{"id":554,"date":"2018-04-09T12:35:09","date_gmt":"2018-04-09T09:35:09","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=554"},"modified":"2023-01-18T14:27:57","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T11:27:57","slug":"olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi\/","title":{"rendered":"\u00d6l\u00fcm d\u00f6\u015fe\u011findeki Alman sosyal demokrasisi"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ahmet Cengiz<\/strong><\/p>\n

Alman sosyal demokrasisinin krizini ele alan bir makalenin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc en b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunu, \u201cnereden ba\u015flamal\u0131\u201d sorusunu yan\u0131tlamak olsa gerek. Zira SPD (Alman Sosyal Demokrat Partisi) denildi\u011finde s\u00f6z konusu olan, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n en eski, neredeyse 155 y\u0131ll\u0131k partisidir. Fakat ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil sadece; yerle\u015fik partiler aras\u0131nda SPD, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi en az uyum g\u00f6steren partidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla neyin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f, neyin ger\u00e7ek oldu\u011funu ortaya koymak gibi bir \u00f6zel sorun kendini dayatmaktad\u0131r. G\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemeyecek bir ba\u015fka husus ise, Almanya tarihiyle adeta \u00f6zde\u015flemi\u015f bir partinin krizinin, salt onun krizi olamayaca\u011f\u0131 ve kalamayaca\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fidir. Haliyle burada SPD\u2019nin krizinin nerede bir neden, nerede bir sonu\u00e7 oldu\u011fu sorular\u0131 g\u00fcndeme gelmektedir\u2026<\/p>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131 SPD\u2019nin ve genel olarak sosyal demokrasinin krizi; \u00e7ok boyutlu, komplike ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik m\u00fccadelesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan son derece \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7inde ta\u015f\u0131yan bir vak\u0131ad\u0131r. A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, belli ba\u015fl\u0131 politik sorunlar kompleksini yans\u0131tan b\u00f6ylesi bir vakan\u0131n tahlili, tek bir makalenin \u00fcstesinden gelece\u011fi bir i\u015f de\u011fildir. Bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc bu makalede, sosyal demokrasinin krizinin sadece baz\u0131 y\u00f6nleri \u00fczerinde duruldu\u011fu ba\u015ftan belirtilmelidir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

VAKANIN VEHAMET\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

Son federal se\u00e7imlerinin sonucu biliniyor: SPD, ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fczde 20,5 oyla Federal Almanya\u2019n\u0131n kurulu\u015fundan bu yana kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerin en k\u00f6t\u00fc sonucunu elde etmi\u015ftir. \u00d6ncesi bir yana; \u00f6zellikle son haftalar\u0131n politik ya\u015fam\u0131na damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran herc\u00fcmer\u00e7 SPD\u2019nin bir varolu\u015f kriziyle y\u00fcz y\u00fcze oldu\u011funu art\u0131k herkes i\u00e7in g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Durumun trajik boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 muhafazak\u00e2r FAZ gazetesi en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u015fekilde tasvir etti. Gazete, parti delegelerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck koalisyona hay\u0131r deme ihtimalini, \u201c\u00f6l\u00fcm korkusundan intihar etmek\u201d olarak de\u011ferlendirdi! Bu tasvir SPD\u2019nin ne t\u00fcr bir \u00e7aresizli\u011fe esir d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc bize anlatmaktad\u0131r: \u0130ktidara ortak olmak, ola\u011fan bir a\u015f\u0131nma riskinden \u00f6teye, partinin \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn kesinle\u015fmesi olarak belirmekte. Bundan sak\u0131nmak i\u00e7in muhalefete ge\u00e7mek ise, intiharla e\u015f anlaml\u0131 bir davran\u0131\u015fa denk d\u00fc\u015fmekte. Anlayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131z, durum vahim!<\/p>\n

