{"id":3855,"date":"2025-10-17T10:28:39","date_gmt":"2025-10-17T07:28:39","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=3855"},"modified":"2025-10-17T10:28:39","modified_gmt":"2025-10-17T07:28:39","slug":"kurt-sorununda-yeni-surec-ve-ocalanin-manifestosu-uzerine-bazi-notlar","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2025\/10\/17\/kurt-sorununda-yeni-surec-ve-ocalanin-manifestosu-uzerine-bazi-notlar\/","title":{"rendered":"K\u00fcrt Sorununda \u2018Yeni S\u00fcre\u00e7\u2019 ve \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u2018Manifestosu\u2019 \u00dczerine Baz\u0131 Notlar"},"content":{"rendered":"

Yusuf Akda\u011f<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Devlet Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin \u201cBin y\u0131ll\u0131k karde\u015flik ruhu<\/em>\u201dndan da s\u00f6z ederek \u201ci\u00e7 cephe birli\u011fi<\/em>\u201dne ihtiya\u00e7 vurgusuyla PKK\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulunmas\u0131; Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131ya olumlu yan\u0131t vermesi, takiben DEM Parti ile Erdo\u011fan-Bah\u00e7eli g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmeleri ve \u00d6calan ve PKK\u2019nin a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda s\u00fcren tart\u0131\u015fmalar K\u00fcrt ulusal sorunu ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 \u201cyeni bir s\u00fcre\u00e7<\/em>\u201d beklentisine g\u00fc\u00e7 verdi. \u201cMilli Dayan\u0131\u015fma, Karde\u015flik ve Demokrasi Komisyonu<\/em>\u201dnun olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 ise, bu beklentiyi g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren somut veri olarak g\u00f6sterildi.<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. \u00d6calan, Devlet Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin DEM Parti heyetine \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131[1]<\/a> \u201ctarihi bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131nda\u201d g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015f \u201cHem tutarl\u0131 hem de demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm i\u00e7eri\u011fi olan bir bar\u0131\u015f \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc belirterek \u201cBar\u0131\u015f ve Demokratik Toplum \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201dyla, yan\u0131tlad\u0131. PKK\u2019nin kongre toplayarak silah b\u0131rakma ve kendini la\u011fvetme karar\u0131 almas\u0131n\u0131 isteyen \u00d6calan, \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i savrulu\u015funun zorunlu sonucu<\/em>\u201d ve \u201creel sosyalizmin etkisi<\/em>\u201d alt\u0131nda \u201cayr\u0131 ulus-devlet, federasyon, idari \u00f6zerklik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcralist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler<\/em>\u201d ekseninde belirledikleri politikan\u0131n gelinen a\u015famada \u201ctarihsel toplum sosyolojisine cevap olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d<\/em> s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. 19 Haziran 1925 tarihli g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcl\u00fc mesaj\u0131nda da \u00d6calan, \u201cVarl\u0131k inkar\u0131na dayal\u0131 ve ayr\u0131 devlet ama\u00e7l\u0131 PKK hareketi ve dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f stratejisine son verilmi\u015f<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131n\u0131, \u201cVarl\u0131k tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ana ama\u00e7 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir<\/em>\u201d \u015feklinde gerek\u00e7elendiriyor; \u201cYap\u0131lan, silahl\u0131 m\u00fccadele a\u015famas\u0131ndan demokratik siyaset ve hukuk a\u015famas\u0131na g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fcce ge\u00e7i\u015ftir<\/em>\u201d diyordu.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Abdullah \u00d6calan, \u201cPKK\u2019deki a\u00e7maza \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bulma<\/em>\u201d gereklili\u011fine de i\u015faret ederek \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn la\u011fv\u0131n\u0131 \u201cs\u0131\u00e7rama yapma<\/em>\u201d-\u201ce\u015fik atlama<\/em>\u201d ihtiyac\u0131yla gerek\u00e7elendirmekteydi. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda yer alan \u201cdemokratik toplum<\/em>\u201dun neli\u011fi-nas\u0131ll\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine \u2018Manifesto\u2019sunda geni\u015f a\u00e7\u0131klamalar yapan \u00d6calan, programatik haz\u0131rl\u0131k \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cdevlet denetiminde<\/em>\u201d s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc belirterek durumu \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetliyordu: \u201cB\u00f6yle bir rotaya girdi, bu da bana g\u00f6re sa\u011fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir y\u00f6ntemdir. Bu y\u00f6ntem temelinde ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 biraz daha boyutland\u0131rd\u0131k ve devlet denetiminde bu toplant\u0131m\u0131zla program\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rl\u0131yoruz. Nas\u0131l bir demokratik toplum bunun yo\u011fun \u00e7abas\u0131 i\u00e7indeyiz. Bu e\u015fikten atlamak istiyoruz. Nedir bu, sava\u015f ve ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcrecinden bar\u0131\u015f ve demokratik b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme, T\u00fcrkiye cumhuriyetiyle \u00f6zellikle. Di\u011fer devletlerle ise Irak, \u0130ran, Suriye devletleri i\u00e7in de benzer s\u00fcre\u00e7ler devreye girecektir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin inisiyatifinde olmas\u0131 da bana g\u00f6re hem akl\u0131n gere\u011fi hem ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin ifadesi oluyor. \u00d6yle olmas\u0131 gerekiyor, \u00f6yle oluyor<\/em>.\u201d[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan, \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131 durumunda \u201cSadece K\u00fcrt, K\u00fcrdistan i\u00e7in de\u011fil, b\u00f6lge i\u00e7in de \u00f6nemli ba\u015far\u0131lara yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u201cSonu\u00e7lar\u0131<\/em>\u201d diyor, \u201cSuriye, \u0130ran ve Irak\u2019a da yans\u0131yacak ve T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti de \u2018hem kendisini yenileme, demokrasiyle ta\u00e7lanma hem de b\u00f6lgede \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck yapma \u015fans\u0131<\/em>\u2019\u201d bulacak! \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na uygun hareket edilmesi durumunda \u201cB\u00f6lge konfederalizmi<\/em>\u201dnin \u201cmutlak bir gereklilik<\/em>\u201d haline gelece\u011fi ileri s\u00fcren \u00d6calan, T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti devletiyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmenin akl\u0131n gere\u011fi olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan, yeni bir alternatif sistem teorisi geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini gelecek i\u00e7in \u201ckurucu perspektif<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6steriyor. Bunu yaparken Marksist-Leninist teoriye ve kurucular\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 haks\u0131z ve do\u011fru olmayan su\u00e7lamalarda bulunuyor ya da projesel kurgusunu bu su\u00e7lamalar \u00fczerinden olu\u015fturuyor. \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u2018Manifestosu\u2019nda ve \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin yayg\u0131nca tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ortamda, g\u00fcndeme getirildikleri d\u00f6nem geli\u015fmeleri ve ba\u011flamlar\u0131yla birlikte yeniden<\/em> irdelenmesine ihtiya\u00e7 vard\u0131r. Ancak bunun i\u00e7in \u00f6nce \u201cyeni s\u00fcre\u00e7<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 etkenleri ve i\u00e7erikleriyle g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne getirmek gerekir.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \u2018Yeni S\u00fcre\u00e7\u2019 Ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n Etkenleri <\/strong><\/p>\n

    Erdo\u011fan, 1 Ekim 2024\u2019te yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 TBMM\u2019yi a\u00e7\u0131\u015f konu\u015fmas\u0131nda, \u0130srail\u2019in \u201cFilistin ve L\u00fcbnan\u2019dan sonra g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc dikece\u011fi yer bizim vatan topraklar\u0131m\u0131z olacak<\/em>\u201d diyerek \u201ci\u00e7 cephenin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulundu. D\u0131\u015f tehdit vurgulu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131da \u0130srail ve ABD\u2019nin K\u00fcrt sorununu istismar politikas\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekiliyordu. \u0130srail, ABD, Fransa, \u0130ngiltere ve Almanya gibi \u201cd\u0131\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7ler<\/em>\u201din K\u00fcrt sorununu, bu sorunla do\u011frudan muhatap b\u00f6lge \u00fclkeleri y\u00f6netimlerine kar\u015f\u0131 bask\u0131-tehdit ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan biri olarak kullanma politikas\u0131 yeni de\u011fildi. Ancak bu bask\u0131 ve ba\u011fl\u0131 giri\u015fimler Suriye\u2019deki sava\u015f dolay\u0131s\u0131yla daha belirgin bi\u00e7imde akt\u00fceldi. Irak ve ard\u0131ndan Suriye prati\u011fi, \u0130ran\u2019a y\u00f6nelik ku\u015fatma, Rusya\u2019y\u0131 daha dar alanlara do\u011fru s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma, \u00c7in\u2019in, \u201cGeni\u015fletilmi\u015f Ortado\u011fu ve Kuzey Afrika Projesi<\/em>\u201d b\u00f6lgelerine y\u00f6nelik hamlelerinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesme, \u0130srail\u2019in s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011fa engel olu\u015fturacak g\u00fc\u00e7lerin etkisizle\u015ftirilmesi politikas\u0131 \u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcz ve daha agresif bi\u00e7imlerle s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmekteydi. Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n \u201cBOP<\/em>\u201dnin e\u015f ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kabul etmesi, K\u00fcrt sorunu ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 p\u00fcr\u00fczlere ra\u011fmen ABD y\u00f6netimiyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi, NATO\u2019nun Do\u011fu\u2019ya do\u011fru s\u0131n\u0131r-yetki alan\u0131n\u0131 geni\u015fletmesine destek vermesi, Esat y\u00f6netimi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclerek Colani ve \u00e7etesinin Suriye\u2019de devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n tepesine yerle\u015ftirilmesi gibi, ABD ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalistlerin stratejik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla ba\u011flanan politikalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, \u00d6zerk K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgesinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ABD\u2019nin SDG\u2019ye koruma sa\u011flamas\u0131 ve \u0130srail\u2019in K\u00fcrt m\u00fccadelesini destekler g\u00f6r\u00fcnen a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 sorun olu\u015fturucuydu ve bir d\u0131\u015f tehdit alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirici i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\n

