{"id":542,"date":"2018-04-09T12:24:46","date_gmt":"2018-04-09T09:24:46","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=542"},"modified":"2023-01-18T14:26:14","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T11:26:14","slug":"p-kievskiye-y-piyatakov-yanit","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2018\/04\/09\/p-kievskiye-y-piyatakov-yanit\/","title":{"rendered":"P. Kievski\u2019ye (Y. Piyatakov) yan\u0131t"},"content":{"rendered":"

Vladimir \u0130lyi\u00e7 Lenin*<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bireylerin ya\u015fam\u0131ndaki ya da uluslar\u0131n tarihindeki her bunal\u0131m gibi sava\u015f da baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131r ve ezer, baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7elikle\u015ftirir ve yeni bilgilerle donat\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu ger\u00e7ek, kendini, sosyal-demokrasinin sava\u015f hakk\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde ve sava\u015fla ilgili olarak da g\u00f6steriyor. \u00c7ok geli\u015fmi\u015f bir kapitalizmin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n nedenleri ve \u00f6nemi, b\u00f6yle bir sava\u015fa ili\u015fkin sosyal-demokratik taktikler, sosyal-demokratik hareket i\u00e7indeki bunal\u0131m\u0131n nedenleri, vb. \u00fczerinde ciddi olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek ba\u015fka \u015feydir, sava\u015f\u0131n, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenizi bask\u0131 alt\u0131na almas\u0131na izin vermek, onun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 korkun\u00e7 izlenimlerin ve azap verici a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n alt\u0131nda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmekten ve tahlil etmekten vazge\u00e7mek ba\u015fka bir \u015feydir.<\/p>\n

Sava\u015f\u0131n, insan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini bask\u0131 alt\u0131na almas\u0131n\u0131n ya da bast\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerden biri, emperyalist ekonomizmin demokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 tak\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck g\u00f6r\u00fcc\u00fc tutumdur. P. Kievski, b\u00fct\u00fcn savlar\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6steren \u015feyin, sava\u015f\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu bask\u0131, bu korku, bu tahlil etmeyi yads\u0131y\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funa dikkat etmiyor. B\u00f6ylesine korkun\u00e7 bir yang\u0131n\u0131n orta yerinde, ata topraklar\u0131n\u0131 savunman\u0131n ne anlam\u0131 vard\u0131r? \u00d6n\u00fcne geleni bo\u011fazlaman\u0131n her yerde kural oldu\u011fu b\u00f6yle bir zamanda, uluslar\u0131n haklar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ne anlam\u0131 vard\u0131r? Kendi kaderini tayin ve “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k” \u2014 ama “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z” Yunanistan’a ne yapt\u0131klar\u0131na bak\u0131n! Militaristlerin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131 u\u011fruna haklar\u0131n her yerde ayaklar alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u0131rada, “haklar”\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin, konu\u015fman\u0131n yarar\u0131 nedir? En demokratik cumhuriyetlerle en gerici monar\u015filer aras\u0131nda kesinlikle hi\u00e7 bir fark kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, her farkl\u0131l\u0131k belirtisini sava\u015f\u0131n silip s\u00fcp\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir s\u0131rada, cumhuriyeti d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmenin ve konu\u015fman\u0131n ne anlam\u0131 vard\u0131r?<\/p>\n