Bu arada, \u201c\u00f6l\u00fcm korkusu\u201dnun sadece SPD\u2019yi sarmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtelim. Bug\u00fcn kapitalist \u00fclkelerin hemen hemen hepsinde klasik ve yerle\u015fik burjuva partileri (asl\u0131nda sa\u011f veya sol olmas\u0131na bakmaks\u0131z\u0131n) ciddi bir erozyon s\u00fcrecinden ge\u00e7mektedir. Bu erozyonun politik arka plan\u0131n\u0131, burjuva demokrasisinin bir s\u00fcreden beri ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201ctemsiliyet krizi\u201d te\u015fkil etmektedir. Yani toplumun \u00f6zellikle orta ve alt s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131, yerle\u015fik ve geleneksel burjuva partileri taraf\u0131ndan art\u0131k eskisi gibi temsil edilmediklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektedirler. Bu alg\u0131 ve e\u011filim sonucunda, ba\u015fta bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist \u00fclkelerde olmak \u00fczere kapitalist \u00fclkelerde, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 olu\u015fan siyasi partiler sistemi ciddi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme s\u00fcreci i\u00e7indedir. Gelinen yerde, klasik ve yerle\u015fik partilerin yan\u0131nda ve\/veya i\u00e7inden yeni partiler (\u201cpop\u00fclist partiler\u201d) \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, kimi \u00fclkelerde iktidar, kiminde koalisyon orta\u011f\u0131 veya ana muhalefet partisi olmu\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

SPD, \u00e7aresizli\u011finin esiri haline gelirken, evet bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle, klasik ve yerle\u015fik burjuva partilerinin bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc, onlardan biri olarak payla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Di\u011fer y\u00f6n\u00fcyle ama, bu ger\u00e7ek, SPD\u2019nin hazin halinin kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc nedenleri bulundu\u011funu ortadan kald\u0131rmamaktad\u0131r. Alman sosyal demokrasisi, dip cereyanlardan kaynakl\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck girdaplara yakalanmaks\u0131z\u0131n b\u00f6ylesi bir \u00e7aresizli\u011fe esir d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f olamaz.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc SPD\u2019den s\u00f6z etti\u011fimizde; i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinde k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f ve bu konumunu devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini dizginlemek i\u00e7in kullanan klasik sosyal reformist bir partiden s\u00f6z etmedi\u011fimiz a\u00e7\u0131k olsa gerek. SPD \u00e7oktand\u0131r sosyal reformizmin partisi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan, 1950\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131na gelindi\u011finde, \u00f6zellikle de 1959\u2019daki Bad Godesberg kongresinde onaylanan programla SPD; sosyalizm ve Marksizme s\u0131rt \u00e7evirdi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131ktan ilan etmi\u015f (\u201csosyalist i\u015f\u00e7i partisi\u201d olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, \u201chalk partisi\u201d olunmu\u015ftu!) s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7erisinde \u201chalk partisi\u201d olarak \u00f6nce kamuflajl\u0131 (\u201csosyal devlet\u00e7i\u201d parti) fakat ard\u0131ndan, en ge\u00e7 Agenda 2010 ve Hartz IV yasalar\u0131yla birlikte, kamuflaj\u0131 bozulmu\u015f bir sermaye partisine (Clinton ve Blair\u2019in ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi ve Almanya\u2019da Schr\u00f6der\u2019in liderlik etti\u011fi \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc yol\u201d partisi!) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Ve bug\u00fcn \u201cAlman sosyal demokrasisinin krizi\u201dnden s\u00f6z ediliyorsa, asl\u0131nda eski kamuflaj\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na bela olmu\u015f bir sermaye partisinin krizinden s\u00f6z edildi\u011fi unutulmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu s\u0131n\u0131f tan\u0131m\u0131 elzemdir, zira bu husus dikkate al\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda g\u00f6lgeler \u00fczerinden ahkam kesildi\u011finin fark\u0131na bile var\u0131lamaz. Mevzuyu b\u00fcy\u00fck koalisyon ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n etkilerinin \u00f6tesinde ele alan tart\u0131\u015fmalara bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, SPD\u2019deki kriz \u015fu soruyu g\u00fcndeme getirmi\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r: SPD, \u201csosyal devlet\u201d politikalar\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ti\u011fi i\u00e7in mi yoksa bizzat bu politikalar\u0131 -sol liberallerin iddia etti\u011fi gibi- \u201cmodern bir tarzda\u201d a\u015famad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in mi krizdedir?<\/p>\n

Oskar Lafontain’e g\u00f6re birincisi do\u011frudur: Gerhard Schr\u00f6der liderli\u011finde \u201cSPD saflar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmi\u015f\u201d ve kendini \u201cneoliberal ana ak\u0131ma g\u00f6re konumland\u0131rm\u0131\u015f\u201dt\u0131r. Lafontaine a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, \u201csosyal devlete a\u011f\u0131r tahribat verilmesiyle\u201d, sosyal demokrasi \u201cruhunu yitirmi\u015ftir.\u201d[1]<\/a> Belirtelim ki, 1998\u2019den beri on milyondan fazla oy kaybeden SPD[2]<\/a> saflar\u0131nda bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncede olanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 az de\u011fildir. Sadece onlar\u0131n de\u011fil, Lafontaine ve Sahra Wagenknecht\u2019in de g\u00f6n\u00fcllerinde \u201cWilly Brandt SPD\u2019si\u201d \u00f6zlemi yan\u0131p tutu\u015fmaktad\u0131r!<\/p>\n