    D\u00fcnya ve b\u00f6lgede \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fimlerin ya\u015fanmakta oldu\u011funu<\/em> belirterek T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu geli\u015fme-de\u011fi\u015fme girdab\u0131na kap\u0131lmamas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik temennilerde bulunan Devlet Bah\u00e7eli\u2019nin \u00d6calan\u2019a \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 bu d\u00f6nemde g\u00fcndeme geldi. Bah\u00e7eli, a\u00e7\u0131k adres vermemekle birlikte K\u00fcrt sorununun emperyalist-Siyonist stratejiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 geli\u015fmeler kapsam\u0131nda T\u00fcrk devleti aleyhine kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na i\u015faret ediyor, buna kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6nlem kapsam\u0131nda g\u00fcndeme gelen \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n dikkate al\u0131nmamas\u0131 ve uzat\u0131lan \u201cbar\u0131\u015f eli<\/em>\u201dnin tutulmamas\u0131 durumunda \u201cter\u00f6ristlerin ve siyasal uzant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n imha edilme<\/em>\u201dsi kararl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurguluyordu. Hi\u00e7bir \u015farta ba\u011flanmaks\u0131z\u0131n silah b\u0131rak\u0131lmal\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fct la\u011fvedilmeliydi!<\/p>\n

    D\u0131\u015f tehdide i\u015faretle \u201ci\u00e7 cephe birli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n di\u011fer \u00f6nemli etkeni, iktidar\u0131n, politikalar\u0131 nedeniyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi tepkilerin giderek artmas\u0131 ve yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131yd\u0131. Erdo\u011fan y\u00f6netimi sorunu b\u00f6lge politikalar\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde istismar ediyor ve iktidar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik muhalefeti etkisizle\u015ftirmenin arac\u0131 olarak kullanma politikas\u0131 izliyordu. CHP-DEM Parti ili\u015fkilerini sabote etme, CHP\u2019yi \u201cuyumlu muhalefet s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda tutma<\/em>\u201d, K\u00fcrt siyasetini beklentiye s\u00fcr\u00fckleyerek etkili muhalefet \u00e7izgisinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rma, iktidar\u0131n konumunu g\u00fc\u00e7lendirecek yasal-anayasal d\u00fczenlemeler i\u00e7in g\u00fc\u00e7 toplama ve Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n ba\u015fkanl\u0131k taht\u0131nda kal\u0131\u015f\u0131na- destek sa\u011flama; buradan al\u0131nan g\u00fc\u00e7le i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve di\u011fer emek\u00e7ilerin tepkisini bast\u0131rma vb.ne ihtiya\u00e7 duyuluyordu. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131, yeni y\u00fcz y\u0131l\u0131 \u201cT\u00fcrkiye y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 yapma<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131na ba\u011flanmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

    AKP Diyarbak\u0131r \u0130l Kongresi\u2019ndeki konu\u015fmas\u0131nda da Erdo\u011fan, y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n tek amac\u0131n\u0131n \u201cter\u00f6r \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn kendini feshetmesi, silahlar\u0131n kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z teslim edilmesi, \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn siyaset \u00fczerindeki vesayetinin tamamen kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn bask\u0131s\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bir T\u00fcrkiye partisi olma vasf\u0131n\u0131 kazanamayan siyasi yap\u0131ya bu y\u00f6nde kendini geli\u015ftirme f\u0131rsat\u0131 verilmesi, b\u00f6lgede artan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda i\u00e7 cephemizin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu tekrarlad\u0131.[3]<\/a> \u0130ktidar politikas\u0131 ve \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n hedefi, \u201cTer\u00f6rs\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye<\/em>\u201d olarak i\u015faret edilmekteydi.<\/p>\n

    \u201cBar\u0131\u015f ve Demokratik Toplum \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d, uluslararas\u0131 ve b\u00f6lgesel geli\u015fmelerle ba\u011fl\u0131 \u201cd\u0131\u015f tehditler<\/em>\u201din \u00d6calan ve K\u00fcrt hareketince de dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6stergesi oldu. 27 \u015eubat 2025 g\u00fcn\u00fc DEM Parti\u2019nin \u201c\u0130mral\u0131 Heyeti<\/em>\u201d taraf\u0131ndan \u0130stanbul\u2019da okunarak kamuoyuna a\u00e7\u0131klanan \u00d6calan \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 takiben ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler ve \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n etkenleriyle i\u00e7eri\u011fi \u00fczerine destekleyici veya tam kar\u015f\u0131dan sald\u0131r\u0131y\u0131 i\u00e7eren<\/em> a\u00e7\u0131klamalar, \u2018ama\u00e7sal farkl\u0131l\u0131k\u2019lar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, \u201cyeni bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm s\u00fcreci<\/em>\u201d beklentisini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirici i\u015flev g\u00f6rd\u00fc. PKK, KCK ve DEM Parti y\u00f6netimleri ad\u0131na yap\u0131lan a\u00e7\u0131klamalarda da iktidar s\u00f6zc\u00fclerinin \u2018d\u0131\u015f tehdit\u2019 i\u015faretine paralel vurgular vard\u0131. B\u00f6lgesel ve uluslararas\u0131 geli\u015fmelere, \u00f6zel olarak da Suriye ve \u0130ran\u2019daki olaylar\u0131n \u2018ak\u0131\u015f y\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019ne i\u015faret edilerek K\u00fcrt sorununa ili\u015fkin politikan\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmesi gerekti\u011fi belirtiliyor, \u201csilahlar\u0131n devre d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131 ve bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn tehlikeye at\u0131lmamas\u0131<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7in \u201cdemokratik siyaset ve hukuki boyutun tan\u0131nmas\u0131\u201d; \u201cdemokratik entegrasyon ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d\u00a0ve \u00d6calan\u2019a \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcr \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d isteniyordu. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131lar, DEM Parti ve PKK\u2019nin siyasal-ideolojik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel etkisi alan\u0131nda yer alan geni\u015f kitle i\u00e7inde ise beklenti-ku\u015fku-umut kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 bir siyasal duyarl\u0131l\u0131kla <\/em>kar\u015f\u0131land\u0131.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131lar y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki ilk geli\u015fme silah b\u0131rakman\u0131n ilk etab\u0131 oldu. Heyetler gitti-geldi-g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc-yeniden gitti-yeniden geldi ve sonu\u00e7ta \u201chukuki a\u00e7\u0131dan yap\u0131labileceklerin belirlenmesi i\u00e7in<\/em>\u201d bir Meclis Komisyonu olu\u015fturuldu. Bu \u201cyeni ad\u0131m<\/em>\u201dla birlikte beklentiler daha da g\u00fc\u00e7lendi.<\/p>\n

    Art\u0131k bar\u0131\u015f kavram\u0131 vurgulu \u201cyeni bir s\u00fcre\u00e7\u201d merkezli konu\u015fuluyor. Kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kanlar oldu\u011fu gibi, ihtiyatla yakla\u015f\u0131p ko\u015fullu destek veren burjuva partileri de bulunuyor. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bir K\u00fcrt sorunu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iman eden \u015foven milliyet\u00e7i \u00e7evrelerle sermaye bas\u0131n\u0131nda g\u00f6revli kontrgerilla tetik\u00e7ileri, tam kar\u015f\u0131da konumlanm\u0131\u015f m\u00fcfrezeler halinde bir tepki hareketi \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. \u0130Y\u0130 Parti ve Zafer Partisi y\u00f6netimleri, baz\u0131 emekli generaller ve \u015fovenist yazarlar bu \u00e7izgide konumlanm\u0131\u015f durumda. CHP y\u00f6netimi ise, \u201con binlerce cana mal olan, a\u011f\u0131r ekonomik ve toplumsal tahribat yaratan ter\u00f6r\u00fcn ilelebet sonlanmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7in \u201c\u00e7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n gereklerinin muhataplar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan yerine getirilmesi<\/em>\u201dni ve \u201cE\u015fit yurtta\u015fl\u0131k temelinde herkesin bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin hep birlikte in\u015fa edilmesi<\/em>\u201dni istedi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131 ve Meclis Komisyonu\u2019na da \u00fcye verdi.[4]<\/a><\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n Perspektif Metni Hangi Politikay\u0131 \u0130\u00e7eriyor? <\/strong><\/p>\n

