0131nda Bol\u015feviklerin ulusal soruna bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 irdeleyecek, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik bir \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u00e7izmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015facakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><strong>KAVRAMSAL \u00c7ER\u00c7EVE<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Makalenin giri\u015f k\u0131sm\u0131nda, y\u00fczy\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcregelmi\u015f bir tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ana \u00f6znesi olan \u201culus\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel ko\u015fullar tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacak ve y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclecek ulusal sorun tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kavramsal \u00e7er\u00e7eve belirlenecektir. Ulus, milliyet\u00e7ilik, ulusal devlet ve teritoryal devlet varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan olaylar tarihsel ba\u011flamlar\u0131nda ele al\u0131nd\u0131ktan sonra bu kavramlar\u0131n kendi i\u00e7lerinde olu\u015fturduklar\u0131 dinamikler ele al\u0131nacak ve bir teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u00e7izmek amac\u0131yla yorumlanacakt\u0131r. B\u00f6yle bir \u00e7er\u00e7eveyi belirlemek i\u00e7in \u201culus\u201d ve \u201cmilliyet\u00e7ilik\u201d gibi kavramlar\u0131 yaln\u0131zca g\u00fcncel g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcler olarak ele almak yerine bu modern g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fclerin \u201cmodern-\u00f6ncesi evveliyatlar\u0131n\u0131\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmak ve ulus kavram\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin izini s\u00fcrmek gereklidir (Smith, 1994: 8). Ancak, tarihte ulus kavram\u0131n\u0131n izini s\u00fcrmekteki amac\u0131m\u0131z, farkl\u0131 ulus tan\u0131mlar\u0131 ve anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda ortaya at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00e7e\u015fitli tarihsel d\u00f6nemleri ve olaylar\u0131 ulus kavram\u0131na bir do\u011fum tarihi olarak atayan akademik ne\u015friyata bir yenisini eklemek de\u011fil, yumak haline gelmi\u015f bir ili\u015fkiler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc ilkesel bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye imk\u00e2n sa\u011flayacak \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde de\u015fifre etmek ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemektir.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>1. <strong>TEMEL KAVRAMLAR<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Ulus kavram\u0131, statik bir do\u011fu\u015f an\u0131na sahip olmayan aksine, tarihsel d\u00fczlemde s\u0131kl\u0131kla i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f s\u0131n\u0131fsal, jeopolitik, linguistik ili\u015fkilerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu bir ortamda kulu\u00e7kaya yat\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, zaman zaman y\u00fczlerce y\u0131l \u00f6nceye dayanan etnik kimliklere dayand\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, zaman zaman ise ekonomi-politi\u011fin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu safha \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde yeniden \u00fcretilmi\u015f, gerekti\u011finde h\u00e2kim s\u0131n\u0131flar taraf\u0131ndan manip\u00fcle edilmi\u015f, hatta in\u015fa edilmi\u015f bir kavramd\u0131r. Bu y\u00fczden ulusal devletlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i ak\u0131mlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00f6nc\u00fcllenmeyi gereksinir. Hobsbawm\u2019\u0131n (1995: 24) da belirtti\u011fi gibi, \u201c<em>\u2026analitik d\u00fczlemde milliyet\u00e7ilik milletten \u00f6nce gelir. Milletler devletleri ve milliyet\u00e7ilikleri yaratmaz, do\u011fru olan bunun tam tersidir.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Milliyet\u00e7ilik bir kavram olarak, \u201c<em>temelde siyasal birim ile ulusal birimin \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren siyasal bir ilkedir<\/em>\u201d (Gellner, 1992: 19). Bu ilkeye g\u00f6re ulus-devletler modern d\u00fcnyada varl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren yeg\u00e2ne me\u015fru unsurlard\u0131r. Milliyet\u00e7ilik ise devlet ve toplum aras\u0131ndaki ikili\u011fi devleti \u201cmillile\u015ftirerek\u201d ve topluma milli de\u011ferler a\u015f\u0131layarak ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 hedefler (van de Putte, 1994). Stalin (2005: 19) bu g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcy\u00fc tarihsel d\u00fczlemde s\u0131n\u0131fsal ba\u011flama otururken \u00e7ok net bir s\u0131n\u0131flama yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re \u201c<em>ulus yaln\u0131zca tarihsel bir kategori de\u011fil, belirli bir \u00e7a\u011fa, kapitalizmin y\u00fckseli\u015f \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na ait bir kategoridir. Feodalizmin tasfiyesi ve kapitalizmin geli\u015fim s\u00fcreci, ayn\u0131 zamanda insanlar\u0131n ulus olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme s\u00fcrecidir.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Ulusal bilincin in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerken s\u0131kl\u0131kla linguistik arg\u00fcmanlara dayanan Anderson\u2019\u0131n (2015: 62) belirtti\u011fi \u015fekilde, modern uluslar\u0131n bi\u00e7imsel \u00f6zelliklerini belirleyen ve ulus in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7an \u015fey \u201c<em>kapitalizm, teknoloji ve insan\u0131n<\/em>\u201d dilsel \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fe duyduklar\u0131 zorunlulu\u011fun \u00fcst \u00fcste binmesidir. Ancak bu dilsel nedenlere bir kataliz\u00f6r olman\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ba\u015flat\u0131c\u0131 ilke muamelesi yapmak tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 tarihsel k\u00f6klerinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r. Stalin\u2019in Avusturyal\u0131 sosyal demokrat Bauer\u2019i ele\u015ftirirken s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi, ulusu topra\u011f\u0131ndan kopararak \u201c<em>onu g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez, kadiri mutlak bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline getirir<\/em>\u201d (Stalin, 2005:18).<\/p>\n<p>Bu konuda as\u0131l belirleyici olan ve konuyu tarihsel k\u00f6klerine ba\u011flayacak olan \u015fey bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n, s\u0131n\u0131fsal ili\u015fkiler d\u00fczleminde bulundu\u011fu noktad\u0131r. Nairn\u2019\u0131n (2003: 41) \u00f6ne s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi, milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin modern bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n politik anlamda bu s\u00f6ylemlere dahil olmalar\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir ve \u201c<em>en tipik bi\u00e7imlerinde bu, huzursuz bir orta s\u0131n\u0131f ve ayd\u0131n \u00f6nderli\u011fin, halk s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n enerjilerini harekete ge\u00e7irip yeni devletlere destek do\u011frultusunda y\u00f6nlendirmeleri k\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na<\/em>\u201d b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu konuda daha kapsaml\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131fsal analiz yapm\u0131\u015f olan Stalin\u2019in (2005: 22) ortaya koydu\u011fu fikirler bu monolitik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe bir antitez sunmaktad\u0131r. Stalin\u2019e g\u00f6re, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6nderlik edilen bir m\u00fccadele bayra\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplanmas\u0131 konusunda belirleyici etken s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sahip oldu\u011fu bilin\u00e7 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fczeyidir. \u201c<em>S\u0131n\u0131f bilin\u00e7li proletarya kendi s\u0131nanm\u0131\u015f bayra\u011f\u0131na sahiptir ve burjuvazinin bayra\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda toplanmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektiren bir neden yoktur.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>2. <strong>ULUSAL DEVLET\u0130N OLU\u015eUM S\u00dcREC\u0130 <\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Ulus kavram\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 sistemin etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillendi\u011fi bir ilkeye nas\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sorusunu ele al\u0131rken, bu s\u00fcrece i\u00e7kin belirli tarihsel d\u00f6neme\u00e7lerden bahsetmeden ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilecek her tart\u0131\u015fma bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle eksik kalacakt\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6neme\u00e7lerden ilki Otuz Y\u0131l Sava\u015flar\u0131 sonucu imzalanm\u0131\u015f olan Westphalia Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131\u2019d\u0131r. \u201c<em>Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 haz\u0131rlayacak konferans, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ilk konferans\u0131 say\u0131labilir. En \u00f6nemli \u00f6zelliklerinden biri, daha \u00f6nceki uluslararas\u0131 toplant\u0131lar dini nitelikteyken, Westphalia\u2019n\u0131n devlet, sava\u015f ve iktidar sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 laik bir konferans olmas\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>\u201d (Sander, 2016: 57). Realistler, \u0130ngiliz okulu ve yap\u0131land\u0131rmac\u0131lara g\u00f6re \u201c<em>1648 sonras\u0131nda modern egemen devletler aras\u0131ndaki resmiyet kazanan ili\u015fkiler, t\u00fcrde\u015f olmayan feodal oyuncular aras\u0131ndaki imparatorluk ve kilisenin hiyerar\u015fik talepleriyle belirlenen \u00e7apra\u015f\u0131k ili\u015fkilerin yerini almaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Uluslararas\u0131 devletler d\u00fczeni, Westphalia Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 (1648) ve Utrecht Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 (1713) aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nemde modern uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkileri and\u0131rmaya ba\u015flad\u0131<\/em>\u201d (Teschke, 2017: 21). Toparlamak gerekirse, Westphalia Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 teritoryal devleti ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan tarihsel d\u00f6neme\u00e7 olarak kabul edilebilir.