Bu tahlilin mant\u0131ksal \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131m\u0131, sosyal demokrasinin; o eski ruhunu geri kazanmas\u0131yla, yani \u201csosyal devlet\u00e7i\u201d politikalara geri d\u00f6n\u00fcp yeniden \u201ck\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck adam\u0131n partisi\u201d olmas\u0131yla krizini a\u015fabilece\u011fidir. Ancak bu kadar basit midir?<\/p>\n

Do\u011fu Bloku ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fckten sonra, Almanya\u2019da o zamana kadar kutsanan \u201csosyal bar\u0131\u015f\u201d (Burgfrieden) sermaye taraf\u0131ndan sevin\u00e7 \u00e7\u0131\u011fl\u0131klar\u0131yla \u00f6l\u00fcm d\u00f6\u015fe\u011fine kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Sendika b\u00fcrokrasisi, sermayenin \u201cart\u0131k sosyal bar\u0131\u015f umurumda de\u011fil\u201d naralar\u0131n\u0131 sefilce sineye \u00e7ekti. Ne de olsa emekle sermaye aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesi de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015f, yeni ko\u015fullar yeni bir g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesine ebelik etmi\u015fti! Gerek sendika b\u00fcrokrasisine, gerekse SPD\u2019nin baz\u0131 akl\u0131 evvellerine g\u00f6re kapitalizm, ayk\u0131r\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde yolundan sapm\u0131\u015f; \u201csosyal piyasa ekonomisi\u201dnin yerini \u201cvah\u015fi bir kapitalizm\u201d, nam-\u0131 di\u011fer \u201cneoliberalizm\u201d alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Oysa tersi do\u011fruydu: Ger\u00e7ekte, kapitalizm ve Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n burjuva toplumlar\u0131, k\u00f6kleri 1917\u2019deki B\u00fcy\u00fck Ekim Devrimi\u2019ne kadar uzanan ve uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 tarihsel mevzilerle de tahkim edilen ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir d\u00f6nemi geride b\u0131rakmaktayd\u0131. Kapitalistler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 aras\u0131nda ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir g\u00fc\u00e7ler dengesine tekab\u00fcl eden bu \u00f6zel d\u00f6nemin yerini, genelde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n aleyhine olan ola\u011fan bir d\u00f6nem almaktayd\u0131. Hatta i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel yenilgisinin a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 itibar\u0131yla bu d\u00f6nem, ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc ola\u011fan bir d\u00f6nemi ifade etmekteydi! Nitekim daha \u00e7ok uzun olmayan bir s\u00fcre \u00f6ncesinde, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kazan\u0131mla sonu\u00e7lanan 35 saatlik i\u015f haftas\u0131 m\u00fccadelesini p\u00fcsk\u00fcrtememi\u015f olan sermaye, o zamana kadar ta\u015f\u0131may\u0131 elveri\u015fli g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u201cg\u00fcle\u00e7 y\u00fczl\u00fc\u201d maskesini indirmi\u015f, intikam h\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131n \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi bir suratla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na dikilerek ma\u011frur bir edayla taleplerini teker teker s\u0131ralam\u0131\u015ft\u0131!<\/p>\n