    \u201c52 y\u0131l 1 ay 4 g\u00fcn \u00f6nce \u2018K\u00fcrdistan S\u00f6m\u00fcrgedir\u2019 diyerek yola \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131m<\/em>\u201d diyen Abdullah \u00d6calan, gelinen yerde K\u00fcrt ve K\u00fcrdistan ger\u00e7ekli\u011finin kabul edildi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrmekte, bunun da \u201cyeni bir perspektif ihtiyac\u0131\u201dn\u0131 do\u011furdu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

    \u201cBizim yeni d\u00f6nem perspektifimiz demokratik ulus, eko-ekonomi ve kom\u00fcnalizm temelinde toplumun yeniden in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diyor \u00d6calan ve ulus devlet fikri ve hedefini ters y\u00fcz edip yerine \u201cdemokratik ulus\u201d<\/em> kavram\u0131n\u0131 ikame etti\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. \u201cBiz –<\/em>diyor \u00d6calan- Modernitenin sacayaklar\u0131 olan ulus-devlet yerine demokratik ulus, kapitalizm yerine kom\u00fcn-kom\u00fcnalite, end\u00fcstriyalizm yerine eko-ekonomi analizlerini geli\u015ftirdik. Bu \u00fc\u00e7 alan analizinin ili\u015fkiselli\u011finden olu\u015fturdu\u011fumuz \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc toplum sistemimizi Demokratik Modernite olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131k, yaz\u0131l\u0131 hale getirdik ve \u00f6nemli toplumsal bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k buldu\u011funu g\u00f6rd\u00fck.<\/em>\u201d \u201cDemokratik toplum bu d\u00f6nemin siyasi program\u0131d\u0131r. Devleti hedeflemez. Demokratik toplumun siyaseti demokratik siyasettir. Kom\u00fcn\u00fcn kendisi de demokratik kom\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bunlar\u0131n birbirinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 do\u011fru olmaz. Kom\u00fcn toplumu demokratiktir. G\u00fcncel topluma demokratik toplum demek gerekir. Demokratik sosyalizm de demokratik toplumculuk anlam\u0131na gelir. Devletin nas\u0131l bir tarihi varsa kom\u00fcn\u00fcn de bir tarihi vard\u0131r\u2026 Halklar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr ya\u015fam\u0131 kom\u00fcnle m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/em>\u201d[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cyeni perspektif<\/em>\u201d metni, ideolojik arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131 ve tarihsel s\u00fcrece ili\u015fkin politikalar\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnden sorunludur. Ekonomik sosyal olgular ve toplumsal ili\u015fkiler onun metninde \u201czihniyet<\/em>\u201de ba\u011fl\u0131 ve tek yanl\u0131 olarak indirgenmi\u015ftir. K\u0131rk y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcre \u00f6nce \u201cS\u00f6m\u00fcrge K\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131yla gerilla harbi ba\u015flatan, \u201890\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda ulusal devlet kuruculu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden vazge\u00e7en, sonraki y\u0131llarda Murray Boockhin\u2019den devralarak \u00f6zerk beledi y\u00f6netimlerin konfederal birli\u011fiyle kom\u00fcnal toplum kurulumu projesine ge\u00e7i\u015f yapan \u00d6calan, 2025\u2019in ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda ilan etti\u011fi \u201cyeni d\u00f6nem perspektifi<\/em>\u201dnde, bu istem ve hedeflerin art\u0131k tarihsel toplum sosyolojisine ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. Stratejik \u00f6nem atfetti\u011fi politika de\u011fi\u015fimini \u201c\u00fclkede kimlik inkar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cifade \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde sa\u011flanan geli\u015fmeler<\/em>\u201dle de gerek\u00e7elendiren \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131 do\u011frulayacak ve destekleyecek bir de\u011fi\u015fim ve geli\u015fme oysa hen\u00fcz s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. \u201cDemokratik siyaset alan\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201dna ili\u015fkin beklentiler devlet y\u00f6netimi cephesinden \u201cTer\u00f6rs\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye!<\/em>\u201d hedefiyle ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f hukuki-yasal baz\u0131<\/em> d\u00fczenlemeler<\/em>le yan\u0131tlanacak gibidir. Ancak, devlet y\u00f6neticileri \u201cK\u00fcrt sorunu diye bir sorun yoktur<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemini s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyorlar. Ulusal kimlik ink\u00e2r\u0131 devam ediyor. K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve kolektif ulusal haklar\u0131 tan\u0131nm\u0131yor. Kayy\u0131mlar i\u015fba\u015f\u0131nda, halk\u0131n se\u00e7ti\u011fi belediye y\u00f6neticilerinden baz\u0131lar\u0131 zindandad\u0131r. Sorun ter\u00f6rle \u00f6zde\u015f g\u00f6steriliyor ve bu da K\u00fcrt m\u00fccadelesinde yer alanlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra K\u00fcrt halk kitleleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan endi\u015fe nedenidir. \u201cGerilla harbi<\/em>\u201dnin \u00f6n saflar\u0131nda yer almakla kalmay\u0131p siyasal-ideolojik misyon \u00fcstlenmi\u015f olanlardan baz\u0131lar\u0131 bu kayg\u0131y\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurdular. \u201c\u0130\u00e7 cephenin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 ve politikas\u0131, devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r<\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan ise, \u201c1000 y\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fan tarihler boyunca T\u00fcrkler ve K\u00fcrtler<\/em>\u201din \u201chegemonik g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 ayakta kalmak i\u00e7in<\/em>\u201d ittifak i\u00e7inde kalmay\u0131 zorunlu g\u00f6rd\u00fcklerini belirtiyor, \u201ckapitalist modernitenin<\/em> 200 y\u0131ld\u0131r bu ittifak\u0131 par\u00e7alamay\u0131 esas gaye edindi\u011fini<\/em>\u201d ileri s\u00fcrerek, \u201cg\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde esas g\u00f6rev<\/em>\u201din bu \u201ctarihsel ili\u015fkiyi, karde\u015flik ruhu i\u00e7inde yeniden d\u00fczenlemek<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

    Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n, Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fu sonras\u0131nda izlenen politikan\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret etmek \u00fczere K\u00fcrt mirleri-beylerinin Sel\u00e7uklu Sultan\u0131 Alparslan\u2019la Bizans\u2019a, Yavuz ile \u0130drisi Bitlisi\u2019nin \u015eah \u0130smail ve \u015eiilere-Alevilere kar\u015f\u0131 ittifak\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rnek g\u00f6stererek \u00f6nerdi\u011fi \u201cT\u00fcrk-K\u00fcrt tarihsel ittifak\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n yenilenmesidir.<\/p>\n

    Bu ittifaklar oysa, K\u00fcrt halk kitlelerinin ba\u015f\u0131 \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. \u00d6calan, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve iddias\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7eren ittifak \u00f6nerisini -Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n buna Araplar\u0131 da katmas\u0131 i\u015fin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirmez- aksine, \u201ci\u00e7 cephenin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na yan\u0131t kapsam\u0131nda g\u00fcndeme getirmi\u015ftir. Sorun, \u201cbir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201dn\u0131n heba edilemez olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi; PKK, DEM Parti ya da ba\u015fkas\u0131 olsun K\u00fcrt politik hareketi ad\u0131na Erdo\u011fan-Bah\u00e7eli y\u00f6netimiyle \u201cpazarl\u0131k yap\u0131lmas\u0131\u201d de\u011fildir. Sonu olmayan sava\u015f yoktur. Soru ve sorun, \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n halk kitleleri yarar\u0131na de\u011fi\u015fime yol a\u00e7\u0131p -a\u00e7mayaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu ise, di\u011fer unsurlar\u0131 sakl\u0131 tutulmak kayd\u0131yla PKK gibi \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na yol a\u00e7an neden ve etkenlerin mevcut durumda i\u015flevli olmaya devam edip etmedi\u011fiyle ko\u015fulludur.<\/p>\n