<\/p>\n<p>Bu ba\u011flamda d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 olarak kabul edilebilecek bir di\u011fer olay ise 1789 Frans\u0131z Devrimi ve onun \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc olarak kabul edebilece\u011fimiz 1776 Amerikan Devrimi\u2019dir. Amerikan Devrimi, \u00e7ok uzun bir s\u00fcre daha s\u00fcrecek olan liberal burjuva devrimleri i\u00e7in sahneyi a\u00e7makla kalmaz, Avrupal\u0131lara Ayd\u0131nlanma \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir\u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinin ger\u00e7ekte uygulanabilir oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir (Sander, 2016). Bunun yan\u0131nda Amerikan Devrimi; yaln\u0131zca Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nin ideolojik bir \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcye kadar onun nedeniydi de. \u00d6te yandan Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019nin etkileri ise ku\u015fkusuz en az Amerikan Devrimi kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Frans\u0131z Devrimi, devletin me\u015fruiyet temelini dinden ulusa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren k\u00f6kten bir de\u011fi\u015fim olmas\u0131 sebebiyle <em>Ancien R\u00e9gime<\/em>\u2019den radikal bir kopu\u015fu ifade eder (\u00c7itak, 2006). Bu kopu\u015f \u00f6ylesine bir kopu\u015ftur ki, b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada hissedilen etkilere yol a\u00e7ar. Bu etkiler sayesinde yurtta\u015f ve devlet aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr ve yeniden tan\u0131mlan\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n<p>Giri\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcnde anlat\u0131lanlar\u0131 \u00f6zetlemek gerekirse, ulus kavram\u0131n\u0131n belirli bir ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f tarihi olmamakla birlikte; konuya ili\u015fkin g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcleri, ilkesel bir ulus tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctebilmek ad\u0131na belirli tarihsel d\u00f6neme\u00e7ler \u00fczerinden okumak m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu d\u00f6neme\u00e7lerden ilki teritoryal devleti ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan Westphalia Bar\u0131\u015f\u0131, ikincisi ise devlet ve toplum aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin merkezine yerle\u015fmesi ve devleti yaln\u0131zca ulusal temelde me\u015fru bir varl\u0131k haline getiren Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019dir. Bu kavramlar\u0131 tarihsel d\u00fczleme yerle\u015ftirmek ad\u0131na, \u00f6nce teritoryal devletin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, daha sonra burjuvazinin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki milliyet\u00e7i sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n teritoryal devletleri ulusal me\u015fruiyet taban\u0131na oturttu\u011funu savunmaktay\u0131z.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>3. <strong>MARX VE ENGELS\u2019TE ULUSAL SORUN<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Burjuvazinin organik ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan s\u0131kl\u0131kla dile getirilen uydurmalardan biri de Marx ve Engels\u2019in herhangi bir ulus teorisine sahip olmad\u0131klar\u0131d\u0131r. Oysaki Marx ve Engels, g\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde ba\u015fta \u0130rlanda sorunu olmak \u00fczere Polonya, Hindistan ve \u00c7ek sorunlar\u0131 \u00fczerine yazarak gerek Marksizmin gerekse Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Birli\u011fi\u2019nin ulus politikas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmu\u015flard\u0131r. V.I. Lenin ve J. V. Stalin, Marx ve Engels\u2019in ulus sorununa dair yazd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 devrimci teoriyi baz alarak somut ko\u015fullara g\u00f6re geli\u015ftirmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n<p>Marx\u2019\u0131n 22 Temmuz 1853 tarihinde yay\u0131mlanan \u201cHindistan\u2019da \u0130ngiliz Egemenli\u011finin Gelecekteki Sonu\u00e7lar\u0131\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesinde Hindistan\u2019da s\u00fcren \u0130ngiliz egemenli\u011finin Hindistan\u2019daki \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine etkisi anlat\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra \u0130ngiliz burjuvazisinin k\u00e2r h\u0131rs\u0131yla Hindistan\u2019da tesis etti\u011fi end\u00fcstriyel olanaklar ile end\u00fcstriyel enerjinin ancak iki ko\u015fulda \u201c<em>yeni toplum \u00f6gelerinin meyvelerinin<\/em>\u201d Hintliler taraf\u0131ndan toplanaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yler. Bu ko\u015fullar ya B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n kendi burjuvazisini devirmesi ya da Hintlilerin \u0130ngiliz boyunduru\u011fundan kendilerini kurtaracak g\u00fcce eri\u015fmesidir. Marx\u2019\u0131n bu makalesi Hindistan\u2019daki \u0130ngiliz egemenli\u011fini savundu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki temelsiz iddiay\u0131 da yan\u0131tlamaktad\u0131r. Marx, \u0130ngiliz egemenli\u011finin Hindistan\u2019\u0131n \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7leri \u00fczerinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 etkiyi objektif bir \u015fekilde tahlil ederken bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmam\u0131\u015f, aksine yarat\u0131lan toplumsal \u00f6gelerin Hindistan halklar\u0131na yararl\u0131 bir pozisyonda olmas\u0131 i\u00e7in Hindistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kavu\u015fmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini belirtmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n<p>Marx\u2019\u0131n 1848 Devrimleri \u00f6ncesinde ulusal sorunun ezen \u00fclkenin proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirece\u011fi sosyalist devrimle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde fikirleri oldu\u011fu do\u011frudur, fakat 1867\u2019de ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Fenian Ayaklanmas\u0131 ve ezilen ulusun kurtulu\u015funun yarataca\u011f\u0131 olanaklar\u0131n daha derinlikli incelenmesi sonucunda Marx\u2019\u0131n bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fi bir ger\u00e7ektir. Akda\u011f (2017: 17), 1864\u2019te kurulan I. Enternasyonal Bildirisinde Marx\u2019\u0131n ezen uluslar\u0131n uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ulusal bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirdi\u011fini yazar. Marx\u2019\u0131n \u0130rlanda sorunu \u00f6zelinde yazd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 inceledi\u011fimizde daha sonra Lenin taraf\u0131ndan uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131 olarak geli\u015ftirilecek g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin ilk n\u00fcvelerini bulabiliriz. \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci m\u00fccadelesinin \u0130rlanda\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden ge\u00e7ti\u011fini belirten Marx; \u0130rlanda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece \u0130ngiliz i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u0130ngiliz egemenleri ile \u0130rlanda sorunu \u00f6zelinde ortak bir cephede birle\u015fece\u011fini belirtir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve halklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bak\u0131m\u0131ndan sorunu de\u011ferlendiren Marx ve Engels, ezilen ulusun ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k talebini savunman\u0131n hem ezen ulusun hem de ezilen ulusun proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n ulusal sorun sebebiyle burjuvaziye yedeklenme ihtimalini ortadan kald\u0131raca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, m\u00fccadelenin olanaklar\u0131n\u0131n artaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunmu\u015f; proletaryan\u0131n ulusal-topluluklar politikas\u0131n\u0131n ilhak ve bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 olacak bi\u00e7imde \u015fekillenmesi gerekti\u011fini vurgulam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>4. <strong>ULUSLARARASI \u0130L\u0130\u015eK\u0130LER D\u0130S\u0130PL\u0130N\u0130NDE ULUS VE ULUSAL SORUN<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 ilk kez 2. Enternasyonal\u2019de kavramsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, daha sonra da Lenin taraf\u0131ndan Marksist bir \u00e7er\u00e7eveyle kapsaml\u0131 bir \u015fekilde incelenmi\u015f ve tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu hak, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Wilson taraf\u0131ndan da \u201cself-determinasyon\u201d ad\u0131yla i\u00e7i bo\u015falt\u0131larak ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Wilson\u2019\u0131n ortaya koydu\u011fu self-determinasyon, burjuva ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan ezilen halklara bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu olarak g\u00f6sterilmi\u015ftir. Wilson \u0130lkeleri\u2019nin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir incelemesi yap\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bu ilkelerin, ger\u00e7ekten d\u00fcnyada kal\u0131c\u0131 bir bar\u0131\u015f sa\u011flamak ve ezilen halklar\u0131 emperyalizmin pen\u00e7esinden kurtarmak i\u00e7in yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Nitekim burjuva ideologlar\u0131 da konu uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 oldu\u011fu zaman gerek Lenin\u2019in bu konudaki \u00f6nc\u00fc ve ilerici fikirlerini engellemek, gerekse Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri\u2019nin tarih boyunca ezilen uluslar\u0131n yan\u0131nda oldu\u011funu iddia edebilmek i\u00e7in Wilson \u0130lkeleri\u2019ni self-determinasyon \u00fczerinden bir Wilson \u00f6vg\u00fcs\u00fc olarak anlat\u0131r. Wilson \u0130lkeleri, ancak tarihsel ba\u011flamda ve b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc olarak incelendi\u011finde, burjuva ideologlar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d perdesi kalkar ve arkas\u0131ndaki emperyalist \u00f6z g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<p>Wilson\u2019\u0131n me\u015fhur ilkelerini t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyaya duyurdu\u011fu 1918 y\u0131l\u0131nda Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k, ne kadar sava\u015f yorgunu da olsa hala hegemon g\u00fc\u00e7 olma \u00f6zelli\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. D\u00f6rt k\u0131tada bir\u00e7ok ulusu s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirmi\u015f \u0130ngilizler; bu uluslar\u0131n insan g\u00fcc\u00fcnden, yeralt\u0131 kaynaklar\u0131ndan faydalanmaktayd\u0131. Hindistan en \u00f6nemlisi olmak \u00fczere bu s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeler, ayn\u0131 zamanda Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k i\u00e7in birer a\u00e7\u0131k pazard\u0131. Ayn\u0131 d\u00f6nemde ABD sermayesi birikimini her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha da artt\u0131r\u0131yor, bir yandan da pazarlar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirmenin yollar\u0131n\u0131 ar\u0131yordu. Sermayenin a\u00e7g\u00f6zl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, o d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erliydi. Wilson \u0130lkeleri\u2019ni de ABD sermayesinin Birle\u015fik Krall\u0131k pazarlar\u0131na olan i\u015ftah\u0131n\u0131n bir tezah\u00fcr\u00fc olarak de\u011ferlendirmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. S\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerle ilgili olan 5. madde buna kan\u0131t olarak g\u00f6sterilebilir. \u201c<em>S\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin b\u00fct\u00fcn talepleri serbest, a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fl\u00fc ve t\u00fcm\u00fcyle tarafs\u0131z bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla ele al\u0131nmal\u0131, bu t\u00fcr egemenlik sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcnde ilgili halklar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla egemenli\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan devletin adil taleplerinin e\u015fit a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 ilkesine kesinlikle uyulmal\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>\u201d (Wilson, 1918) s\u00f6zlerini kendine pazar arayan bir sermayenin temsilcisinin s\u00f6ylemesini bir Marksist ancak bu \u015fekilde yorumlayabilir. Yine Wilson \u0130lkeleri aras\u0131nda ge\u00e7en serbest ticaret, a\u00e7\u0131k denizler gibi talepler ise ABD mallar\u0131n\u0131 ve liberal de\u011ferlerini t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada serbest dola\u015f\u0131ma sokabilmek i\u00e7in yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 uzun erimli planlar\u0131n ba\u015fka bir g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n<p>Uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler disiplininde uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131na liberal bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 Wilson \u00fczerinden inceledik. Peki disiplinden ba\u015fka bir ana ak\u0131m olan realizm bu konuya nas\u0131l bak\u0131yor? \u00d6ncelikle \u201colmas\u0131 gereken\u201d \u00fczerine cevaplar aramak yerine olan\u0131n analizini yapan realistler bu hakk\u0131n neden bir hak oldu\u011fuyla ilgilenmezler. Fakat self-determinasyonun neden gerekli olabilece\u011fini Mearsheimer realist \u00e7er\u00e7evede \u00fc\u00e7 maddeyle a\u00e7\u0131klar. \u00d6nce ulusun tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 \u201c<em>Ortak bir k\u00fclt\u00fcre; \u00f6nemli insanlarla dolu bir tarihe, sembollere ve pratiklere sahip insan topluluklar\u0131<\/em>\u201d (Mearsheimer, 2011: 8) olarak yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mearsheimer i\u00e7in uluslar, bu ortak \u00f6zelliklerini ve geleneklerini ya\u015fatmak, bunlar\u0131 sonraki nesillere aktarmak i\u00e7in ulus devlet olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015flerdir. Ulus devlet \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin bir gere\u011fi olarak mit yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na ba\u015fvururlar ve bu mitler milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi besler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla uluslar, kendilerini di\u011ferlerinden \u00f6zel k\u0131lan mitlerle ulus devleti peki\u015ftirirler. Fakat bazen bu mit yarat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 uluslar\u0131 \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i\u201d (hypernationalist) bir noktaya getirir. Mearsheimer i\u00e7in self-determinasyonun \u00f6nemi burada ba\u015flar, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7ilik ulus devlet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki az\u0131nl\u0131klar i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tehdittir. Yukar\u0131da bahsedilen \u00fc\u00e7 maddeden ikisi bu durumda devreye girer. Bu maddelerden ilki ulus olu\u015fumunun temel ta\u015f\u0131 olan ortak k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn yok olmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130kincisi ise olas\u0131 bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f durumunda yok olma tehlikesidir. Yukar\u0131da bahsedilen \u00fc\u00e7 maddeden sonuncusu ise emperyalizmden kurtulu\u015ftur. Sonu\u00e7 olarak ulus devlet, Mearsheimer i\u00e7in hayatta kalmak isteyen uluslar\u0131n ku\u015fanmas\u0131 gereken bir silahtan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Kendilerini korumak i\u00e7in ulus devlet olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen uluslar\u0131n ba\u015fka uluslar\u0131 ezmeye ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrmeye, hatta yok etmeye e\u011filimli oldu\u011fu, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla di\u011fer uluslar\u0131n da yok olu\u015ftan kurtulmak i\u00e7in ulus devlet olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonsuz bir \u00e7ember yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r Mearsheimer. Bu sonsuz \u00e7emberin tarihte bir yere oturmamas\u0131n\u0131n sebebi altyap\u0131 \u00fcstyap\u0131 ili\u015fkilerini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edip hi\u00e7bir iktisadi temellendirmeye dayanmadan politikay\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir kategori olarak ele almas\u0131d\u0131r. Realizmin teorik temellendirmesinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131, d\u0131\u015f politika ve i\u00e7 politika aras\u0131ndaki diyalektik ba\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6remeyip bulutlar\u0131n \u00fczerinde bir uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler resmi \u00e7izmesinden kaynaklan\u0131r.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"2\">\n<li><strong>ULUSAL SORUN VE MARKS\u0130ZM-LEN\u0130N\u0130ZM<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Yukar\u0131da da belirtildi\u011fi \u00fczere gerek ulus kavram\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fumu gerekse de ulusal sorun \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn insanlar\u0131 ve siyaset\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 tezler ile a\u00e7\u0131klanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r fakat s\u00f6z konusu bu tezlerin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu \u0130talyan Marksist Antonio Gramsci\u2019nin ifadesiyle burjuvazinin organik ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan dile getirilmi\u015ftir. Bu sebeple, s\u00f6z konusu tezler Robert Cox\u2019un adland\u0131rmas\u0131yla problem-\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcc\u00fc teori (problem-solving theory) olarak ifade edilen ve disiplin i\u00e7inde hegemonik bir \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olan realist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn ulusal sorundaki yans\u0131malar\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirebilir. Robert Cox (1981: 128), <em>Millennium<\/em><em>&#8211;<\/em><em>Journal of International Studies <\/em>dergisinde yay\u0131mlanan \u201cSocial Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory\u201d adl\u0131 makalesinde \u201c<em>Teori her zaman birileri i\u00e7in ve bir ama\u00e7 i\u00e7indir<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ifade etti. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler disiplini i\u00e7erisinde de\u011ferlendirdi\u011fimiz ulusal sorun hakk\u0131ndaki tezler i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ulusal sorun konusunda bug\u00fcne dek ortaya at\u0131lan t\u00fcm tezler, tezi olu\u015fturan ki\u015filerin s\u0131n\u0131fsal ba\u011flar\u0131ndan ayr\u0131 de\u011ferlendirilemez. Y\u00fczeysel olarak de\u011ferlendirildi\u011finde Amerika Birle\u015fik Devletleri Ba\u015fkan\u0131 W. Wilson\u2019\u0131n \u201cself-determinasyon\u201d tezi ile Bol\u015fevik \u00f6nder V. \u0130. Lenin\u2019in \u201cUluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderini Tayin Hakk\u0131\u201d tezi ayn\u0131 ama\u00e7 i\u00e7in olu\u015fturulmu\u015f tezler olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclse de, bilimsel bir de\u011ferlendirme ile bu tezler incelendi\u011finde W. Wilson\u2019\u0131n ABD\u2019ye yeni pazarlar olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in olu\u015fturdu\u011fu tez ile Lenin\u2019in emperyalizm d\u00f6nemindeki kapitalizmi zay\u0131flatmak ve sosyalist d\u00fczeni kurmak i\u00e7in gerekli olan devrimlerin \u00f6n a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olmak \u00fczere olu\u015fturdu\u011fu tezin aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klar belli olmaktad\u0131r. Bu tezlerdeki farkl\u0131l\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6z\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>1. <strong>LEN\u0130N VE ULUSAL SORUN<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Gerek burjuvazinin organik ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 gerekse de k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva sol teorisyenler zaman zaman ulusal sorun hakk\u0131ndaki ilk tutarl\u0131 tezin W. Wilson taraf\u0131ndan 8 Ocak 1918 tarihinde ortaya at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fcndemin konusu haline getirildi\u011fini iddia ederler. Ancak gerek Karl Marx ve F. Engels taraf\u0131ndan \u0130rlanda sorunu ile 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortalar\u0131nda ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen tezler, gerekse de 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk y\u0131llar\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan Lenin ve Stalin\u2019in ulusal sorun \u00fczerine makalelerini i\u00e7eren kitap ve br\u00f6\u015f\u00fcrler ve II. Enternasyonal\u2019in tutanaklar\u0131nda yer alan tart\u0131\u015fmalar ulusal sorunun uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fcndeme W. Wilson taraf\u0131ndan de\u011fil Marksist gelenek taraf\u0131ndan getirildi\u011finin kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r (Akda\u011f, 2017: 6).