Peki, bu olup bitenler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Alman sosyal demokrasisi nas\u0131l bir tutum ald\u0131? Sermayenin zincirlerinden bo\u015falm\u0131\u015f sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek \u015f\u00f6yle dursun, \u201csosyal devleti\u201d dahi savunmad\u0131! Dahas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7ilere, bu sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n hayr\u0131 \u00fczerine birbirinden dokunakl\u0131 vaazlar verdi! Yani sermaye, \u201cg\u00fcle\u00e7 y\u00fczl\u00fc\u201d maskesini indirirken, sosyal demokrasi ruhuna i\u015flemi\u015f bir h\u0131yanet\u00e7ilikle kamuflaj\u0131n\u0131 yenilemeye koyuldu! Ortada bir ihanet yoktu: SPD organik ba\u011flarla da b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015f oldu\u011fu sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131, bu sefer yeni d\u00f6nemin gerekleri \u00fczerinden savunmaktan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapmad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Gelgelelim son kamuflaj SPD\u2019ye ne yak\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ne de yarad\u0131. SPD misyonunu yerine getirmek suretiyle misyonerli\u011fini yitirdi! Schr\u00f6der d\u00f6neminin Agenda 2010\u2019u ve Hartz IV yasalar\u0131 \u201c\u00fclkenin ekonomik geli\u015fimi i\u00e7in do\u011fru\u201dydu, \u201cama SPD i\u00e7in vahim sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 oldu.\u201d (Der Spiegel)[3]<\/a> Evet, SPD\u2019nin \u201creformlar\u0131\u201d Alman sermayesini ihya etti, ama ana g\u00f6vdesi i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerden olu\u015fan se\u00e7menlerine hem kan kusturdu hem de \u201csosyal devlete\u201d dair h\u00fclyalar\u0131n\u0131 tuz buz etti. Buras\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k. A\u00e7\u0131k olmayan husus ise \u015fu: Bir parti neden bindi\u011fi dal\u0131 keser ki? Durduk yerde yapar m\u0131 bunu? \u201cWilly Brandt SPD\u2019sini\u201d teorize edenlerin atlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu soruya rasyonel bir yan\u0131t verilmesi gerekmez mi?<\/p>\n

E\u011fer sosyal demokrasinin teorisyenleri gibi, emekle sermaye aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi uzla\u015fmaz g\u00f6rm\u00fcyorsan\u0131z, o vakit bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiden t\u00fcreyen \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 uzla\u015ft\u0131rmay\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren bir siyaset izlersiniz. Bu durumda uzla\u015fmazl\u0131k momentleri, sizin i\u00e7in ge\u00e7ici ve istisnai bir durumu ifade eder. Tersi durumda; yani e\u011fer Marksistler gibi, emekle sermaye aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi uzla\u015fmaz g\u00f6r\u00fcyorsan\u0131z o zaman olas\u0131 uzla\u015fma momentleri sizin i\u00e7in yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7ici ve istisnai bir karaktere sahip olur.<\/p>\n

Sosyal demokrasi, bu temel \u00e7eli\u015fkinin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6rmez, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin do\u011fas\u0131nda bunu gerektiren bir zorunluluk saptamaz. Haliyle bu nesnel \u00e7eli\u015fkinin ve onun \u00f6zneleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin muhafazas\u0131ndan yana bir siyaset izler. Bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 itibar\u0131yla tekelci burjuvaziyle ortak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr. Zira tekelci burjuvazi ne kendisinin ne de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan yanad\u0131r!<\/p>\n

Marksistler ise tam tersine, bu temel \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi uzla\u015fmaz g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerinden onun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren bir siyaset izlerler. Bu anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 itibar\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil ederler. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, tekelci burjuvaziyle birlikte kendisini \u00fccretli k\u00f6leli\u011fe mahkum eden bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkisinin tasfiyesini gerekli k\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

\u015eimdi, \u015feytan\u0131n avukatl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yapmak \u00fczere; ve kapitalizmin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkisine dair sosyal demokrasinin yukar\u0131da \u00f6zetlenen yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na da gayet sad\u0131k kalarak; Schr\u00f6der\u2019in SPD\u2019ye ihanet etmedi\u011fi, Alman ekonomisinin tarihi meydan okumalarla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde \u00fclke sanayisinin rekabet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc art\u0131rmaya d\u00f6n\u00fck k\u00f6kl\u00fc reformlar\u0131n\u0131n uzun vadede i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerinin de yarar\u0131na oldu\u011fu, sa\u011flam i\u015fyerlerinin ve refah\u0131n g\u00fcvencesinin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sanayiden ge\u00e7ti\u011fi sav\u0131 pi\u015fkin pi\u015fkin savunulamaz m\u0131?!<\/p>\n