    Nitekim \u00d6calan, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen ve ezilen halk kitlelerini zapturapt alt\u0131nda tutan, K\u00fcrtlerin ulusal demokratik talepleri ve haklar\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mayan devletle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmekten de s\u00f6z etmektedir. Emperyalizm ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 tekelci burjuvazinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ncelikli alan politikalar\u0131yla T\u00fcrk burjuva ulus devletiyle \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d sa\u011flanarak kurulaca\u011f\u0131 iddia edilen \u201cdemokratik ulus-demokratik toplum<\/em>\u201d, bu durumda ancak burjuva karakterde bir toplum olabilecektir. \u201cDemokratik toplum\u201d projesinin gidip ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerdir bu!<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u2018Manifesto\u2019su Kapitalizme \u0130\u00e7seldir<\/strong><\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cK\u00fcrt varl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ve sorunsall\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bir d\u00f6nemin sonu, yeni d\u00f6nemin e\u015fi\u011finde olmak<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan 27 Nisan 2025 tarihli \u201cperspektif metin<\/em>\u201dde ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, kendisi ve \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nde gelenleri taraf\u0131ndan \u201cyeni bir manifesto<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelendi. \u201cBar\u0131\u015f ve Demokratik Toplum Manifestosu<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131yla kitapla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan ve \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cDemokratik Modernite\u201d <\/em>olarak adland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplum tasar\u0131m\u0131nda ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, \u201890\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren \u201cekolojik demokratik toplum<\/em>\u201d ve \u201ckonfederal kom\u00fcnalizm<\/em>\u201d form\u00fclasyonlar\u0131 arac\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin \u00f6z\u00fcyle yinelenmesinden ibarettir. Abdullah \u00d6calan, anar\u015fist teorisyenlerle postmodern liberal demokrat yazarlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin bir karma\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 Marksizm-Leninizm\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcncele ta\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

    \u201cReel sosyalizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/em>\u201dn\u00fcn bunal\u0131ma d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrecek \u015fekilde a\u011f\u0131r etkisinde kald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyerek yeni bir ideolojik-politik yo\u011funla\u015fmaya y\u00f6neldi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyen \u00d6calan, kom\u00fcnist ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin tekelci burjuvazinin ve uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131yla geriye at\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 veri alarak ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, materyalist tarih g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc ve Marksist-Leninist teoriyi \u201csorgulama<\/em>\u201d vesilesi k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n, modern revizyonist -b\u00fcrokrat burjuva y\u00f6netimlerin ekonomik-sosyal politikalar\u0131n\u0131 sosyalist teori ve prati\u011fi \u201ctest etmesi<\/em>\u201d katalo\u011fu olarak kullan\u0131rken vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi teorisinin ve ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn devrimle y\u0131k\u0131larak proletaryan\u0131n kendi devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kurmas\u0131n\u0131n \u201cyanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r!<\/p>\n

    Bu y\u00f6ntem g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dek \u00e7ok say\u0131da politikac\u0131, yazar ve teorisyen taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclegeldi. Marx ve Engels\u2019in kapitalizm analizini determinist-ekonomist ilan edenler, ulusal sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcne dair g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini yanl\u0131\u015f ya da eksik bulanlar; do\u011fan\u0131n ve ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131n\u0131n artan \u015fekilde tahribine kar\u015f\u0131 teorik irdelemelerini ve kad\u0131n sorununa getirdikleri a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 yetersiz g\u00f6renler, bu geni\u015f zaman i\u00e7inde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketi ve sosyalist \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerin d\u00fczeyi ile de ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 ya daha fazla yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131lar ya da bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde geri \u00e7ekilmek zorunda kald\u0131lar. Marksizm-Leninizm\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 reddiyelerin ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00f6zelli\u011fi, kapitalist toplumun yirmi ve yirmi birinci y\u00fczy\u0131l ger\u00e7ekli\u011finde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131k ve m\u00fccadele ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra tarihsel devrimci misyonunun da teknolojik geli\u015fme ve toplumsal \u00e7e\u015fitlilik nedenli olarak ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. Marx\u2019\u0131n -diyorlard\u0131 tarih tezi ve s\u0131n\u0131f teorisi ge\u00e7ersizle\u015fmi\u015ftir!<\/p>\n

    Abdullah \u00d6calan o gelene\u011fi s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor: \u201cMarx <\/em>-diyor \u00d6calan- alt yap\u0131 \u00fcst yap\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f temelli bir analizle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kald\u0131. Ba\u015f ayak derken Hegel\u2019in bile gerisine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Engels biraz tamamlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u2018Ailenin, \u00d6zel M\u00fclkiyetin ve Devletin K\u00f6keni\u2019, \u2018Do\u011fan\u0131n Diyalekti\u011fi\u2019, \u2018Tarihte Zorun Rol\u00fc\u2019 konular\u0131na e\u011fildi ama yetmedi. Lenin politika ve devlet analizi alanlar\u0131nda tamamlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131 o da tam ba\u015faramad\u0131. Mao bu teoriyi s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelelerine uyarlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kald\u0131. B\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc bir sistem analizi ve alternatif \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm geli\u015ftirebilirdi, eksik kald\u0131.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan bu \u201ceksik<\/em>\u201d, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cyanl\u0131\u015f<\/em>\u201d teorinin kendisi taraf\u0131ndan a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. Yerine de de\u011fil ger\u00e7ekte kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda olmak \u00fczere ikame etmek istedi\u011fi alternatif projesi \u201cDemokratik Modernite<\/em>\u201ddir. \u201cUlus devlet yerine demokratik ulus, kapitalizm yerine kom\u00fcn kom\u00fcnalite, end\u00fcstriyalizm yerine eko ekonomi<\/em>\u201dyi ikame etme iddias\u0131yla projesini \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc toplum sistemi<\/em>\u201d olarak niteliyor. Projesinin alt ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131 da var: \u201c\u00d6rne\u011fin kom\u00fcnalitenin \u00f6nemli bir par\u00e7as\u0131 kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Yan\u0131 s\u0131ra politika, etik (ahlak) vb. s\u0131ralanabilir. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 bi\u00e7imde ele alaca\u011f\u0131z, i\u015fleyece\u011fiz. Bu sistemin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc Demokratik Modernite olarak tan\u0131mlamak doyurucudur<\/em>\u201d diye, kendini onaylayarak kesinliyor.<\/p>\n

    Tarihin, \u201cbir devlet ve kom\u00fcn \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndan ibaret<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndaki \u00d6calan, \u201cTarihsel materyalizm<\/em> -diyor- s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131 yerine \u2018kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019 ikame etmeli<\/em>\u201ddir. \u201cS\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na dayal\u0131 tarihsel materyalizm ve sosyalizm tan\u0131m\u0131 yerine, devlet ve kom\u00fcn ikilemine dayal\u0131 bir tarihsel materyalizm ve sosyalizm alternatifi<\/em>\u201d daha do\u011frudur! Ona g\u00f6re, \u201cMarksizmin bu s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131m\u0131na dayal\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma teorisi reel sosyalizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ana nedenidir. Ele\u015ftirmeye bile gerek yoktur. Ama nedenlerinin ba\u015f\u0131nda bu s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131m\u0131na dayal\u0131 sosyolojiyi in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 gelir.<\/em>\u201d[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

    \u201cKom\u00fcn\u00fcn devlet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ifade bulmas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 istediklerini belirten \u00d6calan, \u201culus devlet\u00e7ilik dilini terk ediyoruz, ulus devlet\u00e7ili\u011fe dayal\u0131 kavramlar\u0131 terk ediyor, kom\u00fcne dayal\u0131 etik ve politik kavramlar\u0131 esas al\u0131yoruz. Ahlaki politik toplum dedik ama bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fen kom\u00fcn\u00fcn ad\u0131d\u0131r. Etik ve politik bir \u015feydir, hukuki bile de\u011fil. Hukuk var i\u015fte, geli\u015fecektir, belediye kanunu. Yasada ifade bulmas\u0131n\u0131 isteyece\u011fimiz bir \u015fart ve ilkemiz olacak. Bunun daha bilimsel ifadesi kom\u00fcn \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Biz kom\u00fcnalist olaca\u011f\u0131z bundan sonra. S\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131 yerine kom\u00fcn\u00fc yerle\u015ftirmek \u00e7ok daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131, \u00e7ok daha bilimsel. Belediyeler hala kom\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bizde de kom var<\/em>\u201d demektedir.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u2018manifesto\u2019sundaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, ba\u015fl\u0131ca politik arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131 ve ideolojik gerek\u00e7eleriyle tek yanl\u0131 bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. Onun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde Proudhon ve Kropotkin\u2019den Faocault, Hardt-Negri, Boockhin-Wallerstein, Laclau ve A. Badiou\u2019ya \u00e7ok say\u0131da Marksizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve ele\u015ftirmeni ideolo\u011fun g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve iddialar\u0131, eklektik \u015fekilde bir aradad\u0131r. Marksizm\u2019e ve modern materyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00f6yleminde bir araya getirilen ret\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler liberal demokratizm, postmodernizm, eskil anar\u015fizm kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u2018\u00e7e\u015fitlilik\u2019 g\u00f6stermektedir. Nedensellik, gerekirlilik ve olas\u0131l\u0131k diyalekti\u011fi \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131nda tek yanl\u0131 olarak indirgenmi\u015ftir.<\/em><\/p>\n