<\/p>\n<p>Lenin\u2019in Kas\u0131m ve Aral\u0131k 1913\u2019te yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve Prosve\u015f\u00e7enye (Ayd\u0131nlanma) dergisinin 10, 11 ve 12. say\u0131lar\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan \u201cUlusal Sorun \u00dczerine Ele\u015ftirel Notlar\u201d adl\u0131 makalesi ulusal sorun \u00fczerine gerek teorik gerekse de polemik yaz\u0131s\u0131 olarak Lenin taraf\u0131ndan ulusal sorunun ele al\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n bir ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 olarak ifade edilebilir. S\u00f6z konusu makale Ekim Devrimi \u00f6ncesinde Rusya\u2019da faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fcten ve kendilerine sosyalist diyen baz\u0131 gruplar ile Bol\u015fevikler aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 temel alsa da Lenin\u2019in i\u015f\u00e7i demokrasisinin ulusal sorun \u00fczerine program\u0131n\u0131n temel hatlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan hala g\u00fcncelli\u011fini korumaktad\u0131r. Lenin (2014: 18), \u201c<em>&#8230; [H]angi ulus ve hangi dil i\u00e7in olursa olsun her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131n kesin olarak ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131; uluslar\u0131n siyasal kaderlerini kendilerinin tayin etmesi sorununun, yani bunlar\u0131n tamamen \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve demokratik yoldan ayr\u0131lmalar\u0131 ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet kurmalar\u0131 sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme ba\u011flanmas\u0131; uluslardan birine herhangi bir ayr\u0131cal\u0131k tan\u0131yacak olan uluslar\u0131n hak e\u015fitli\u011fini bozacak olan ya da bir ulusal az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 baltalayacak olan her t\u00fcrl\u00fc davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 yasaya ayk\u0131r\u0131 ve ge\u00e7ersiz sayan ve devleti her yurtta\u015f\u0131na, anayasaya ayk\u0131r\u0131 olan bu t\u00fcr tasarruflar\u0131n ge\u00e7ersiz say\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 talep etme hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131yan ve ayn\u0131 zamanda b\u00f6yle hareketlere giri\u015fecek olanlar\u0131 cezalara u\u011fratan genel bir yasan\u0131n kabul\u00fc<\/em>\u201dn\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i demokrasisinin program\u0131 olarak ifade etmi\u015ftir. Gerek Lenin\u2019in gerekse de Stalin ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere di\u011fer Bol\u015feviklerin konu ile ilgili makaleleri ve SBKP(B)\u2019nin Ekim Devrimi sonras\u0131ndaki politikalar\u0131 bu program \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. Lenin\u2019in ulusal soruna bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva milliyet\u00e7i sosyalistlerden ya da burjuva milliyet\u00e7ilerden her bak\u0131mdan farkl\u0131yd\u0131. \u00d6ncelikle ulusal sorunu olu\u015fturan etmenleri salt milliyetler kavgas\u0131ndan ibaret g\u00f6ren anlay\u0131\u015flara kar\u015f\u0131 ulusal hareketlerin iktisadi temellerini inceleyen Lenin (2014: 57) ulusal hareketleri, meta \u00fcretiminin i\u00e7 pazardaki tam egemenli\u011finin sa\u011flanmas\u0131 zorunlulu\u011fundan geli\u015fen ve bu ama\u00e7la ayn\u0131 dili konu\u015fan halklar\u0131 birle\u015ftirmeyi ama\u00e7layan hareketler olarak ifade etmi\u015ftir. Bu temellerinden de anla\u015f\u0131labilece\u011fi gibi ulusal hareketler modern kapitalizmin gereksinimlerini en iyi \u015fekilde kar\u015f\u0131layacak olan modern ulus devletlerin do\u011fum sanc\u0131lar\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Lenin, Rosa Luxemburg ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Polonya sorunu \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015fmada ulusal sorun \u00fczerine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n pratik olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 itham\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Lenin (2014: 69), pratik olman\u0131n burjuvazi i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli oldu\u011funu belirtmekle beraber i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli olan\u0131n ilkeler oldu\u011funun alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmi\u015f, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 desteklemenin dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da uluslar\u0131n ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 desteklemenin ezilen ulusun burjuvazisini desteklemek oldu\u011fu y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki iddialar\u0131 kesinlikle reddetmi\u015ftir. Lenin zulme ve ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 olmay\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201ck\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 \u00e7izgisi\u201d olarak belirtir. Ayr\u0131cal\u0131klara kar\u015f\u0131 olma siyaseti dahilinde bu \u00e7izgi; \u201c<em>Burjuva devrimleri d\u00f6neminde, b\u00fct\u00fcn uluslar\u0131n ileriye do\u011fru yapt\u0131klar\u0131 s\u0131\u00e7ray\u0131\u015flarda, ulusal devlet kurma hakk\u0131 \u00fczerinde \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar ve sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 olanakl\u0131 ve olas\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirir (Lenin, 2014: 71). Lenin ulusal hareketleri yukar\u0131da da bahsedildi\u011fi \u00fczere iktisadi temellere dayand\u0131r\u0131r. Ulusal sorun \u00fczerine de\u011ferlendirmeleri de iktisadi temelde ve s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z de\u011fildir. Lenin (2014: 83), \u015eubat-Mart 1914 yaz\u0131lan \u201cUluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Etme Hakk\u0131\u201d adl\u0131 makalesinin be\u015finci b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc olan \u201cUlusal Sorunda Liberal Burjuvazi ve Sosyalist Oport\u00fcnistler\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 k\u0131sm\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcnyadaki t\u00fcm uluslardan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin tam dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ve s\u0131k\u0131 birlikteli\u011fini gerektirdi\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011finden hareket eder ve her ulusun burjuva milliyet\u00e7i siyasetine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011finin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer. Bu durum ezen ulusun burjuvazisine kar\u015f\u0131 ezilen ulusun ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131 da dahil olmak \u00fczere uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131may\u0131 gerektirirken ezilen ulusun burjuvazisinin b\u00fct\u00fcn ulusal istek ve istemlerinin desteklenece\u011fi anlam\u0131na da gelmemektedir.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>1.1. <strong>Polonya sorununda Lenin ve Luxemburg<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<ol>\n<li>Enternasyonal\u2019deki iki devrimci \u00f6nder olan Lenin ile Luxemburg aras\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen uluslar\u0131n kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 teorinin geneli \u00fczerine yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsa da Luxemburg\u2019un tezlerinin kayna\u011f\u0131 Polonya\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcl ko\u015fullar\u0131 ile ilgilidir. Tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n temel hatlar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Lenin, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n programatik ilkelerinden taviz vermeden Polonya da dahil olmak \u00fczere, t\u00fcm ezilen halklar\u0131n ve s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131 da dahil kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunmu\u015ftur. Rosa Luxemburg ise \u201c<em>Polonya\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcl ko\u015fullar\u0131<\/em>\u201d sebebiyle Avusturyal\u0131 sosyal demokratlar\u0131n \u00f6nerilerinden hareketle \u00f6zerklik yanl\u0131s\u0131 bir tutum alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Lenin (2014), \u201cUlusal Sorun \u00dczerine Ele\u015ftirel Notlar\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesinde uzun uzad\u0131ya inceledi\u011fi Luxemburg\u2019un g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini yan\u0131lg\u0131 olarak niteler. Luxemburg\u2019un iddia etti\u011fi gibi Polonya\u2019n\u0131n bir istisna de\u011fil kapitalizmin emperyalizm a\u015famas\u0131nda ulusal kurtulu\u015funu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirememi\u015f di\u011fer \u00fclkeler gibi s\u0131radan bir \u00fclke oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yler. Bu sebeple her halk gibi Polonya halk\u0131n\u0131n da kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 oldu\u011funu savunur. Lenin ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcr \u00f6zerkli\u011fi olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan ve Proudhoncu k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fine hizmet eden tezi ele\u015ftirir. Lenin, ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zerkli\u011fe; \u201cadil s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u201dda milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi desteklemek anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6lece\u011fi ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 burjuvaziyi m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015ftirme m\u00fccadelesinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rarak enternasyonal birle\u015fmenin \u00f6n\u00fcne set \u00e7ekece\u011fi i\u00e7in kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r (Lenin, 2014: 33). Konu \u00fczerinde iki devrimci \u00f6nderin bir di\u011fer tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 da Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un RSD\u0130P\u2019in Ulusal Program\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 9. Maddesine y\u00f6nelik, bu maddenin \u201c<em>proletaryan\u0131n g\u00fcnl\u00fck siyasetine pratik anlamda y\u00f6n vermemesi, bu maddede ulusal sorunlar\u0131n pratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc olmamas\u0131<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r (akt. Lenin, 2014: 66). Bu ele\u015ftiri \u00fczerine Lenin iki farkl\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fma a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130lki yukar\u0131da da de\u011findi\u011fimiz gibi \u201cpratik olmama\u201d meselesi \u00fczerinedir. Di\u011feri ise \u201c<em>ezilen ulusun milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini destekleme<\/em>\u201d sorunudur. Lenin\u2019in ifadesiyle Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un \u201cunuttu\u011fu\u201d ezen ulus milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fidir. Proletarya, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 olmakla beraber ezilen ulusun milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini desteklememek u\u011fruna ezen ulusun milliyet\u00e7ili\u011finin destek\u00e7i konumuna d\u00fc\u015femez. Bu durum i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda kurulmas\u0131 gereken birlikteli\u011fi engelleyecek, ezilen ulusu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sosyal-demokrat saflar\u0131ndan uzakla\u015ft\u0131rarak ezilen ulusun burjuva milliyet\u00e7i partilerine yedekleyecek bir hamle olacakt\u0131r. Ulusal sorun ilkesel olarak de\u011ferlendirilmelidir.