Tersinden s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse, sosyal demokrasi saflar\u0131nda olup da bu ba\u011flamda izlenebilecek herhangi bir siyasetin \u201cihanet\u201d damgas\u0131n\u0131 yemesini hak ettirecek tek bir durum vard\u0131r: Emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki temel \u00e7eli\u015fkinin uzla\u015fmaz oldu\u011fundan hareket eden bir politikaya ge\u00e7mek. Bu s\u00f6z konusu olmad\u0131k\u00e7a, gerisi, sosyal demokrasinin farkl\u0131 kanatlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda s\u00fcr\u00fcp giden \u00e7eki\u015fmelerin renklenmesinden ba\u015fka bir anlam ta\u015f\u0131mayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan ama, meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcne dair bu vurgu, girift konulara y\u00fczeysel yakla\u015fman\u0131n bir gerek\u00e7esi de yap\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. S\u00f6zgelimi, insan\u0131n kalp, akci\u011fer ve benzer ya\u015famsal organlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemine dair bir vurgudan g\u00f6z, kol ve benzer organlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemsiz oldu\u011fu sonucu \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lamaz. Bunu yapan birisinin ya\u015fama ve insana bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 hakl\u0131 olarak sorgulan\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine de \u00f6yle bak\u0131lamaz. Meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc bilmek; bi\u00e7imsel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 anlams\u0131z k\u0131lmaz, tersine onlar\u0131 do\u011fru anlamland\u0131rmaya, m\u00fccadeleler i\u00e7erisinde onlar\u0131 do\u011fru de\u011ferlendirmeye hizmet etmelidir. Evet s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi \u00e7\u0131plak bir ger\u00e7ekliktir, ama bin bir k\u0131l\u0131fa b\u00fcr\u00fcnerek cereyan eder!<\/p>\n

Ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle; bug\u00fcn SPD ve Die Linke\u2019de (Sol Parti) k\u00fcmelenmi\u015f olan veya kurulmas\u0131 durumunda Lafontaine\u2019in \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yeni sol kitle partisinde k\u00fcmelenme ihtimali olan sol sosyal demokrasinin, \u201cneoliberal SPD politikas\u0131\u201dna kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015fen kitlesel tepkiye verece\u011fi politik y\u00f6n \u00f6nemsiz de\u011fildir. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn somut ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, bu geni\u015f tepkinin, AfD\u2019nin yerine sol sosyal demokratik bir platform taraf\u0131ndan kucaklanmas\u0131 ehven-i \u015ferdir. Yeter ki, bu olas\u0131 kucaklamadaki ideolojik-politik s\u0131n\u0131rlar ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin gerektirdi\u011fi tutarl\u0131ktan yoksunluk g\u00f6r\u00fcls\u00fcn, daha do\u011frusu bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te daha da geli\u015fecek ham hayallere kar\u015f\u0131 bilin\u00e7li ve ayd\u0131nlat\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n gereklili\u011fi unutulmas\u0131n. Ancak ve ancak bu durumda bu u\u011frak; gerek uluslararas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, gerekse onun ileri unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fcnya ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu kendine gelme ve pratik m\u00fccadeleler i\u00e7inde toparlanma safhas\u0131 i\u00e7in olumlu bir i\u015flev g\u00f6rebilir.<\/p>\n

TEHD\u0130T VE OLANAKLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kar kamuflaj\u0131 yaz\u0131n ortas\u0131nda bir i\u015fe yaramaz. \u00dcstelik, tam tersi bir i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr: Sizi hedef olmaktan koruyaca\u011f\u0131na bizzat hedef haline getirir. Yani SPD a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan i\u015fler tam tersine d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr: \u00d6nceki d\u00f6nemdeki avantaj\u0131 (\u201ci\u015f\u00e7ilerin, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck adam\u0131n partisi\u201d imaj\u0131) bir s\u00fcreden beri en b\u00fcy\u00fck dezavantaj\u0131 durumundad\u0131r. \u00c7eli\u015fkiler keskinle\u015fti\u011finde, keskinle\u015fme \u00f6ncesinin s\u00f6ylem ve siyaseti pe\u015f para etmedi\u011fi gibi, daha b\u00fcy\u00fck hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n ve tepkilerin kayna\u011f\u0131 olur. G\u00f6ttingen\u2019li siyaset bilimcisi Fanz Walter\u2019in de dedi\u011fi gibi \u201cSPD art\u0131k hi\u00e7bir kimseyi co\u015fturmamakta, aksine insanlar\u0131n tepesini att\u0131rmakta\u201dd\u0131r![4]<\/a><\/p>\n