    Ana ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131yla g\u00f6rmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fal\u0131m.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

      \n
    1. \u00d6calan Belirsizliklerle Malul Felsefi D\u00fcalizmi Savunuyor<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

      Marx\u2019\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplum tarihine ve tarihi \u00f6nemdeki de\u011fi\u015fimlerde belirleyici i\u015flev g\u00f6ren \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalara ili\u015fkin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini sorun-\u00e7eli\u015fki-m\u00fccadele diyalekti\u011fini mu\u011flakla\u015ft\u0131ran bir yakla\u015f\u0131m<\/em>la ele alan \u00d6calan, materyalist d\u00fcnya-toplum anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 tek yanl\u0131 yoruma tabi tutuyor. Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cen temel hatas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n toplumsal geli\u015fme yasalar\u0131ndan s\u00f6z etmesi oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcren \u00d6calan, Marx\u2019\u0131 Darwin\u2019in biyolojik evrim g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc benimsemekle su\u00e7larken zihinsel yarat\u0131c\u0131 g\u00fcce ba\u015f vuruyor ve do\u011fada da toplumda da yasalar\u0131n de\u011fil \u201ce\u011filimler<\/em>\u201din oldu\u011funa h\u00fckmediyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc diyor \u00d6calan, \u201cinsan zihninde kat\u0131 yasalar yoktur, e\u011filimler ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler vard\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[7]<\/a> Zihin b\u00f6ylece belirleyici oluyor! Ona g\u00f6re, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce de zaten \u201cmadde \u00f6tesidir<\/em>\u201d! \u201cFoto\u011fraf\u0131 \u00e7ekilemez, ispatlanamaz.<\/em>\u201d Oradan kuantum teorisine ge\u00e7i\u015f yap\u0131yor ve enerjinin par\u00e7aya, par\u00e7an\u0131n enerjiye durmadan d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesinden s\u00f6z ederek \u00e7e\u015fitlilik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne dayanak g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n

      Do\u011fa bilimleri ve felsefi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin senteziyle vard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yledi\u011fi sonu\u00e7lar bahsinde Hegel-Marx k\u0131yaslamas\u0131na da ba\u015fvuran \u00d6calan, demek ki diyor, \u201cMateryalizm ya da idealizm diye dondurmak do\u011fru de\u011fildir. Bu ikilem yanl\u0131\u015fa g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr, g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcyor.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

      Materyalist d\u00fcnya-toplum g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc Marksist s\u0131n\u0131f teorisi merkezli indirgemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken \u00d6calan, d\u00fcalist anlay\u0131\u015fla hareket ediyor. Materyalist felsefi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f varl\u0131k-d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ili\u015fkisine, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ncel alarak getirdi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131klamayla idealizmden ayr\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Modern materyalist d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde ve Marx\u2019\u0131n kuram\u0131nda tarihin yap\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6znesi insand\u0131r. \u0130nsanal tarih insanla ba\u015flar ve s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla birlikte s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerine sahne olur. Engels\u2019in d\u00fczeltici notu de\u011fil sadece, Marx\u2019\u0131n t\u00fcm k\u00fclliyat\u0131nda bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f temel hareket noktas\u0131 olarak yer al\u0131r. Do\u011fa tarihinden farkl\u0131 olarak insan tarihi bu bak\u0131mdan ne s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n olu\u015fumuyla ba\u015flar ne de s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplumla birlikte sona erer. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri tarihi vurgusu<\/em>, s\u00f6m\u00fcren-s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 veri al\u0131r ve bu ayr\u0131mla ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n evrimini i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n

      Diyalektik ve idealist felsefi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler aras\u0131nda birinden birinin \u201cmutlak do\u011fru oldu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d \u015feklinde belirleme yap\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrerek belirlenemezlik benzeri kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler a\u00e7\u0131klayan \u00d6calan, Marx\u2019\u0131n varl\u0131k-d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme (d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce) ili\u015fkisinde, nesnel varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ncel almas\u0131na, \u201cmutlak do\u011frunun olamayaca\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d gerek\u00e7esiyle mesafe koyup kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Orada durmuyor, ama idealist felsefi anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n do\u011fru olabilece\u011fi imas\u0131n\u0131 da d\u0131\u015flam\u0131yor. \u201cMutlak do\u011fru<\/em>\u201d \u00f6nermesi veya iddias\u0131, Marksistler taraf\u0131ndan reddedilmi\u015ftir ve diyalektik materyalizmin temel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kavrayan herkes bunu bilir.<\/p>\n

      \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n anlat\u0131s\u0131nda diyalektik mistisizme b\u00fcr\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Do\u011fa ve insan toplumu tarihine, toplumsal ili\u015fkilere, varl\u0131k-d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ba\u011flam\u0131na, kad\u0131n-erkek cinsleri aras\u0131 ili\u015fki ve \u00e7eli\u015fkiye, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131-olu\u015fumu ve m\u00fccadelesine ve bunun sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na dair varg\u0131lar\u0131 tek yanl\u0131l\u0131kla maluld\u00fcr. Kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n bir aradal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve m\u00fccadelesi, birbirleri dolay\u0131m\u0131nda varl\u0131k g\u00f6stermeleri ve i\u015flevli olmalar\u0131; \u00f6rne\u011fin kapitalizmin oldu\u011fu yerde proletaryan\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u00fcr\u00fcnden olgusal ger\u00e7eklikler onun d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesinde belirsizle\u015firler. Varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ncel ald\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini belirleyici g\u00f6stermekte, \u00f6nemli olan\u0131n zihniyet oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemekte, K\u00fcrt halk\u0131na zihinsel ve ahlaki devrimi \u00f6nermektedir.<\/p>\n

      \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

        \n
      1. Marx\u2019\u0131 K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseme mi, Anlamama m\u0131?<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

        Abdullah \u00d6calan, Marx\u2019\u0131n eserinin \u201caltyap\u0131-\u00fcstyap\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f temelli bir analizle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131\u201d<\/em> kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u201cMarksist ekonomi-politik fena halde burjuva ekonomidir<\/em>\u201d diyen \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re, \u201cMarksistler proleterlerin yeniden fethedilmi\u015f k\u00f6le oldu\u011funu g\u00f6rmemi\u015fler<\/em>\u201d ve \u2018\u00f6zg\u00fcr i\u015f\u00e7i\u2019 safsatas\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015flerdir.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

        \u00d6calan, Marx\u2019\u0131n sermaye analizini, \u201ct\u00fcm sorunlar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131 kastik yap\u0131<\/em>\u201dy\u0131 \u00f6rtmeye y\u00f6nelik, \u00e7eli\u015fkileri a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurma ad\u0131na \u201ctarihsel ger\u00e7e\u011fi \u00f6rtbas etme<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6stergesi sayar, \u201cben bu kan\u0131day\u0131m<\/em>\u201d der ve i\u015fi bitirir! O, Marx\u2019\u0131n kapitalist toplumsal sistemin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini \u00fcretim tarz\u0131n\u0131n karakteristik temel \u00f6zellikleri arac\u0131yla g\u00f6stermesini \u201cpolitikadan soyutlayarak anlatma<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6stermekte ve bu tek yanl\u0131 indirgemeci yorumdan hareketle \u201cezilenlere yap\u0131lan bir k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelemektedir.[9]<\/a> \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re Marx, \u201ckapitalizmi bilimselle\u015ftir<\/em>\u201dmi\u015f, teknik ve bilimsel geli\u015fmeleri burjuvaziyle ili\u015fkilendirmi\u015f, \u201c\u00f6zelde de ‘s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131’, ‘art\u0131k de\u011feri’ bilim diyerek<\/em>\u201d hem de bilimsellik ad\u0131na ve \u0130ngiliz ekonomi politi\u011finin tuza\u011f\u0131na d\u00fc\u015ferek \u201cbir korsan\u0131 bir katili bir nevi \u00f6rtbas<\/em>\u201d etmi\u015ftir![10]<\/a> Marx\u2019\u0131n kapitalist geli\u015fmeyi tarihsel bak\u0131mdan \u201cilerici, b\u00fcy\u00fck geli\u015fme<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6stererek kapitalizmin ekonomiyi, tekni\u011fi geli\u015ftirdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyerek yanl\u0131\u015f yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131ndaki \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re, o, bunu yapaca\u011f\u0131na \u201ckatile katil demeli<\/em>\u201dymi\u015f!<\/p>\n