<\/p>\n<p>Bir di\u011fer tart\u0131\u015fma konusu da ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmay\u0131 te\u015fvik etmedi\u011fidir. Lenin\u2019in fikri \u00f6nderli\u011findeki sosyal-demokrat kadrolar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck devletler yerine k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck devletleri destekledi\u011fi iddia edilmi\u015ftir. Bu konu gene yukar\u0131da ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en makalede Lenin taraf\u0131ndan ele al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Lenin\u2019in bo\u015fanma hakk\u0131-bo\u015fanma aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131-ayr\u0131lma aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiye uyarlayarak kurdu\u011fu metafor ile yeterince a\u00e7\u0131k bir \u015fekilde anla\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r ki, ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 desteklemek ne ko\u015fulsuz olarak her ayr\u0131l\u0131k iste\u011fine alk\u0131\u015f tutmakt\u0131r ne de her \u00fclkenin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck par\u00e7alara b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini desteklemektir. Ayr\u0131ca Lenin (2014: 81), ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131lmadan ziyade birlikte ya\u015fam\u0131 destekleyece\u011fini savunmu\u015ftur. Lenin, demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7i bir anlay\u0131\u015fa sahip olarak kendi yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 makalelerde ve bro\u015f\u00fcrlerde belirtti\u011fi \u00fczere merkezile\u015fmi\u015f ve ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 uluslar\u0131 b\u00fcnyesinde bulunduran bir devletin sosyalizme gidi\u015fi kolayla\u015ft\u0131raca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunmaktad\u0131r. Fakat buradaki kritik nokta \u015fudur ki, bu ulusal kayna\u015fma demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilik \u00e7izgisinde olmal\u0131d\u0131r; i\u015fgal, ilhak ya da s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015ftirme bi\u00e7iminde olan kayna\u015fmalar do\u011fal kayna\u015fmalar olmay\u0131p i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birlikteli\u011fini sa\u011flama \u00f6zelli\u011finden de yoksundurlar. Ekim Devrimi\u2019nden sonra Finlandiya\u2019n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Sovyet h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin \u00fcz\u00fclerek fakat ko\u015fulsuz \u015farts\u0131z tan\u0131mas\u0131 da bu sebepledir.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>2. <strong>Stalin ve ulusal sorun <\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Lenin, Bol\u015fevik \u0130htilali\u2019nden \u00f6nce Rusya ve Avrupa\u2019da faaliyet g\u00f6steren sol ve sosyalist gruplarla ulusal hareketlerin yap\u0131s\u0131 ve ulusal sorun hakk\u0131nda polemik y\u00fcr\u00fcten tek Bol\u015fevik de\u011fildi. Bu konuda kalem oynatan farkl\u0131 ki\u015filer olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n gerek devrimden \u00f6nce parti i\u00e7inde ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konum gerekse de devrimden sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7teki politik niteli\u011fi ve pozisyonu a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan J. V. Stalin yazd\u0131klar\u0131yla \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Stalin\u2019in \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n tek sebebi onun politik konumu de\u011fildir. Stalin, ulus kavram\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131m\u0131ndan ba\u015flay\u0131p ulusal hareketlere dair nitelikli bir de\u011ferlendirme yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cMarksizm ve Ulusal Sorun\u201d bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcyle Marksizm literat\u00fcr\u00fcne katk\u0131 yapan \u00f6nemli \u015fahsiyetlerden biri olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>Stalin (2013: 23), pazar\u0131n burjuvaziye milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi \u00f6\u011freten ilk okul oldu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcrer. Lenin\u2019in ulusal hareketlerin pazar\u0131 birle\u015ftirmeye y\u00f6nelik hareketler oldu\u011fu sav\u0131 ile hemfikirdir. Erken d\u00f6nem iktidar deneyimleri esnas\u0131nda pazar\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne h\u00e2kim olan burjuvazinin kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 toplumun genelinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 olarak sunmas\u0131n\u0131n ve milliyet meselesi g\u00fctmesinin alt\u0131ndaki iktisadi sebepleri ortaya koymu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>Stalin ayn\u0131 eserde proletaryan\u0131n milliyet\u00e7i bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gerekti\u011finin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izer. Bu, ezilen ulus burjuvazisinin ulusal bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ile ayn\u0131 anlama gelmemektedir. Burjuvazi ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7indeki pazar\u0131 kontrol etmek ve kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kurmak gibi \u201cpratik\u201d gerek\u00e7elerle ulusal bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Proletarya ise ulusal bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201c<em>Ba\u015fka uluslar\u0131 ezen ulus \u00f6zg\u00fcr olamaz<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6z\u00fcnde oldu\u011fu gibi kar\u015f\u0131 olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca milliyet\u00e7ilik proletaryay\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rarak burjuvazinin \u201cortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u201d alan\u0131na y\u00f6neltti\u011fi i\u00e7in de ulusal sorunun demokratik bir \u015fekilde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclerek proletarya davas\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcnde engel te\u015fkil etmesini engellemek de Marksizmin ulusal soruna y\u00f6nelik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ifade etmektedir (Stalin, 2013: 26).<\/p>\n<p>Lenin\u2019in Rosa Luxemburg ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 polemikte ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi ulusal-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zerklik kavram\u0131n\u0131 Stalin de Avusturyal\u0131 sosyal-demokratlar ile tart\u0131\u015f\u0131rken ele\u015ftirir. Temel olarak Stalin (2013: 40), \u201c<em>Kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 bir ulusa b\u00fct\u00fcn haklar\u0131n\u0131 verirken, ulusal \u00f6zerklik sadece \u2018k\u00fclt\u00fcrel\u2019 haklar\u0131n\u0131 verir<\/em>\u201d tezini savunur. Ulusal-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00f6zerkli\u011fin \u00e7ok uluslu devletleri politikan\u0131n me\u015fru bir akt\u00f6r\u00fc haline getirdi\u011fini ama uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok uluslu devlet sisteminin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir alternatif yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koyar.<\/p>\n<ol start=\"3\">\n<li><strong>21. Y\u00dcZYILDA UKKTH VE G\u00dcNCEL TARTI\u015eMALAR<\/strong><\/li>\n<li>y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk \u00e7eyre\u011finde, bilhassa da Ekim Devrimi \u00f6ncesindeki s\u00fcre\u00e7te II. Enternasyonal partileri aras\u0131nda yo\u011fun bir tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olan ulusal sorun, 21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda da \u00f6nemini korumaktad\u0131r. 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son on y\u0131l\u0131nda Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 ile birlikte tekrar k\u00fcresel g\u00fcndemi me\u015fgul eder hale gelmi\u015ftir. Bug\u00fcn hala Katalanlar, Basklar, \u0130rlandal\u0131lar, \u0130sko\u00e7lar, Flamanlar, Kosoval\u0131lar, K\u00fcrtler, Tibetliler ve Uygurlar \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015fma konusudur. Bu soruna burjuva ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan ulustan ulusa, kapitalizmin g\u00fcnl\u00fck ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fen cevaplar verilirken sol ve\/veya sosyalist oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndaki kesimlerin ulusal soruna \u00fcretti\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00f6nerileri de ya 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n eskiyen tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131 ya da sorunun ink\u00e2r\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Soruya tutarl\u0131 bir yan\u0131t verenler yine Marksist-Leninistlerdir.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>Biz de bu makalenin devam\u0131nda bug\u00fcn i\u00e7in olduk\u00e7a s\u0131cak bir g\u00fcndem olan Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 ve Katalan referandumuna odaklanaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>1. <strong>Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 referandumu ve K\u00fcrt ulusal sorunu<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>K\u00fcrtler, \u00e7ok kaba bir tabirle ifade edilirse, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131ndaki s\u00fcre\u00e7te toprak b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden yoksun olarak d\u00f6rt farkl\u0131 \u00fclkenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde ya\u015famak durumunda kald\u0131lar. Sykes-Picot Anla\u015fmas\u0131, San Remo Konferans\u0131, Sevres ve Lozan Bar\u0131\u015f Antla\u015fmalar\u0131 bu d\u00f6rt par\u00e7al\u0131 durumu tesis eden s\u00fcrecin mihenk ta\u015flar\u0131yd\u0131 (H\u00fcr, 2016). Sykes-Picot Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar Irak, \u0130ran, Suriye ve T\u00fcrkiye topraklar\u0131nda var olan K\u00fcrt halk\u0131 bu d\u00f6rt par\u00e7ada da ulusal bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131, zaman zaman ivmesi azalsa da s\u00fcrekli bir m\u00fccadele halinde olmu\u015flard\u0131r. I. ve II. K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015flar\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda ve sonras\u0131nda \u015fekillenen reel-politik ortam\u0131n da yard\u0131m\u0131yla Irak\u2019ta ya\u015fayan K\u00fcrtler b\u00f6lgesel \u00f6zerklik stat\u00fcs\u00fc edinmi\u015flerdir. II. K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler ile \u00e7o\u011fu fiili olmak \u00fczere \u00e7e\u015fitli kazan\u0131mlar elde eden K\u00fcrt B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi 24 Eyl\u00fcl 2017\u2019de ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k amac\u0131 ile bir referandum d\u00fczenleme karar\u0131 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Oy kullanma hakk\u0131na sahip olan 4 milyon 551 bin 255 se\u00e7menden 3 milyon 305 bin 925 ki\u015fi oy kullanm\u0131\u015f, oylar\u0131n y\u00fczde 92,72\u2019si ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa evet y\u00f6n\u00fcnde olurken y\u00fczde 7,27 oran\u0131nda hay\u0131r oyu \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Referandum