Sol sosyal demokratlar ise \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki, Jeremy Corbyn\u2019in \u0130\u015f\u00e7 Partisi\u2019ne, Jean-Luc M\u00e8lanchon\u2019un Boyun E\u011fmeyen Fransa\u2019s\u0131na (\u201cLa France Insoumise\u201d) i\u015faret ederek, \u201cd\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak sosyal demokrasinin gereksizle\u015fmedi\u011fi\u201dni ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyorlar.[5]<\/a> Ne ki \u201ckapitalizmin sosyal d\u00fczenlenmesine dair ikna edici bir konsept\u201d hala ortal\u0131kta g\u00f6r\u00fcnm\u00fcyor. Oysa borsac\u0131 tak\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n jargonuyla s\u00f6ylemek gerekirse \u201ci\u015fi \u00e7evirebilmek i\u00e7in bir hikaye gerek.\u201d SPD bunu sunamaz, sunsa bile co\u015fturucu olamaz. Sol sosyal demokrasi bu hikayeyi sunabilir mi? Hikaye k\u0131sm\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr, ama ger\u00e7ek manada \u201cd\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7\u201d olman\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kacak olan s\u0131n\u0131f zorunun restini g\u00f6rmez, g\u00f6remez. Sol sosyal demokrasinin geleneksel zaaf\u0131, sosyal demokrasiyi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek ile kapitalizmin do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeyi birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma \u201cgafleti\u201ddir!<\/p>\n

Fakat bundan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak, Alman sosyal demokrasisinin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc krizi ku\u015fkusuz ki tarihi bir geli\u015fmedir. Daha \u00f6nemlisi ama, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel misyonunun bilincinde olan ileri i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bu geli\u015fmeden hangi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kartaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn Almanya\u2019daki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ana kitlesi kendini politik bak\u0131mdan yurtsuz, ekonomik bak\u0131mdan ise g\u00fcvencesiz hissetmektedir. Ancak i\u015f\u00e7iler ve genel olarak emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131ndan do\u011fan aray\u0131\u015flar, onlar\u0131n ger\u00e7ek s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n ifadesi olacak siyasi bir platformda yan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 bulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fcddet\u00e7e, bu yurtsuzluk ve g\u00fcvencesizlik onlar\u0131 her t\u00fcrden politik cereyanlara a\u00e7\u0131k hale getirecektir ki k\u0131smen de getirmi\u015ftir. Demek oluyor ki, SPD krizinin kendisi kadar, onun AfD gibi, i\u00e7inde Neo-Nazilerin a\u00e7\u0131ktan yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 bir partinin ana muhalefet partisi olabildi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 bir rastlant\u0131 say\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cNeoliberalizm\u201d maskesi alt\u0131nda s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen kapitalist sald\u0131rganl\u0131kta ba\u015far\u0131 kaydedilmesinin siyasi bedeli, \u201cneoliberalizmi\u201d kendine bayrak edinen yerle\u015fik burjuva partilerinin halk kitleleri nezdindeki inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda yitirmeleri olmu\u015ftur. Dahas\u0131, liberalizm siyasi bak\u0131mdan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir darbe alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yerle\u015fik burjuva partilerinin y\u00fcz y\u00fcze olduklar\u0131 siyasi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmenin arka plan\u0131nda kapitalist ekonomi politikan\u0131n duruyor olmas\u0131, burjuva demokrasisinin siyasi partiler sistemindeki bu alt\u00fcst olu\u015fun \u00f6yle kolay atlat\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131n i\u015faretidir. \u00d6rnek olsun: Bilim ve teknolojide yabana at\u0131lamayacak geli\u015fmelerin[6]<\/a> bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle i\u00e7inde, bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle de ba\u015f\u0131nday\u0131z hen\u00fcz. Bu geli\u015fmelerin konumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131, \u015fimdiki k\u0131smi uygulamalar\u0131ndan da bellidir: Bir kere emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn sermaye taraf\u0131ndan denetiminin kapsam\u0131 ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fcyecek[7]<\/a>, eme\u011fin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 ve \u00fcretkenli\u011fi artacak ve genel olarak sanayide yeni bir rasyonelle\u015fme dalgas\u0131 tetiklenecektir. Bu geli\u015fmelerden sadece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 etkilenmeyecek (s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve i\u015fsizlikte art\u0131\u015f, emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinde keskinle\u015fme vb.) k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuvazinin yerle\u015fik ekonomik d\u00fczen ve dayanaklar\u0131 da allak bullak olacakt\u0131r ki k\u0131smen olmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r da. Olas\u0131 sars\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n hen\u00fcz ba\u015f\u0131nda olmam\u0131za ra\u011fmen, milliyet\u00e7ilik, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k ve nefret s\u00f6ylemleri daha \u015fimdiden burjuva toplumunun ortas\u0131na do\u011fru kendine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