Kievski, genel olarak demokrasiyi reddedecek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde korkuya teslim oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylendi\u011fi zaman, \u00e7ok \u00f6fkeleniyor; \u00f6fkeleniyor ve itiraz ediyor: Ben demokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011filim, yaln\u0131zca “k\u00f6t\u00fc<\/em>” buldu\u011fum bir demokratik iste\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131y\u0131m. Ger\u00e7i Kievski g\u00fcceniyor, ger\u00e7i demokrasiye hi\u00e7 de “kar\u015f\u0131<\/em>” olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin, bize (ve belki kendisine de) “g\u00fcvence veriyor<\/em>” ama, b\u00fct\u00fcn savlar\u0131 \u2014daha do\u011frusu savlar\u0131ndaki sonsuz hatalar\u2014 tam tersini tan\u0131tl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Ata topraklar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131, emperyalist bir sava\u015fta, bir yaland\u0131r, fakat demokratik ve devrimci bir sava\u015fta de\u011fil. Bir sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f odur ki, “haklar”dan s\u00f6zetmek sa\u00e7mad\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc her sava\u015fta haklar\u0131n yerini d\u00fcped\u00fcz s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z zorbal\u0131k al\u0131r. Ama bu, sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda her t\u00fcrl\u00fc “hak”k\u0131n ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc demokrasinin yerine zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131 koymakla birlikte, tarihte, toplumsal i\u00e7eri\u011fi ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan gene de demokrasi davas\u0131na ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sosyalizme hizmet eden, sava\u015flar (demokratik ve devrimci sava\u015flar) oldu\u011funu (ve gelecekte de olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini) unutmam\u0131za yola\u00e7mamal\u0131d\u0131r. Yunanistan \u00f6rne\u011fi, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re, ulusal kaderi tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 “\u00e7\u00fcr\u00fctmektedir”. Fakat bir an durup d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrseniz, tahlil ederseniz, sorunlar\u0131 tart\u0131p bi\u00e7erseniz ve s\u00f6zlerin kulaklar\u0131n\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011f\u0131rla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na ya da sava\u015f\u0131n karabasan\u0131ms\u0131 etkilerinin sizi korkutmas\u0131na ve bask\u0131 alt\u0131na almas\u0131na izin vermezseniz, o zaman bu \u00f6rne\u011fin cumhuriyet sistemini g\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00e7le\u015ftirmekten \u00f6tede bir ciddiyet ve inand\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, “demokratik” cumhuriyetler, en demokratik \u2014yaln\u0131zca Fransa de\u011fil, fakat onun yan\u0131s\u0131ra Birle\u015fik Amerika, Portekiz ve \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2014 bu sava\u015f\u0131n ak\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7inde, Rusya’da var olan militarist keyfili\u011fin ayn\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ya kurmu\u015flard\u0131r ya kuruyorlar.<\/p>\n

Emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n cumhuriyetle monar\u015fi aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 yok etti\u011fi bir ger\u00e7ektir. Fakat buna bakarak cumhuriyeti yads\u0131mak ya da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemek, sava\u015f\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fc korkutmas\u0131na ve sava\u015f deh\u015fetinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncemizi bask\u0131 alt\u0131na almas\u0131na izin vermek demektir. “Silahs\u0131zlanma” slogan\u0131n\u0131 destekleyen bir\u00e7ok ki\u015finin (Roland-Holst, \u0130svi\u00e7re’deki gen\u00e7 unsurlar, \u0130skandinav “Solu\u201d ve ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n) anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 budur. Demek istedikleri \u015fudur: Bu sava\u015fta, cumhuriyet\u00e7i bir milisle monar\u015fist bir d\u00fczenli ordu aras\u0131nda hi\u00e7 bir fark olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve her yerde militarizmin deh\u015fet verici g\u00f6revini yerine getirdi\u011fi bir s\u0131rada, ordunun ya da milis kuvvetlerinin devrim amac\u0131yla kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n yarar\u0131 nedir?<\/p>\n

Kievski’nin, her ad\u0131m\u0131nda, fark\u0131na varmaks\u0131z\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayn\u0131 teorik ve pratik hata, ayn\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce e\u011filimi, i\u015fte budur. Kievski, yaln\u0131zca kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 san\u0131yor, yaln\u0131zca kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak istiyor, fakat \u2014kendi istek ve inanc\u0131 ne olursa olsun, garip olan\u0131 da budur\u2014 sonu\u00e7, onun, genel olarak demokrasiye de uygulanamayan bir tek sav bile ortaya \u00e7\u0131karamam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kievski’nin b\u00fct\u00fcn garip mant\u0131k hatalar\u0131n\u0131n ve kafas\u0131ndaki kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n as\u0131l kayna\u011f\u0131 \u2014bu yaln\u0131zca kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in de\u011fil, fakat ata topraklar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131, bo\u015fanma ve genel olarak “haklar” i\u00e7in de s\u00f6zkonusu\u2014 onun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini sava\u015f\u0131n bask\u0131 alt\u0131na almas\u0131ndad\u0131r; demokrasiye ili\u015fkin Marksist tutumu t\u00fcmden \u00e7arp\u0131tmas\u0131 bundan ileri geliyor.<\/p>\n

Emperyalizm, y\u00fcksek d\u00fczeyde geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalizmdir; emperyalizm geli\u015fmecidir (progressive); emperyalizm demokrasinin yads\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r \u2014”bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc” kapitalizmde demokrasi “eri\u015filebilir” bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Emperyalist sava\u015f, geri monar\u015filerde olsun, ilerici cumhuriyetlerde olsun, t\u00fcm demokrasinin a\u00e7\u0131ktan ihlalidir\u2014 “bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc<\/em>“, “haklar<\/em>“dan (yani demokrasiden) s\u00f6zetmenin anlam\u0131 yoktur. Emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n “kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na konabilecek” “tek” \u015fey sosyalizmdir; yaln\u0131zca sosyalizm “\u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu<\/em>“dur; “bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc<\/em>” bizim asgari program\u0131m\u0131zda, yani kapitalizmde demokratik sloganlar \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmemiz bir aldan\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ya da hayaldir, sosyalist devrimin sapt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ya da ertelenmesidir, vb.’dir.<\/p>\n