        Dememi\u015f mi diye sormaya gerek yok.<\/p>\n

        Marx diyor \u00d6calan, sadece “kapitalist toplum<\/em>” diye bir kavram \u00fcretti; “ekonomik altyap\u0131<\/em>“, “ideolojik \u00fcstyap\u0131<\/em>\u201d diye b\u00f6l\u00fcmledi. Bu \u015fekilde \u201ckapitalizmi allay\u0131p-pullay\u0131p ilerici bir a\u015fama olarak \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze koydu.<\/em>\u201d Ona g\u00f6re, kapitalist toplum demek bile yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cBunu da Marx ba\u015f\u0131m\u0131za bela etti<\/em>\u201d diyor. \u201c\u015eimdi bak\u0131yorum da <\/em>-diyor- asl\u0131nda tarihsel toplum kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan yok edilmi\u015ftir. Yok edilen \u015feye nas\u0131l kapitalist diyor? Bu da Marksizmin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ve \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn en \u00f6nemli nedeni. Gerek soyk\u0131r\u0131m, gerek sava\u015flar, gerek \u00e7evre felaketleri, gerek kanser gibi kentler kapitalizmle ili\u015fkilidir.<\/em>\u201d[11]<\/a> Marx\u2019\u0131n analizini tek yanl\u0131 indirgemeci bir mant\u0131kla yorumlama \u00e7abas\u0131nda olan \u00d6calan, Marx, diyor \u201ckapitalizmi k\u00f6t\u00fcledi, bir s\u00fcr\u00fc canavarl\u0131k atfetti ama sonu\u00e7ta \u2018ileri bir \u00e7a\u011fd\u0131r\u2019 dedi.<\/em>\u201d O diyor, \u201cKapitalizm en ileri toplumsal a\u015famad\u0131r, hatta bu a\u015fama ya\u015fanmadan sosyalizm olmaz<\/em>\u201d diyen ki\u015fidir.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n

        Bunu diyor, ama ard\u0131ndan da \u201cMarx \u00e7ok ciddi bir kar\u015f\u0131 koyu\u015fu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi asl\u0131nda. Kapital’e bu g\u00f6zle bakmak gerekiyor<\/em>\u201d de diyor.[13]<\/a> Okur, kimin kafas\u0131n\u0131n kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k oldu\u011fu konusunda bir yarg\u0131da bulunacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

        \u201cMarx\u2019\u0131n hatas\u0131<\/em> -diyor \u00d6calan- modernite ile kapitalizmi kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re modernite e\u015fittir kapitalizmdir. Marx’taki en temel yetmezlik, kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, ikisinin aras\u0131nda ayr\u0131m yapamamas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[14]<\/a><\/p>\n

        Bu iddialar formel mant\u0131k \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr: Kapitalizm ile modernite aras\u0131nda varsay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddia edilen e\u015fitlik ili\u015fkisi Marx\u2019\u0131n hi\u00e7bir c\u00fcmlesinde yer almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, bu ima da edilmemi\u015ftir. K\u00f6lelikten ve serflik d\u00fczeninden farkl\u0131 olarak kapitalizmde \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin konumu-i\u015flevi, \u00fcretimin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak insan ili\u015fkilerindeki de\u011fi\u015fim tarihsel bak\u0131mdan bir ilerlemedir. \u00d6calan bunu, kapitalizm kaynakl\u0131 k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fckleri veri alarak yok say\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

        Marksist ekonomi politi\u011fin \u201cfena halde burjuva ekonomisi<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu iddia ve yarg\u0131s\u0131, Kapital<\/em>\u2019in kapitalist \u00fcretim tarz\u0131 ve \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin analiziyle burjuva ekonomi politi\u011fin ele\u015ftirisini <\/em>i\u00e7eren bir eser oldu\u011funu bilen herkes a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bo\u015flu\u011fa d\u00fc\u015fer. Kapital<\/em>\u2019in haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u201cEkonomi Politi\u011fin Ele\u015ftirisine Katk\u0131\u201d<\/em> ismi ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 da Marksizm okurlar\u0131n\u0131n bilgisi dahilindedir. \u0130kinci olarak Marx, bu analizinde, emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesiyle art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretiminin nas\u0131l ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ile kapitalist aras\u0131nda \u00fccret-k\u00e2r m\u00fccadelesine yol a\u00e7an, kapitalistin i\u015f\u00e7iye daha fazla art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcrettirme d\u00fcrt\u00fcs\u00fc-g\u00fcd\u00fcs\u00fc-\u00e7abas\u0131d\u0131r. Proletaryan\u0131n anti kapitalist m\u00fccadelesinin hedefi ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00fccret k\u00f6leli\u011fi sistemine son vermektir. Bu iki s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n birbirinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla var olmalar\u0131, ili\u015fkinin do\u011fas\u0131 (z\u0131tlar\u0131n birli\u011fi ve m\u00fccadelesi) gere\u011fidir. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, Marx\u2019\u0131n, kapitalist-burjuva toplumu analize meta ve \u00fcretimiyle ba\u015flamas\u0131, \u00fcretim tarz\u0131yla \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin niteli\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131karmas\u0131, bu ili\u015fkinin en geli\u015fmi\u015f bi\u00e7iminin ayd\u0131nlat\u0131lmas\u0131yla daha geri bi\u00e7imlerinin de anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r hale gelece\u011fini g\u00f6stermesi metodik ve bilimsel olarak do\u011fru oland\u0131r. Marx bu analiz arac\u0131yla kendisi de pazarda al\u0131n\u0131p sat\u0131lan bir meta i\u015flevi g\u00f6ren emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kapitalist kullan\u0131m\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirdi. Marx\u2019\u0131n emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne sahip i\u015f\u00e7iden s\u00f6z etmesini ya bilerek ya da fark\u0131na varmaks\u0131z\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015f yorumlayan \u00d6calan, bu bir yana onun modern k\u00f6le oldu\u011funa i\u015faret eden vurgular\u0131 olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, Marx\u2019\u0131, proleterin \u00f6zg\u00fcr oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemekle de su\u00e7lar.<\/p>\n

        Marx\u2019\u0131n analizinin kapitalizme yarad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia eden \u00d6calan, kapitalist piyasada en \u00fcsttekilerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve rant ekonomisinden en fazla yararlananlar olmas\u0131n\u0131, yani kapitalist piyasay\u0131 onlar\u0131n kontrol etmesini gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6stererek ve farkl\u0131 kategorilerden burjuva-k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva kesimlerin olmas\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faretle kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin genel karakteristi\u011fini atlamaktad\u0131r. Kapitalist \u00fcretim k\u00e2r i\u00e7in \u00fcretimdir. \u00dcretilenler pazara s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr ve piyasa olu\u015fumu ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Kapitalizmde b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm aldat\u0131dan ibarettir. \u00d6deme yapmayan t\u00fcketemez. Bu durum \u00fcretilenin t\u00fcketime s\u00fcr\u00fclmesiyle bir piyasan\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131 sosyalizmin iktisadi toplumsal yap\u0131s\u0131ndan nitelik olarak farkl\u0131d\u0131r ve \u00d6calan bunu ge\u00e7i\u015ftirir.<\/p>\n

        Kapital<\/em> ciltlerini yeterince inceleyemedi\u011fini de belirten \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n Marx-Engels taraf\u0131ndan tekellerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131yla birlikte kapitalist ekonomik sistemde yeni bir d\u00f6neme yol al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 (anonim \u015firketlerin kurulu\u015fu, tekellerin olu\u015fumu, tr\u00f6stler vb.) i\u015faret etmi\u015f olmalar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zetmeksizin yarg\u0131lamaya giri\u015fti\u011fi varsay\u0131labilir. Ama bu yine de do\u011fru olmaz. O, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, d\u00f6n\u00fcp dola\u015f\u0131p s\u00f6z\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcne getirerek bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc mahk\u00fbm etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re Marx, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 da tarihsel ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe oturtamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d Mesela nedir bu “art\u0131k de\u011fer<\/em>“, “\u00fccret, rant<\/em>\u201d vb.? Bunlar \u0130ngiliz ekonomi politi\u011finin icatlar\u0131. \u201cBurada sorun yap\u0131lan, gasp\u0131, tecav\u00fcz\u00fc, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc bilimsel kavramlarla me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmad\u0131r<\/em>\u201d demektedir.[15]<\/a><\/p>\n

        Nedir peki \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n art\u0131-de\u011fer, \u00fccret, rant a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131? Sormak ve aramak gerekmez, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc yoktur. Yoktur ama o, yine de \u201cMarx’\u0131n da a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 yol kapitale yarad\u0131. Yani Kapital, kapitale yarad\u0131. Kapital ger\u00e7ekten kapital oldu. Hem de Marx\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona kom\u00fcnizm \u00fctopyas\u0131 \u00fczerinden<\/em>\u201d diye, mutlak\u00e7\u0131 kestirmelerde bulunmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmaz.<\/p>\n

         <\/p>\n

          \n
        1. S\u0131n\u0131f S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc \u00d6rten Kad\u0131n Merkezli Tarih G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