sonras\u0131nda ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ilan\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye ile Irak merkezi h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin bask\u0131lar\u0131 ve K\u00fcrt siyasi partileri aras\u0131ndaki uyu\u015fmazl\u0131klar nedeniyle pek g\u00fcndeme gelemese de referandum \u00f6ncesinde \u201cT\u00fcrkiye solu\u201d ulusal sorun ba\u011flam\u0131ndaki tutumda b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde farkl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>2. <strong>Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k referandumlar\u0131na dair fikirler ve Marksist Leninist yakla\u015f\u0131m <\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Partinin resmi internet sitesinden yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cIrak\u2019ta Sava\u015f De\u011fil Bar\u0131\u015f Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k De\u011fil Demokratik Birlik\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u015fkanlar kurulu imzal\u0131 bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda \u00d6DP, referandumun b\u00f6lgede s\u00fcren emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015flar\u0131ndan azade g\u00f6r\u00fclemeyece\u011fi de\u011ferlendirmesini yaparken \u201c<em>ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k referandumu Irak\u2019tan ba\u015flayarak b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczleme ta\u015f\u0131nacak yeni bir i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n tetikleyicisi olacakt\u0131r<\/em>\u201d \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fcnde bulundu. Sorunun K\u00fcrtlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile de\u011fil Irak\u2019\u0131n demokratik birli\u011fi ile \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fini savundu. Ayn\u0131 bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda referandumun gerek\u00e7esi \u00d6DP taraf\u0131ndan \u201c<em>iki y\u0131ld\u0131r fiili Ba\u015fkanl\u0131k s\u00fcrd\u00fcren, Parlamentoyu i\u015flevsiz k\u0131lan Barzani \u00f6nderli\u011finin y\u00f6netememe-iktidar krizini a\u015fma, kendisini bir ulusal lider olarak peki\u015ftirme ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131n sonucu<\/em>\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirildi. Ayr\u0131ca \u00d6DP Ba\u015fkanlar Kurulu \u00fcyesi Alper Ta\u015f, Medyascope kanal\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen 106. A\u00e7\u0131k Oturum\u2019da \u201c<em>Lenin\u2019in geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi tezlerden hareketle, bug\u00fcn 21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle emperyalizmin hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 in\u015fa etti\u011fi bir \u00e7a\u011fda ve emperyalistler aras\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ana g\u00fcndemi belirledi\u011fi bir konjonkt\u00fcrde Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 referandumuna bakman\u0131n do\u011fru olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d tespitinde bulundu. \u00d6zet olarak 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n Lenin\u2019in ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fdan farkl\u0131 oldu\u011funu ve bu d\u00f6nem ba\u011flam\u0131nda devrim perspektifi olmayan bir \u00fclkede herhangi bir halk\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin etmesinin hem devrim ve sosyalizm i\u00e7in yararl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hem de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunuyordu ve \u00d6DP\u2019nin ulusal soruna dair temel politik hatt\u0131 Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu ekseninde olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f oldu. Katalonya Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu hakk\u0131nda Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu hakk\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi derinlikli bir bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 yerine referanduma y\u00f6nelik polis \u015fiddetini k\u0131nad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayan bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yay\u0131nlayan \u00d6DP, Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu s\u00fcrecindeki a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 olarak referandum hakk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrce kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini belirtti (BirG\u00fcn gazetesi, 2017).<\/p>\n<p>\u00d6DP\u2019nin Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu i\u00e7in kendine belirledi\u011fi politik hat ne devrimci ne de demokratiktir. \u00d6ncelikle, \u00d6DP\u2019nin bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda form\u00fcle edilen \u201cDemokratik Birlik\u201din Irak \u00f6zelinde nas\u0131l ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fi konusunda hi\u00e7bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cDemokratik Birlik\u201d kapsam\u0131nda Irak\u2019\u0131n federal, konfederal ya da \u00f6zerk b\u00f6lgeler \u015feklinde mi \u00f6rg\u00fctlenece\u011fi yoksa \u00fcniter bir birlik i\u00e7erisinde mi olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bahis konusu edilmemesi \u00d6DP\u2019nin Irak \u00f6zelinde ulusal soruna nas\u0131l bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm getirdi\u011fine dair soru i\u015faretlerini artt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, \u00d6DP\u2019nin sorunu bir stat\u00fc sorunu olarak ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda ge\u00e7en \u201c<em>Elbette bu y\u00f6netim modeli K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n stat\u00fc sorununun demokratik bir bi\u00e7imde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc i\u00e7ermelidir<\/em>\u201d \u00f6nermesi Lenin\u2019in i\u015f\u00e7i demokrasisinin ulusal sorun hakk\u0131ndaki program\u0131 olarak ifade etti\u011fi ulusal ve dilsel her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131n kesin olarak kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131; hak e\u015fitli\u011fini baltalayacak her t\u00fcrl\u00fc davran\u0131\u015f\u0131n yasaya ayk\u0131r\u0131 say\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki ilkesel tutumunu yok sayar. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc stat\u00fcn\u00fcn kararla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda belirleyici olan o ulusun kaderini nas\u0131l tayin etti\u011fidir, ki bu dikkate al\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda stat\u00fc sorunu da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f olmaz. \u00d6DP, s\u00f6z konusu referanduma y\u00f6nelik tutumunu a\u00e7\u0131klarken K\u00fcrt B\u00f6lgesel Y\u00f6netimi\u2019nin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu emperyalist ili\u015fkilere hakl\u0131 olarak dikkat \u00e7ekmi\u015ftir. Bu s\u00f6ylem referanduma y\u00f6nelik benzer tutumlar alan TKP \u00e7izgisi ile Fikret Ba\u015fkaya\u2019n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinde de mevcuttur. Ancak bu ili\u015fkiler, uluslar\u0131n kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131 ilkesini ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131lmaz, ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle bir ulusun bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 hakl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karmaz. Emperyalizm her zaman ulusal hareketlerden yararlanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ulusun kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n engellenmesi sayesinde de emperyalizmin b\u00f6lgeye m\u00fcdahalesi kolayla\u015f\u0131r. Fakat Polonya sorunu konusunda Rosa Luxemburg ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 polemikte Lenin (2014: 140) dedi\u011fi gibi \u201c<em>Nas\u0131l ki, \u00f6rne\u011fin Latin \u00fclkelerde oldu\u011fu gibi cumhuriyet\u00e7i sloganlar\u0131n halk\u0131n aldat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve mali soygun amac\u0131yla burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 durumlar\u0131, sosyal-demokratlar\u0131n cumhuriyet\u00e7iliklerinden vazge\u00e7meleri i\u00e7in bir neden olmazsa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde bir emperyalist devlete kar\u015f\u0131 ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131ndan, baz\u0131 durumlarda bir ba\u015fka \u2018b\u00fcy\u00fck\u2019 devlet taraf\u0131ndan ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde emperyalist ama\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in yararlan\u0131lmas\u0131 hali de, sosyal-demokratlar\u0131n, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 reddetmelerine neden olamaz.<\/em>\u201d Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k talebi de dahil hak e\u015fitli\u011fi aray\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olan bir ulusun y\u00f6netici elitinin burjuva uzla\u015fmac\u0131 \u00e7izgisinden dolay\u0131 bu taleplerin yok say\u0131lmas\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde beliren ikircikli tutum, tam hak e\u015fitli\u011fi savunusunu i\u00e7eren i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n program\u0131na \u00e7ok uzakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>\u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00dcniversite kurucusu, Do\u00e7. Dr. Fikret Ba\u015fkaya ise 28 Eyl\u00fcl 2017\u2019de BirG\u00fcn gazetesinde yay\u0131nlanan makalesinde uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u201cink\u00e2rc\u0131\u201d bir yakla\u015f\u0131m ta\u015f\u0131yor. Ba\u015fkaya (2017) makalesinde uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 savunanlar\u0131n referandumu emperyalist ili\u015fkilerin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendiremediklerini; emperyalizm ve oligar\u015fik egemenlik d\u00f6neminde herhangi bir ulusun asla kendi kaderini tayin edemeyece\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011fini g\u00f6remediklerini \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle Ba\u015fkaya\u2019ya g\u00f6re herhangi bir ulusun kendi kaderini tayin etmesi i\u00e7in \u201ckollektif emperyalizm\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 emperyalizmin, devletin ve paran\u0131n yok olmas\u0131 gerekmektedir.