Her ne kadar Kievski bunu kavrayam\u0131yorsa da, b\u00fct\u00fcn talihsizli\u011finin kayna\u011f\u0131 i\u015fte budur. Onun temel mant\u0131k hatas\u0131 budur; temel oldu\u011fu ve yazar taraf\u0131ndan kavranamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in de, delik bir bisiklet lasti\u011fi gibi, her ad\u0131mda “hava ka\u00e7\u0131rmaktad\u0131r”; k\u00e2h ata topraklar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131nda, k\u00e2h bo\u015fanma sorununda, k\u00e2h “haklar”a ili\u015fkin s\u00f6zlerinde, biz “haklar”\u0131 de\u011fil, ama y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k k\u00f6leli\u011fin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z, \u015feklindeki dikkate de\u011fer s\u00f6zlerinde, (“haklar”\u0131 t\u00fcmden k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsedi\u011fi ve sorunu hi\u00e7 anlayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in dikkate de\u011fer olan s\u00f6zlerinde) “patlak vermektedir”.<\/p>\n

Bu s\u00f6zleri s\u00f6ylemesi, kapitalizm ve demokrasi aras\u0131ndaki, sosyalizm ve demokrasi aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkileri tam anlayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n

Genel olarak kapitalizm ve \u00f6zel olarak emperyalizm, demokrasiyi bir hayal haline getirir \u2014 ama ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalizm, y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlarda demokratik esinler uyand\u0131r\u0131r, demokratik kurumlar yarat\u0131r, emperyalizmin demokrasiyi yads\u0131y\u0131\u015f\u0131yla demokrasi i\u00e7in y\u0131\u011f\u0131nsal sava\u015f\u0131m aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 \u015fiddetlendirir. Kapitalizm ve emperyalizm ancak iktisadi devrimle devrilebilir; demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerle, en “ideal” demokratik d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerle bile devrilemez. Ne var ki, demokrasi sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 okulunda okumam\u0131\u015f olan bir proletarya, iktisadi bir devrim yapma yetisine sahip de\u011fildir. Bankalara elkoymaks\u0131z\u0131n, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti kald\u0131rmaks\u0131z\u0131n kapitalizm yenik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclemez. Ne var ki, t\u00fcm halk\u0131, burjuvazinin elinden al\u0131nan \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n demokratik y\u00f6netimi i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctlemedik\u00e7e, t\u00fcm emek\u00e7i halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131, proleterleri, yar\u0131-proleterleri ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri, saflar\u0131n\u0131 ve g\u00fc\u00e7lerini demokratik bir bi\u00e7imde \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeleri ve devlet i\u015flerine kat\u0131lmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in seferber etmedik\u00e7e, bu devrimci \u00f6nlemler uygulanamaz. Emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n, demokrasiyi \u00fc\u00e7 ayr\u0131 y\u00f6nden yads\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir (a. her sava\u015f “haklar”\u0131n yerine zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131 koyar; b. emperyalizm, bu haliyle demokrasinin yads\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r; c. emperyalist sava\u015f, cumhuriyeti monar\u015fiyle e\u015fitler), ne var ki emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 sosyalist ba\u015fkald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n uyan\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi, demokratik diren\u00e7 ve huzursuzlu\u011fun art\u0131\u015f\u0131yla ayr\u0131lmaz bi\u00e7imde ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r. Sosyalizm her devletin, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla her demokrasinin yava\u015f yava\u015f silinip ortadan kalkmas\u0131na yola\u00e7ar; fakat sosyalizm, burjuvaziye, yani n\u00fcfusun az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 zorbal\u0131kla demokrasinin tam geli\u015fimini, yani t\u00fcm halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn devlet i\u015flerine ve kapitalizmin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm \u00f6rg\u00fcn (complex) sorunlar\u0131na ger\u00e7ekten e\u015fit ve ger\u00e7ekten evrensel bi\u00e7imde kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, ancak proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yoluyla ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131rabilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte demokrasi hakk\u0131ndaki marksist \u00f6\u011fretiyi unutan Kievski’nin kafas\u0131n\u0131 kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran “\u00e7eli\u015fkiler” bunlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Mecazi anlamda konu\u015fursak, sava\u015f Kievski’nin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini \u00f6ylesine bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki, “emperyalizm y\u0131k\u0131ls\u0131n” slogan\u0131n\u0131, her d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncenin yerini tutacak bi\u00e7imde kullanmaktad\u0131r. T\u0131pk\u0131 “s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131n” diye hayk\u0131rman\u0131n, uygar uluslar\u0131n “s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerden \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131”n\u0131n \u2014ekonomik ve siyasal a\u00e7\u0131dan\u2014 ne demek oldu\u011funa ill\u015fkin tahlilin yerini tutmak \u00fczere kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi.<\/p>\n