          \u201cMarx s\u0131n\u0131flarla ba\u015flat\u0131r tarihi. Oysa sorunsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fla de\u011fil, kad\u0131n toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131 etraf\u0131nda geli\u015fir. Bilebildi\u011fimiz kadar\u0131yla bu sorunsall\u0131k da uygarl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7lan\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diye yazan \u00d6calan, toplumsal formasyonlar\u0131n \u201ckad\u0131n\u0131n k\u00f6leli\u011fi etraf\u0131nda<\/em>\u201d \u015fekillendi\u011fi iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. Marx -diyor- bunu s\u0131n\u0131fsalla\u015fmaya ba\u011flar, oysa buna hi\u00e7 gerek yoktur. Kad\u0131n\u0131n \u201cetraf\u0131nda bir bitki toplumu, bir besin art\u0131r\u0131m\u0131<\/em>\u201d olana\u011f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve erke\u011fin \u201cbuna g\u00f6z dik(mesi)<\/em>\u201dyle, yani hem besine hem de kad\u0131na el koymas\u0131yla tarihsel hik\u00e2ye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r!<\/p>\n

          \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re tarih \u201ceril-di\u015fil cinsler aras\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma<\/em>\u201ddan ibarettir. O, \u201c300 milyon y\u0131l \u00f6ncesine<\/em>\u201d tarihleyerek anaerkillikten ataerkilli\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015fin maddi dayanaklar\u0131n\u0131 kendisinin a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturdu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re sosyalist teori olu\u015fturucular\u0131 kad\u0131n\u0131 eve kapatm\u0131\u015f ve \u201cm\u00fclkle\u015ftirmi\u015f<\/em>\u201dler![16]<\/a>; Engels ve Marx konu \u00fczerine \u201cyetersiz bir \u015feyler<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi\u015f, Stalin e\u015fini \u201ceve kapatarak \u00f6ld\u00fcrmekten beter etmi\u015f<\/em>\u201d, kendisi ise \u00f6ld\u00fcrmeyip ka\u00e7mas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131\u015f ve bu ki\u015fisel deneyim<\/em> arac\u0131yla \u201ckad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorunsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturmu\u015ftur![17]<\/a><\/p>\n

          \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201ctarihsel hik\u00e2yenin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi ve \u00f6zel bir jargonla \u201csorunsall\u0131k<\/em>\u201d dedi\u011fi \u00e7eli\u015fki, insan\u0131n yaban\u0131ll\u0131k-barbarl\u0131k d\u00f6nemlerinden yerle\u015fikli\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcrecindeki iki cinsin t\u00fcrsel ve ya\u015famsal gereksinmelere ili\u015fkin rol ayr\u0131m\u0131na dairdir.<\/p>\n

          \u0130nsan t\u00fcr\u00fc-soyu i\u00e7in genel anlamda ve ilk denebilecek sorunlar\u0131n yerle\u015fikli\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015fi ve t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn devam\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00fcreme eylemindeki rolleriyle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve kad\u0131n-erkek ili\u015fkilerinin erke\u011fin bask\u0131 kurucu \u00f6zne olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na do\u011fru evrilmesi, iki cins aras\u0131 \u201csorunsall\u0131\u011f\u0131n ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak al\u0131nabilir. \u201cAnal\u0131k hukukunun y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131,<\/em> kad\u0131n cinsinin b\u00fcy\u00fck tarihsel yenilgisi<\/em> oldu\u201d diye yazan Engels, bu geli\u015fmeyle birlikte evde bile y\u00f6netimin -belirli say\u0131daki kimselerin, aile ba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n kabaca otoritesi alt\u0131nda \u201cbir aile kurarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi<\/em>\u201d dolay\u0131m\u0131nda- erke\u011fin eline ge\u00e7ti\u011fini s\u00f6yler. K\u00f6leler de bu aile yap\u0131s\u0131na kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. En parlak \u00f6rne\u011fi Roma ailesinde g\u00f6r\u00fclen bu tip aileyi i\u015faretle Marx, \u201csonralar\u0131 toplum ve devlet i\u00e7inde geni\u015f \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde geli\u015fen b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, minyat\u00fcr halinde, modern ailenin i\u00e7inde vard\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diye yazar.[18]<\/a><\/p>\n

          Marx ve Engels erkek egemenli\u011fi \u00fczerine kurulu tek e\u015fli aile yap\u0131s\u0131nda \u201cbir cinsin \u00f6b\u00fcr\u00fc taraf\u0131ndan uyruk alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini s\u00f6ylediler.[19]<\/a> Engels, \u201cTarihte kendini g\u00f6steren ilk s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, erkekle kad\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015fmaz kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kar\u0131-koca evlili\u011fi i\u00e7indeki geli\u015fmesiyle; ve ilk s\u0131n\u0131f bask\u0131s\u0131 da di\u015fil cinsin erkek cins taraf\u0131ndan bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131yla d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmde\u015ftir. Kar\u0131-koca evlili\u011fi b\u00fcy\u00fck bir tarihsel ilerlemedir; ama ayn\u0131 zamanda, k\u00f6lelik ve \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar uzanan ve baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6nen\u00e7 ve geli\u015fmesi, baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n da ac\u0131 ve gerilemesiyle elde edildi\u011fine g\u00f6re, o her ilerlemenin ayn\u0131 zamanda g\u00f6rece bir gerileme oldu\u011fu \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7ar. Kar\u0131-koca evlili\u011fi, uygarla\u015fm\u0131\u015f toplumun h\u00fccre bi\u00e7imidir; biz, bu bi\u00e7im \u00fczerinde, dolu dizgin geli\u015fen uzla\u015fmaz kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin i\u00e7 y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc inceleyebiliriz<\/em>\u201d diye yazd\u0131.[20]<\/a><\/p>\n

          \u00d6yleyse diyor Engels, \u201ckar\u0131-koca ailesinde, -erkek ile kad\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131, erke\u011fin salt egemenli\u011fi arac\u0131yla kendini g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi bi\u00e7imde a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumlarda- s\u0131n\u0131flara b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f toplumun, uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndan beri, \u00e7\u00f6zebilme ya da \u00fcstesinden gelebilme ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steremeden i\u00e7inde devinip durdu\u011fu kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin <\/em>(aile \u00e7ap\u0131nda-\u00e7.n.) indirgenmi\u015f bir imgesine sahip bulunuyoruz.<\/em>\u201d[21]<\/a><\/p>\n

          \u00d6calan, kad\u0131n sorununa ili\u015fkin a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131nda, tarihsel toplumsal temel \u00f6nemdeki de\u011fi\u015fimlerin s\u0131n\u0131fsal karakteristi\u011fi ve dayanaklar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rtmekte; soruna ili\u015fkin Marksist irdelemeleri ise ya \u00f6nemsiz g\u00f6stermekte ya da ink\u00e2rdan gelmektedir. \u0130nanna, Enkidu ve G\u0131lgam\u0131\u015f \u00fczerine destanlardan bolca s\u00f6z etmeler bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kad\u0131n sorununa ili\u015fkin anlat\u0131s\u0131nda Marx ve Engels\u2019in sorunu ortaya koyu\u015flar\u0131ndan daha ileri oldu\u011fu iddia edilebilir hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yoktur. O, Marx, Engels\u2019in insan\u0131n tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren ge\u00e7ti\u011fi toplumsal s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 irdelenmesiyle ortaya koyduklar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerden yararland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve fakat kad\u0131n cinsinin kurtulu\u015fu \u00fczerine \u00f6zel ve \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f de geli\u015ftirememi\u015f oldu\u011fu<\/em> halde, Marx, Engels ve Lenin\u2019in kad\u0131n sorununda -ve asl\u0131nda di\u011fer konularda da- \u201cpek de \u00f6nemli olmayan<\/em>\u201d \u015feyler yazd\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrebiliyor.<\/p>\n

          \u201cSava\u015f\u0131 esas alan yani ganimeti esas alan toplum erkek a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 toplumdur. Onun i\u015fi g\u00fcc\u00fc art\u0131k de\u011ferdir<\/em>\u201d genellemesiyle \u00d6calan, gerici sava\u015flarla ilerici sava\u015flar\u0131n fark\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rtt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi erkek cinsini total olarak art\u0131-de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme su\u00e7uyla da y\u00fckl\u00fc k\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

          Do\u011fu mitik anlat\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 bilimsel kan\u0131tlar yerine ikame eden bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla t\u00fcm insanl\u0131k tarihini kad\u0131n-erkek cinsiyet temelli \u00e7eli\u015fki zemininde a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00d6calan, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin i\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7lerini satan emek\u00e7i kitlesi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmakla kalmay\u0131p tekil i\u015f\u00e7i konumunu a\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 dayatan kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkileri taraf\u0131ndan birle\u015fik harekete zorlanmalar\u0131yla birlikte bir s\u0131n\u0131f halinde taleplerini savunmaya y\u00f6nelmelerini ve \u00c7artist hareketten g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze devam eden iktisadi ve politik m\u00fccadelelerini g\u00f6rmek istemiyor.<\/p>\n