SPD\u2019deki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme bir taraftan, Alman i\u015f\u00e7i ve sendikal hareketi i\u00e7inde k\u00f6k salm\u0131\u015f burjuva bir fraksiyonun politik tekelinin sars\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Di\u011fer taraftan ama, bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme, i\u015f\u00e7i ve sendikal harekette ya\u015fanan bir y\u00fckselmenin sonucu de\u011fildir. Ayr\u0131ca bu geli\u015fmeler; eskisinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ama hen\u00fcz \u00f6lmedi\u011fi, yenisinin ise kendini hissettirdi\u011fi ama hen\u00fcz do\u011fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczen ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmektedir. K\u0131sacas\u0131, tehdit ve olanaklar\u0131n birbirine ebelik etti\u011fi, ama olanaklar\u0131 de\u011ferlendirme veya tehditlerden sak\u0131nma bak\u0131m\u0131ndan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve onun ileri g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin toparlanma zaman\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu, fakat zaman\u0131n sanki onlara ald\u0131r\u0131\u015f etmiyormu\u015f\u00e7as\u0131na h\u0131zland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir safha.<\/p>\n

Geni\u015f bir a\u00e7\u0131dan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u015funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketi \u00fczerindeki sosyal demokrasi tekeli sars\u0131ld\u0131k\u00e7a Marksizmin Almanya\u2019daki i\u015f\u00e7i hareketiyle yeni bir mevziden bulu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n olanaklar\u0131 da olgunla\u015facakt\u0131r. G\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yak\u0131n gelecekteki m\u00fccadelelerini; sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n giderek \u015fiddetlenecek darbelerini somut bir \u00fclk\u00fcn\u00fcn ilham\u0131yla g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcsleme imkan\u0131ndan yoksun olarak ve bu anlam\u0131yla adeta \u00e7\u0131plak elle verecektir. M\u00fccadeleleri, kapitalizm hakk\u0131ndaki hayallerinin pe\u015f pe\u015fe y\u0131k\u0131larak ve bu hayaller enkaz\u0131n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 derinden hissederek ilerleyecektir. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6zellikle de Alman i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, b\u00fcnyesindeki sosyal demokrasi zehirini att\u0131\u011f\u0131 oranda zindele\u015fecek, o oranda da manen sosyalizme a\u00e7\u0131k hale gelecektir. Zehir atmakta olan b\u00fcnyenin yeniyi kabul etmeye haz\u0131r hale gelmesinin bu sanc\u0131l\u0131 s\u00fcrecine sab\u0131rla yak\u0131ndan nezaret etmek ve zay\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fmesini engellemek \u00fczere kritik m\u00fcdahalelerde bulunmak; Marksizmin i\u015f\u00e7i hareketiyle yeniden bulu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yolu ba\u015fta i\u015fte bu mevziin tutulmas\u0131ndan ge\u00e7mektedir.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcne kadar SPD\u2019ye g\u00f6n\u00fcl vermi\u015f s\u0131radan i\u015f\u00e7iler ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere, parti i\u00e7inde ve d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki sol sosyal demokrat gen\u00e7lik ve aktivistlerle, SPD\u2019li ilerici sendikac\u0131larla yak\u0131n ili\u015fki aramak, somut talepler \u00fczerinden i\u015fbirli\u011fini geli\u015ftirmek ve onlarla yap\u0131c\u0131 ve ele\u015ftirel ideolojik-politik tart\u0131\u015fmalara y\u00f6nelmek a\u00e7\u0131k bir gerekliliktir. Bu diyalog ve tart\u0131\u015fmalarda sosyal demokrasiyi \u015fah\u0131slar \u00fczerinden de\u011ferlendiren anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n, onun \u00e7izgisinin a\u00e7\u0131k iflas\u0131n\u0131 has\u0131ralt\u0131 etmeye yarad\u0131\u011f\u0131; sosyal demokrasinin tarihinin ele\u015ftirel bir muhasebesinin elzem oldu\u011fu, \u00f6zlemi duyulan \u201cWilly Brandt SPD\u2019sinin\u201d gerisindeki ulusal\/uluslararas\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal fakt\u00f6rlerin niteli\u011fi; \u201csosyal devlet\u201din her daim ge\u00e7ici g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinin bir sonucu oldu\u011fu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n lehine kal\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar elde etmenin \u00f6ncelikli \u015fart\u0131n\u0131n politik bak\u0131mdan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve kararl\u0131 bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin geli\u015ftirilmesi oldu\u011fu vb. hususlara dikkat \u00e7ekmek mevcut s\u00fcrecin bir ihtiyac\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu ihtiyac\u0131n, bu g\u00f6revi dert edinenlere, kendilerini bu ve benzer konularda teorik ve politik bak\u0131mdan donatmalar\u0131n\u0131 gerekli k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k olsa gerek. Adeta \u00e7\u0131plak elle m\u00fccadele edenlerin gerekli ideolojik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel donan\u0131ma kavu\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n ko\u015fulu, bizzat bu donan\u0131m\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olduklar\u0131n\u0131 iddia edenlerin kendilerini donatmalar\u0131d\u0131r – hem de kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 gidi\u015fat\u0131 anlam\u0131\u015f olmaktan alan bir enerjiyle! Aksi halde, ne prati\u011fin teoriyle b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ne de teorinin pratikte bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olacakt\u0131r!