Demokrasi sorununun Marksist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc, proletaryan\u0131n, burjuvazinin devrilmesini ve kendi zaferini haz\u0131rlamak \u00fczere, b\u00fct\u00fcn demokratik kurumlar\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6zlemleri, kendi s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda seferber etmesidir. B\u00f6yle bir seferberlik kolay bir i\u015f de\u011fildir. Bu, ekonomistlere, Tolstoy vb. gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnenlere g\u00f6re, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman, “burjuva” ve oport\u00fcnist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere verilmi\u015f, ba\u011f\u0131\u015flanmaz bir \u00f6d\u00fcn gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. T\u0131pk\u0131 “mali-sermaye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131”nda, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131na sahip olmalar\u0131n\u0131 savunmay\u0131, Klevski’nin, burjuva g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere verilmi\u015f, ba\u011f\u0131\u015flanmaz bir \u00f6d\u00fcn saymas\u0131 gibi. Marksizm bize, belli bir kapitalist \u00fclkenin burjuvazisi taraf\u0131ndan yarat\u0131lan ve \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131lan demokratik kurumlardan yararlanmay\u0131 yads\u0131yarak “oport\u00fcnizmle sava\u015fma”n\u0131n, oport\u00fcnizme t\u00fcmden teslim olmak demek oldu\u011funu \u00f6\u011fretiyor.<\/p>\n