<\/p>\n<p>Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan Ba\u015fkaya\u2019n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde ulusal m\u00fccadele bilinmez bir yar\u0131na ertelenmekte, bir ideal olarak kabul etti\u011fi uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131; teorik olan\u0131n pratik olanla, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel olan\u0131n eylemsel olanla diyalektik ili\u015fkisini kuramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in g\u00f6ky\u00fcz\u00fcnde as\u0131l\u0131 bir s\u00f6ylem olarak kalmaktad\u0131r. Yusuf Akda\u011f (2017: 8), Ba\u015fkaya\u2019n\u0131n, emperyalizm ve oligar\u015fik egemenlik d\u00f6neminde uluslar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr olamayaca\u011f\u0131na dair tezini ele\u015ftirir ve Ba\u015fkaya\u2019n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinden \u201c<em>b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada emperyalist oligar\u015fiyle onun b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerdeki par\u00e7alar\u0131<\/em>\u201d toptan ve ayn\u0131 anda anda yok edilinceye kadar halklar\u0131n kaderlerine r\u0131za g\u00f6stermesi gerekti\u011fi sonucunun \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yazar.<\/p>\n<p>Ba\u015fkaya\u2019n\u0131n makalesi i\u00e7erdi\u011fi maddi hatalar nedeniyle de ayr\u0131 bir ele\u015ftiri konusudur. Uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131ndan bahsederken Ba\u015fkaya (2017) bu hakk\u0131n ilk kez 1918\u2019de ABD Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Wilson taraf\u0131ndan ortaya at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve Lenin\u2019in ve III. Enternasyonal\u2019in de bu hakk\u0131n destek\u00e7isi oldu\u011funu belirtti. Ba\u015fkaya\u2019n\u0131n teorik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini \u201csol\u201d, \u201csosyalist\u201d, \u201cdevrimci\u201d gibi s\u0131fatlarla \u00fcstlenecek ki\u015filer ve gruplar elbette olacakt\u0131r ama uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 meselesinin tarihte ilk kez Wilson taraf\u0131ndan savunuldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne konu \u00fczerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir burjuva tarih\u00e7isinin bile kat\u0131lmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Lenin\u2019in Iskra\u2019n\u0131n 15 Temmuz 1903 44. Say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan \u201cProgram\u0131m\u0131zda Ulusal Sorun\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesinden 1913 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan \u201cUlusal Sorun \u00dczerine Ele\u015ftirel Notlar\u201da ve gene ay\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131l yay\u0131mlanan \u201cUluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Etme Hakk\u0131\u201d makalesine kadar Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesinde bir\u00e7ok makale sorunu Marksist bir a\u00e7\u0131dan ele alm\u0131\u015f ve \u00e7e\u015fitli gazete ve dergilerde yay\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca sorun \u00fczerine kapsaml\u0131 bir de\u011ferlendirme olan \u201cMarksizm ve Ulusal Sorun\u201d bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc de J.V. Stalin taraf\u0131ndan Ocak 1913 y\u0131l\u0131nda yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. S\u00f6z konusu bu yay\u0131mlar\u0131n uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderi tayin meselesi \u00fczerine yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 bir yana II. Enternasyonal\u2019de bu konunun tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve hatta polemik seviyesinde bir tart\u0131\u015fma ortam\u0131 yaratmas\u0131 dahi Marksistlerin uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin meselesine ve ulusal soruna ABD Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Wilson\u2019dan daha \u00f6nce kafa yorduklar\u0131n\u0131n ve s\u00f6z konusu mesele \u00fczerine Marksist bir program olu\u015fturduklar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n<p>Referandum s\u00fcrecinde uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131na \u201csol\u201ddan gelen itirazlar\u0131n bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de Kom\u00fcnist Parti\u2019den (KP) geldi. Sol Haber Portal\u0131\u2019ndan yay\u0131mlanan Kemal Okuyan ve Aydemir G\u00fcler\u2019in makale ve r\u00f6portajlar\u0131 TKP\u2019nin ulusal sorun \u00fczerine g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini anlamam\u0131z i\u00e7in yeterli kayna\u011f\u0131 sa\u011fl\u0131yor. Aydemir G\u00fcler, 2 Ekim 2017 tarihli \u201cKriz, bildi\u011finiz gibi de\u011fil\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesinde ezilen ulus kavram\u0131na yeni bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 getirerek ezilen ulus olma ko\u015fulunu ekonomik e\u015fitsizlikle a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r. Hatta ayn\u0131 makalesinde G\u00fcler (2017) \u201cBarzani a\u015fireti\u201dnden (Barzani a\u015fireti ile K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131 e\u015fitleyerek), Katalonya\u2019dan ve Flamanlar\u2019dan bir ulus \u00e7\u0131kmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia etmektedir. Fakat belirtmekte yarar var ki Marksist-Leninsitler i\u00e7in \u00f6nemli bir referans olan Stalin\u2019in ulus tan\u0131m\u0131nda ekonomik e\u015fitsizlik diye bir ay\u0131rt edici bir unsur yoktur. Stalin (2005: 16) ulusu <em>\u201ctarihsel olarak olu\u015fmu\u015f, ortak bir dil, toprak, ekonomik hayat ve kendini ortak bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrde b\u00fct\u00fcnleyen ruhsal bi\u00e7imleni\u015f temelinde olu\u015fan, istikrarl\u0131 bir insan toplulu\u011fu\u201d<\/em> olarak tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. G\u00fcler, Barzani a\u015firetinin ve hatta IKBY\u2019nde y\u00f6netici pozisyondaki Barzani a\u015fireti \u00fcyesi ki\u015filerin emperyalist odaklarla kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkilerden dolay\u0131 Irak K\u00fcrtleri\u2019nin ulusal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yok say\u0131yor. Ulusu, b\u00fcnyesinde proletarya ve burjuvazinin bulundu\u011fu bir yap\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rmek yerine, homojen bir yap\u0131 olarak alg\u0131l\u0131yor ve Barzani a\u015firetinin kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkileri t\u00fcm Irak K\u00fcrtlerine mal ediyor. Hatta buradan hareketle K\u00fcrtlerin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck m\u00fccadelesinin bir \u201corman efsanesi\u201d oldu\u011funu savunuyor. Lenin (2014: 29-30) \u201cUlusal Sorun \u00dczerine Ele\u015ftirel Notlar\u201d adl\u0131 makalesinde milliyet\u00e7i-sosyalistlere \u015f\u00f6yle cevap vermi\u015fti: \u201c<em>B\u00fct\u00fcn milliyet\u00e7i-sosyalistlere, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f her ulusun, iki ulusu i\u00e7erdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyece\u011fiz. Her ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcr, iki ulusal k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc i\u00e7erir.<\/em>\u201d Akda\u011f (2017: 10), G\u00fcler\u2019i bir ulusun \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011finden hareket ederek s\u00f6z konusu ulusun ulusal hak m\u00fccadelesini gereksiz ve yok h\u00fckm\u00fcnde g\u00f6stermenin sosyalistli\u011fe de\u011fil sosyal \u015fovenizme kan\u0131t oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyerek ele\u015ftirir. TKP\u2019nin konu \u00fczerindeki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri TKP Genel Sekreteri Kemal Okuyan\u2019\u0131n Sol Haber Portal\u0131\u2019ndaki 18 ve 26 Eyl\u00fcl 2017\u2019de yay\u0131mlanan s\u00f6yle\u015fi ve k\u00f6\u015fe yaz\u0131s\u0131ndan okunabilir. Aydemir G\u00fcler\u2019in s\u00f6ylemiyle paralellik g\u00f6steren bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerde Kemal Okuyan \u201c<em>21. y\u00fczy\u0131lda s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flara yaslanan hi\u00e7bir ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k hareketi insanl\u0131\u011fa hizmet etmez. Neymi\u015f, b\u00f6yle bir ilke varm\u0131\u015f! Bug\u00fcn devrimcili\u011fin tek ilkesi s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclere kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmektir<\/em>\u201d diyerek K\u00fcrt ulusunu ve K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik m\u00fccadelelerini Barzani ailesinin siyasi konumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na indirgemektedir. Ayr\u0131ca ezen ulus-ezilen ulus ayr\u0131m\u0131na yaz\u0131s\u0131nda hi\u00e7 yer vermeyerek hatta Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131 ile T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi e\u015f bir d\u00fczeyde de\u011ferlendirerek bu ayr\u0131m\u0131 yok say\u0131yor. Her ne kadar Stalin (2005: 74) \u201cMarksizm ve Ulusal Sorun\u201d bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde ulusal sorun konusunda Marksistlerin ilkesel tavr\u0131n\u0131n ne kadar \u00f6nemli oldu\u011funu belirtse ve bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc \u201c<em>Orta yol yoktur: ilkeler galip gelirler ve uzla\u015fmazlar<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6zleri ile bitirse de Okuyan makalesinde Marksist-Leninist oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyemeyece\u011fimiz ba\u015fka bir devrimcili\u011fi tek bir ilke etraf\u0131nda kurmaktad\u0131r. Hem G\u00fcler\u2019in hem de Okuyan\u2019\u0131n makalelerinden \u00e7\u0131kan ortak sonu\u00e7 ulusal sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmenin i\u015flevsizli\u011fi ve bu sorunun sadece sosyalizm ile, sosyalist devrimden sonra \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fidir. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f en basit ifade ile demokratik haklar i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleyi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemekte ve i\u015flevsiz g\u00f6rmektedir.