<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Der Spiegel, say\u0131 4, 20 Ocak 2018, sf. 17<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Partinin \u00fcye say\u0131s\u0131 1990 sonu itibar\u0131yla yakla\u015f\u0131k 950 binden, 2017 Kas\u0131m itibar\u0131yla 443 bine gerilemi\u015f bulunuyor.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> agy.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Der Spiegel, agy.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Andrea Ypsilanti: \u201cSosyal Demokrasi Hala Kurtar\u0131labilir mi?\u201d, bkz: Sozialismus.de, say\u0131 2\/2018, sf. 6<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> \u201c\u015eeylerin interneti\u201d, \u201csanayi 4.0\u201d, \u201cdijitalle\u015fme\u201d, \u201cyapay zeka\u201d, \u201cgenetik m\u00fchendisli\u011fi\u201d, \u201cmolek\u00fcler biyoloji\u201d, \u201cnano t\u0131p\u201d vb…<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> \u00d6rnek olsun: verdi sendikas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcyeleri i\u00e7in \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cPublik\u201d adl\u0131 gazetenin 1\/2018 tarihli say\u0131s\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131kan bir habere g\u00f6re, Amazon tekeli bir i\u015f\u00e7iye, be\u015f dakika i\u00e7inde iki kez \u201cfaaliyetsizlik\u201d saptand\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in bir uyar\u0131 mektubu g\u00f6nderiyor!<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ahmet Cengiz Alman sosyal demokrasisinin krizini ele alan bir makalenin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc en b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunu, \u201cnereden ba\u015flamal\u0131\u201d sorusunu yan\u0131tlamak olsa gerek. Zira SPD (Alman Sosyal Demokrat Partisi) denildi\u011finde s\u00f6z konusu olan, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n en eski, neredeyse 155 y\u0131ll\u0131k partisidir. Fakat ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de\u011fil sadece; yerle\u015fik partiler aras\u0131nda SPD, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fc ile ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi en az uyum g\u00f6steren partidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla neyin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f, neyin ger\u00e7ek oldu\u011funu […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":555,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[486,376,287],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-554","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-17-sayi-nisan-2018","category-dunya","category-ahmet-cengiz"],"yoast_head":"\n\u00d6l\u00fcm d\u00f6\u015fe\u011findeki Alman sosyal demokrasisi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u00d6l\u00fcm d\u00f6\u015fe\u011findeki Alman sosyal demokrasisi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ahmet Cengiz Alman sosyal demokrasisinin krizini ele alan bir makalenin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc en b\u00fcy\u00fck sorunu, \u201cnereden ba\u015flamal\u0131\u201d sorusunu yan\u0131tlamak olsa gerek. 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Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla neyin g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f, neyin ger\u00e7ek oldu\u011funu […]","og_url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi\/","og_site_name":"Teori ve Eylem","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/teoriveeylem\/","article_published_time":"2018-04-09T09:35:09+00:00","article_modified_time":"2023-01-18T11:27:57+00:00","og_image":[{"width":730,"height":403,"url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/04\/33.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@teoriveeylem","twitter_site":"@teoriveeylem","twitter_misc":{"Yazan:":false,"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi":"16 dakika"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi\/"},"author":{"name":"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#\/schema\/person\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308"},"headline":"\u00d6l\u00fcm d\u00f6\u015fe\u011findeki Alman sosyal demokrasisi","datePublished":"2018-04-09T09:35:09+00:00","dateModified":"2023-01-18T11:27:57+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi\/"},"wordCount":3683,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/olum-dosegindeki-alman-sosyal-demokrasisi\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/04\/33.jpg","articleSection":["17. 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