Sosyalizm i\u00e7in i\u00e7 sava\u015f slogan\u0131, emperyalist sava\u015ftan kurtulman\u0131n en k\u0131sa yolunu g\u00f6sterir ve bizim sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fimiz sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, oport\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 verdi\u011fimiz sava\u015f\u0131mla ili\u015fkilendirir. Gerek sava\u015f zaman\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zelliklerini \u2014sava\u015f\u0131n uzay\u0131p gitme ve tam bir sava\u015f “\u00e7a\u011f\u0131”na d\u00f6nme tehdidini ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerini\u2014 ve oport\u00fcnizmin bar\u0131\u015fseverli\u011finden, yasalc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ve kendini “kendi” burjuvazisine uyarlamas\u0131ndan tamamen farkl\u0131 olarak bizim \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n genel niteli\u011fini do\u011fru olarak dikkate alan tek slogan budur. Bunun yan\u0131s\u0131ra, burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7 sava\u015f, m\u00fclks\u00fcz y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u00fclk sahibi az\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131, demokratik olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen ve demokratik olarak y\u00f6netilen sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Ne var ki, i\u00e7 sava\u015f da, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6teki sava\u015flar gibi, ister istemez, haklar\u0131n yerine zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7irmek zorundad\u0131r. Fakat \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve haklar\u0131 ad\u0131na giri\u015filen zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131n yap\u0131s\u0131 ba\u015fkad\u0131r: Bu zorbalik s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclerin, burjuvazinin “haklar\u0131”n\u0131 ayaklar alt\u0131na al\u0131r; ordunun ve “geri”nin demokratik bir bi\u00e7imde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi sa\u011flanmad\u0131k\u00e7a ba\u015far\u0131lamaz. i\u00e7 sava\u015f, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce ve derhal bankalara, fabrikalara, demiryollar\u0131na, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak m\u00fclklerine, vb. zorla elkoyar. Fakat b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlara elkoymak i\u00e7in, b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00f6revlilerin ve subaylar\u0131n halk taraf\u0131ndan se\u00e7ilmesi usul\u00fcn\u00fc koymak, burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6neten orduyu, halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131yla tam olarak kayna\u015ft\u0131rmak, g\u0131da \u00fcretiminin ve da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n, g\u0131da ikmalinin, vb. y\u00f6netimini tam olarak demokratla\u015ft\u0131rmak zorunday\u0131z. \u0130\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131n amac\u0131, bankalara, fabrikalara, vb. elkoymak, burjuvazinin t\u00fcm direnme olas\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131kmak, onun silahl\u0131 kuvvetlerini y\u0131ikmakt\u0131r. Ama sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda, bizler, kendi silahl\u0131 kuvvetlerimiz ve kendi “geri”mizde, sava\u015fla ayn\u0131 zamanda demokrasiyi getirmez ve yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rmazsak, bu amaca, ne salt askeri, ne iktisadi, ne de siyasal bak\u0131mdan ula\u015f\u0131labilir. Biz \u015fimdi y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara \u015f\u00f6yle diyoruz (ve onlar bizim hakl\u0131 oldu\u011fumuzu i\u00e7g\u00fcd\u00fcleriyle biliyorlar): “Onlar, b\u00fcy\u00fck demokrasi sloganlar\u0131yla k\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fi\u015ftirtilmi\u015f bir sava\u015fta, emperyalist kapitalizm i\u00e7in sava\u015fman\u0131z\u0131 sa\u011flayarak sizi aldat\u0131yorlar. Ger\u00e7ek bir demokrasiye ve sosyalizme ula\u015fmak i\u00e7in burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131, ger\u00e7ekten demokratik olan bir sava\u015f vermeniz gerekir ve vereceksiniz.<\/em>” \u015eimdiki sava\u015f, zorbal\u0131k ve mali ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k yoluyla, uluslar\u0131, koalisyonlarda birle\u015ftiriyor ve “kayna\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor<\/em>“. Biz, burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 kendi i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda, uluslar\u0131, ruble zoruyla de\u011fil, sopa zoruyla de\u011fil, zorbal\u0131kla de\u011fil, fakat s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclere kar\u015f\u0131 emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc anla\u015fmas\u0131 ve dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 yoluyla birle\u015ftirecek ve kayna\u015ft\u0131raca\u011f\u0131z. Burjuvazi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, b\u00fct\u00fcn uluslar i\u00e7in e\u015fit haklar ilan edilmesi bir aldatmacadan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir. Bizim a\u00e7\u0131m\u0131zdan ise bu, b\u00fct\u00fcn uluslarin kazan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131rma ve kolayla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n ger\u00e7e\u011fi olacakt\u0131r. Uluslar aras\u0131nda etkin bi\u00e7imde d\u00fczenlenmi\u015f demokratik ili\u015fkiler olmad\u0131k\u00e7a \u2014bunun sonucu olarak ayr\u0131lma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tan\u0131nmad\u0131k\u00e7a\u2014 genel olarak t\u00fcm uluslar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin ve emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n\u0131n burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7 sava\u015f vermesi olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Burjuva demokrasisinden yararlanarak, proletaryan\u0131n, burjuvaziyle oport\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131, sosyalist ve tutarl\u0131 demokratik a\u00e7\u0131dan \u00f6rg\u00fctlendirilmesi. Ba\u015fkaca yol yoktur. Ba\u015fkaca \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu yoktur. Marksizm, t\u0131pk\u0131 ya\u015fam\u0131n kendisi gibi, ba\u015fkaca \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu tan\u0131mamaktad\u0131r. Bu yolda, uluslar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrce ayr\u0131lma ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrce kayna\u015fma hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mal\u0131y\u0131z, bunlardan sak\u0131nmamal\u0131y\u0131z; ekonomik ama\u00e7lar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n “safl\u0131\u011f\u0131”n\u0131 bunlar\u0131n “kirletece\u011finden” korkmamal\u0131y\u0131z.<\/p>\n

* A\u011fustos-Eyl\u00fcl 1916’da yaz\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130lk kez Proletarskaya Revolutsia, n\u00b0 7(90)’da, 1929’da yay\u0131nland\u0131.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Vladimir \u0130lyi\u00e7 Lenin* Bireylerin ya\u015fam\u0131ndaki ya da uluslar\u0131n tarihindeki her bunal\u0131m gibi sava\u015f da baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131r ve ezer, baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7elikle\u015ftirir ve yeni bilgilerle donat\u0131r. Bu ger\u00e7ek, kendini, sosyal-demokrasinin sava\u015f hakk\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde ve sava\u015fla ilgili olarak da g\u00f6steriyor. \u00c7ok geli\u015fmi\u015f bir kapitalizmin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan emperyalist sava\u015f\u0131n nedenleri ve \u00f6nemi, b\u00f6yle bir sava\u015fa ili\u015fkin sosyal-demokratik taktikler, sosyal-demokratik hareket i\u00e7indeki bunal\u0131m\u0131n […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":543,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[486,368,356],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-542","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-17-sayi-nisan-2018","category-ceviri","category-vladimir-ilyic-lenin"],"yoast_head":"\nP. Kievski\u2019ye (Y. 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