<\/p>\n<p><strong>SONU\u00c7: ULUSLARIN KEND\u0130 KADERLER\u0130N\u0130 TAY\u0130N HAKKININ G\u00dcNCELL\u0130\u011e\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131, 1848 Devrimleri sonras\u0131nda Marx ve Engels\u2019in geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi ulus politikas\u0131yla, II. Enternasyonal\u2019deki Polonya tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 esnas\u0131nda Kautsky\u2019nin devrimci d\u00f6neminde savundu\u011fu, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc ulusal bask\u0131y\u0131 reddetme anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131yla ve nihayet, Lenin ve Stalin\u2019in gerek Enternasyonal i\u00e7erisindeki tart\u0131\u015fmalara ithafen gerekse de Rusya i\u00e7erisindeki sol-sosyalist siyasetlerle y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fckleri polemiklerle \u015fekillenen bir hakt\u0131r. Bu hak, Wilson \u0130lkeleri\u2019nin 5. maddesi sonucunda de\u011fil Marksistlerin onlarca y\u0131ll\u0131k teorik tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ba\u011flam\u0131nda d\u00fcnyan\u0131n g\u00fcndemine girmi\u015f, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadele konusu haline gelmi\u015ftir. Marx ve Engels\u2019in yazd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00f6n vesikas\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlasak bile Lenin ve Stalin\u2019in 1913 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan makale ve bro\u015f\u00fcrleri, Marksizmin ulusal soruna y\u00f6nelik program\u0131n\u0131n Wilson\u2019dan daha \u00f6nce uluslararas\u0131 kamuoyunun g\u00fcndemine geldi\u011fini g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n<p>T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki baz\u0131 sol ve sosyalist gruplar 2017 Ekim ay\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen Irak K\u00fcrdistan\u0131 Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu sebebiyle, bu hakk\u0131 reddetmek \u00fczere g\u00fcndemlerine ald\u0131lar. Ancak Marksist-Leninist bir hatt\u0131 savunanlar ve faaliyetlerini bu temelde de\u011ferlendiren siyasi olu\u015fumlar i\u00e7in uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 vazge\u00e7ilmezdir. Marksistler ilkesel bir tutumla ulusal sorunu hem bir hak sorunu olarak g\u00f6rmektedir hem de ulusal sorunun i\u015f\u00e7ilerin birli\u011fini engelleyici y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kavram\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Emperyalizm d\u00f6neminde uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin etmesinin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki tezler ise bu hakk\u0131n soldan inkar\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir anlama gelmez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc iddia edildi\u011finin aksine bu ilke esas olarak emperyalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ge\u00e7erlidir. Emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini belirleyemece\u011fi iddias\u0131 Lenin\u2019in \u201cemperyalist ekonomizm\u201d olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Buharin ve Kievsky\u2019nin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinden kaynak al\u0131r (Ko\u015far, 2017). Lenin (2014: 131), taraf\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a dendi\u011fi \u00fczere \u201c<em>Her nerede, uluslar aras\u0131nda zora dayanan ba\u011flar g\u00f6r\u00fcrsek, biz, her ulusun ayr\u0131lma gere\u011fini vaaz etmeye asla kalk\u0131\u015fmadan, her ulus i\u00e7in, kendi siyasal kaderini serbest\u00e7e tayin etme hakk\u0131n\u0131, ayr\u0131lma hakk\u0131n\u0131 azimle ve kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z savunuruz. Bu hakk\u0131 savunmak, tan\u0131mak ve ondan yana olmak, uluslar\u0131n hak e\u015fitli\u011fini savunmakt\u0131r, zora dayanan ba\u011flara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmakt\u0131r, hangi ulus olursa olsun, onun siyasal ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m vermektir ve bu y\u00fczden de ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 uluslar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ileri aras\u0131nda tam bir s\u0131n\u0131f dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirmektir.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n<p><strong>KAYNAK\u00c7A<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Akda\u011f, Y. (2017). Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Referandumu ve UKKTH&#8217;nin &#8220;Sol&#8221;dan \u0130nk\u00e2r\u0131. Teori Ve Eylem, 1(12), 4-20.<\/li>\n<li>Anderson, B. (2015). Hayali Cemaatler Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin K\u00f6kenleri ve Yay\u0131lmas\u0131 (8. Bask\u0131). \u0130stanbul: Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/li>\n<li>Ba\u015fkaya, F. (28 Eyl\u00fcl 2017). &#8220;Uluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderini Tayin Etmesi&#8221; meselesine dair k\u0131sa not. BirG\u00fcn gazetesi. https:\/\/www.birgun.net\/haber-detay\/uluslarin-kendi-kaderini-tayin-etmesi-meselesine-dair-kisa-not-181731.html<\/li>\n<li>Cox, R. W. (1981). Social Forces, States and World Orders: Beyond International Relations Theory. Millennium \u2013 Journal of International Studies, 10(2), 126- 155.<\/li>\n<li>\u00c7itak, Z. (2006). Fransa\u2019da Laiklik ve Milliyet\u00e7ilik: 1905 Kilise-Devlet Ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yasas\u0131. Milliyet\u00e7ilik I, Do\u011fu Bat\u0131, 9 (38), 145-160.<\/li>\n<li>Gellner, E. (1983). Uluslar ve Ulus\u00e7uluk (1. Bask\u0131). \u0130stanbul: \u0130nsan Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/li>\n<li>G\u00fcler, A. (25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017). Aptallar \u00fclkesi mi?. SoL Haber Portal\u0131. http:\/\/haber.sol.org.tr\/yazarlar\/aydemir-guler\/aptallar-ulkesi-mi-210941<\/li>\n<li>G\u00fcler, A. (2 Ekim 2017). Kriz, bildi\u011finiz gibi de\u011fil. SoL Haber Portal\u0131. http:\/\/haber.sol.org.tr\/yazarlar\/aydemir-guler\/kriz-bildiginiz-gibi-degil-211816<\/li>\n<li>Hacalo\u011flui H. (5 Ekim 2017). A\u00e7\u0131k Oturum (106): Alper Ta\u015f, Ceyda Karan ve Sezai Temelli ile K\u00fcrdistan Referandumuna solun bak\u0131\u015f\u0131. Medyascope. http:\/\/medyascope.tv\/2017\/10\/05\/acik-oturum-106-alper-tas-ceyda-karan-ve-sezai-temelli-ile-kurdistan-referandumuna-solun-bakisi\/<\/li>\n<li>H\u00fcr, A. (2016). 1916 Sykes-Picot, 1920 Sevr S\u00fcreci ve K\u00fcrtler. Bitmeyen Sava\u015f Payla\u015f\u0131lamayan Ortado\u011fu -Sykes-Picot\u2019nun 100. Y\u0131l\u0131-(2. Bask\u0131) i\u00e7inde (109-123).\u0130stanbul:Evrensel.<\/li>\n<li>Hobsbawm, E. J. (1995). Milletler ve Milliyet\u00e7ilik (2. Bask\u0131). \u0130stanbul: Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/li>\n<li>Irak K\u00fcrdistan B\u00f6lgesi&#8217;nde referandum: Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa evet (25 Eyl\u00fcl 2017). Evrensel gazetesi. https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/333342\/irak-kurdistan-bolgesinde-referandum-bagimsizliga-evet<\/li>\n<li>Irak\u2019ta Sava\u015f De\u011fil Bar\u0131\u015f Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k De\u011fil Demokratik Birlik (21 Eyl\u00fcl 2017). \u00d6DP Portal. http:\/\/portal.odp.org.tr\/irakta-savas-degil-baris-referandum-degil-demokratik-birlik\/<\/li>\n<li>Ko\u015far, A. (3 Ekim 2017). 10 soruda \u2018Uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131\u2019 nedir? Evrensel Web TV. https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/334047\/10-soruda-uluslarin-kendi-kaderini-tayin-hakki-nedir<\/li>\n<li>Lenin, V.\u0130. (2014). Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131 (12. Bask\u0131). Ankara: Sol.<\/li>\n<li>Lenin, V.\u0130. ve Stalin, J.V. (2005). Marksizm ve Ulusal Sorun (3. Bask\u0131). Ankara: Evrensel.<\/li>\n<li>Mearsheimer, J. J. (2011, May\u0131s) . Kissing Cousins: Yale \u00dcniversitesi Uluslararas\u0131 Ili\u015fkiler At\u00f6lyesi, Connecticut.<\/li>\n<li>Nairn, T. (2003). The break-up of Britain: crisis and neo-nationalism (3. Bask\u0131) Edinburgh: Common Ground Publishing.<\/li>\n<li>Okuyan, K. (18 Eyl\u00fcl 2017). S\u00f6yle\u015fi- Referanduma da, Barzanistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin m\u00fcdahalesine de kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131z. SoL Haber Portal\u0131. http:\/\/haber.sol.org.tr\/yazarlar\/kemal-okuyan\/soylesi-referanduma-da-barzanistanin-bagimsizligina-turkiyenin-mudahalesine-de<\/li>\n<li>Okuyan, K. (26 Eyl\u00fcl 2017). Milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi sizden \u00f6\u011frenecek de\u011filiz. SoL Haber Portal\u0131. http:\/\/haber.sol.org.tr\/yazarlar\/kemal-okuyan\/milliyetciligi-sizden-ogrenecek-degiliz-211143<\/li>\n<li>\u00d6DP\u2019den Katalonya a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131: Referandum hakk\u0131 \u015fiddetle engellenemez (1 Ekim 2017). BirG\u00fcn gazetesi. https:\/\/www.birgun.net\/haber-detay\/odp-den-katalonya-aciklamasi-referandum-hakki-siddetle-engellenemez-182186.html<\/li>\n<li>President Woodrow Wilson&#8217;s Fourteen Points (2008). <a href=\"http:\/\/avalon.law.yale.edu\/20th_century\/wilson14.asp\">http:\/\/avalon.law.yale.edu\/20th_century\/wilson14.asp<\/a><\/li>\n<li>Sander, O (2016). Siyasi Tarih \u0130lk\u00e7a\u011flardan 1918\u2019e. (30. Bask\u0131) Ankara: \u0130mge Kitabevi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/li>\n<li>Smith, A. D. (1994). Milli Kimlik (1. Bask\u0131). \u0130stanbul: \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/li>\n<li>Teschke, B (2017). 1648 S\u00f6ylencesi S\u0131n\u0131f, Jeopolitik ve Modern Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkilerin Kurulu\u015fu. (1. Bask\u0131) \u0130stanbul: Can Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/li>\n<li>Van de Putte, A. (1994). Nationalism and Nations. Ethical Perspectives, 1(3), 104-122.<\/li>\n<li>Yal\u00e7\u0131ner, M. (10 Ekim 2017). Referandum dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00d6DP&#8230;. Evrensel gazetesi. <a href=\"https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/yazi\/80039\/referandum-dolayisiyla-odp\">https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/yazi\/80039\/referandum-dolayisiyla-odp<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>* Bu makale 4-5-6- May\u0131s 2018 tarihlerinde \u0130stanbul\u2019da SAV\u2019\u0131n deste\u011fiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen Marksizm Sempozyumu i\u00e7in haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f ve sunulmu\u015ftur. Makalenin haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda katk\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 esirgemeyen Can Ad\u0131g\u00fczel\u2019e te\u015fekk\u00fcr\u00fc bor\u00e7 biliriz.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>H\u00fcseyin Sinan G\u00fcler Ekin Deniz Ho\u015f \u0130smail Furkan Narl\u0131 Ulus, uluslararas\u0131 ve uluslar\u00fcst\u00fc kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n gerek akademide gerekse de yaz\u0131l\u0131 ve g\u00f6rsel bas\u0131nda s\u0131k\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel bir d\u00f6nemde s\u00f6z konusu bu kavramlar\u0131n teorik derinlikleri ile politik kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bir arada yeniden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duyuluyor. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131z da bu ama\u00e7 do\u011frultusunda yap\u0131lmakta ve ulusal hareketlerin tekrar g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011fi bu d\u00f6nemde makalemiz Marksizmin ulusal soruna [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":617,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1,370,306,319,324],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-616","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-yazilar","category-kuram","category-ekin-deniz-hos","category-huseyin-sinan-guler","category-ismail-furkan-narli"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Marksizmin uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilere katk\u0131s\u0131: Uluslar\u0131n kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131*<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" 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