          Abdullah \u00d6calan kad\u0131n-erkek ili\u015fkilerini tarih boyunca t\u00fcm \u00f6teki formasyon ve kategorilerin etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillendi\u011fi tarih olu\u015fturucu unsur g\u00f6stererek, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na yol a\u00e7an \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 sahipli\u011fiyle onlardan yoksunlu\u011fun anlam\u0131n\u0131 yads\u0131yor. Oysa kad\u0131n-erkek e\u015fitsizli\u011finin toplumsal cinsiyet\u00e7i anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131 beslemesiyle \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclk haline gelmesinin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar aras\u0131nda kopar\u0131lamaz bir ili\u015fki olmakla birlikte, s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlar\u0131 karakterize eden belirleyici \u00f6zellik s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n toplum <\/em>tan\u0131m\u0131 ve irdelemesinde, \u00fcretimin tarz\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkiler<\/em> ya yer almaz ya da \u00f6rt\u00fckt\u00fcr. \u00dcretimin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131yla kolektiviteyi \u00f6zde\u015f g\u00f6steren anlam birlikleri kuran \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n analizinde \u00fcretimin kapitalist toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131yla sosyalist kolektivite aras\u0131ndaki temel farkl\u0131l\u0131k silikle\u015fir.<\/p>\n

          Kad\u0131n-erkek \u00e7eli\u015fkisi\/\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcren-s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131f(lar) \u00e7eli\u015fkisi ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 yerine ikame edilemez. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin alternatifi de\u011fildir. K\u00f6le erke\u011fin k\u00f6le kad\u0131n\u0131, erkek i\u015f\u00e7inin kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7iyi s\u00f6m\u00fcrmesi iddias\u0131na oturtulan teoriler, iki cinsten k\u00f6lenin k\u00f6le sahiplerinin, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi patronlar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne tabi olmalar\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda a\u00e7maza d\u00fc\u015ferler.<\/p>\n

           <\/p>\n

            \n
          1. S\u0131n\u0131flar M\u00fccadelesine Dayanaks\u0131z Reddiye<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

            \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cManifesto<\/em>\u201dsunda, Marksizm \u201cele\u015ftirisi<\/em>\u201dne yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131, bunun da \u201cT\u00fcrklerle K\u00fcrtlerin tarihsel ittifaklar\u0131<\/em>\u201dna i\u015faretle g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bu ittifak\u0131n tekrarlanmas\u0131 \u00f6nerisiyle bir arada yap\u0131l\u0131yor olmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan dikkat \u00e7ekici olmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u201cDikkat edelim <\/em>-diyor \u00d6calan- \u00f6yle bildi\u011fimiz s\u0131n\u0131f yok, klandan s\u0131n\u0131f do\u011fmaz. K\u00f6leye de s\u0131n\u0131f demek sa\u00e7mad\u0131r. Marx da bu hatay\u0131 i\u015fliyor. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i denilen de asl\u0131nda bir k\u00f6ledir. Hani bu k\u00f6le hi\u00e7bir devrim yapm\u0131\u015f m\u0131d\u0131r? Yapmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Marx buna bir devrim bah\u015fetmek ister; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 uyanacak, say\u0131s\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcyecek ve bir devrim yapacak… Yok b\u00f6yle bir devrim. Devrimi yapanlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu da burjuvaziden gelen ailelerin \u00e7ocuklar\u0131. \u2026 Yani i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, s\u0131n\u0131f olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenip yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tek bir devrim yok. Bu bir \u00fctopya, bir hayali g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f; ger\u00e7e\u011fi de yok.<\/em>\u201d[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

            Tarihe K\u00fcrt kavmi, klan\u0131-a\u015fireti ekseninde a\u00e7\u0131klama getirmeye \u00f6zel gayret g\u00f6steren \u00d6calan, Marx\u2019\u0131n tarih g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6nemsiz g\u00f6stermek \u00fczere \u201cBen b\u00f6yle b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ke\u015fif de yapmad\u0131m. Marx buna bilimsel ke\u015fif diyor, bunlar hik\u00e2ye<\/em>\u201d diye az\u0131msay\u0131c\u0131 ifadelerle \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fumu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fimi \u00f6yle harikalar yaratt\u0131, bilim falan filan<\/em>\u201d, bu \u201cbasit bir \u015feydir<\/em>\u201d diye h\u00fck\u00fcm bildiriyor.[23]<\/a><\/p>\n

            \u201cTarih S\u0131n\u0131flar Sava\u015f\u0131 De\u011fil, Devlet ve Kom\u00fcn Sava\u015f\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>\u201d tespitiyle \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fsal teoriyi ciddi bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011fratacak yeni bir perspektif<\/em>\u201d geli\u015ftirdi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcren \u00d6calan bunu \u201cbir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce devrimi<\/em>\u201d olarak niteliyor. Ona g\u00f6re, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131 teorisi, teori ve prati\u011fiyle tamamen ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[24]<\/a> Kan\u0131t\u0131, sosyalizmin uluslararas\u0131 burjuvazi ve modern revizyonist sald\u0131r\u0131yla yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

            \u00d6calan hem i\u015f\u00e7i olmak, \u201ck\u00f6lelikten daha beter bir ya\u015fama mahk\u00fbm olmakt\u0131r<\/em>\u201d der[25]<\/a> hem de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f olarak yok g\u00f6stererek tarihsel bak\u0131mdan toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimin \u00f6znesi olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrer. O, ger\u00e7i baz\u0131 fabrikalar\u0131n h\u00e2l\u00e2 var oldu\u011fundan da s\u00f6z eder ve bir yerde de daha \u00f6nce ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fcklerine ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fecek \u015fekilde “s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131 tespiti yanl\u0131\u015f de\u011fil ama izah etmekten uzakt\u0131r<\/em>\u201d der.[26]<\/a> Ancak Marx\u2019\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r diye h\u00fck\u00fcm verirken, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan konu\u015fuyor gibidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin 1830\u2019lu y\u0131llardan bu yana \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerde giri\u015ftikleri m\u00fccadeleyi, 1848 devrimlerini, Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fc, Alman ve Sovyet devrimlerindeki konumlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler uyanacak da devrim yapacak, yok \u00f6yle bir \u015fey, diyor ve ekliyor: \u201cBu bir \u00fctopya, bir hayali g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u2026<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

            \u00d6calan, bu kesin ve keskin varg\u0131 veya yarg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n liberal solcularla burjuvazinin organik yazarlar\u0131n\u0131n on y\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri propagandadan ayr\u0131\u015fan \u00f6zelli\u011finin ne oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klamaz. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini, Marx ve Marksistler taraf\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan imal edilerek topluma dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve ayn\u0131 nedenle de sosyalizmin \u201c\u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ana nedeni<\/em>\u201d olmu\u015f bir \u015fey olarak g\u00f6steren \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n insan\u0131n tarihsel toplumsal geli\u015fme \u201cser\u00fcveni<\/em>\u201dnine ili\u015fkin anlat\u0131s\u0131nda toplumsal formasyonlar, \u00fcretim tarzlar\u0131, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n olu\u015fumu ve ili\u015fkileri belirsizle\u015fmekle kalmaz, karma\u015f\u0131k bir labirentte d\u00f6n\u00fcp dola\u015f\u0131p \u201ckastik k\u00f6leli\u011fe<\/em>\u201d ba\u011flan\u0131r.<\/p>\n

            Marksizmi \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131m\u0131na dayal\u0131 sosyolojiyi in\u015fa etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma<\/em>\u201d ile su\u00e7layan \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n Marksist-Leninist s\u0131n\u0131f teorisi kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 iddialar\u0131n\u0131n herhangi orijinalli\u011fi yoktur. O reddiye(ler) onlarca anti Marksist taraf\u0131ndan, her birinin \u00f6tekinden devralarak s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir devaml\u0131l\u0131k i\u00e7inde yaz\u0131lageldi. Burjuvazi ve ideologlar\u0131yla sermaye politikac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n dolays\u0131z ret\u00e7i tutumu bir yana, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde Marx\u2019\u0131n var g\u00f6r\u00fcp g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi proletaryan\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da proletarya-burjuvazi aras\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesiyle tarihin ileriye do\u011fru de\u011fi\u015fiminin olanaks\u0131z oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcren \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u201csosyalist<\/em>\u201d yazar ve \u201cdemokratik toplum<\/em>\u201dcu liberal sol teorisyen bulunuyor.<\/p>\n

            Marx, k\u00e2r i\u00e7in art\u0131 de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne dayanan kapitalist \u00fcretim sistemini analiz ederek toplumun proletarya ve burjuvazi \u015feklinde ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki temel s\u0131n\u0131f halinde b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc olgusal dayanaklar\u0131yla ortaya koydu. Kapitalist geli\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde, sermayenin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 ve merkezile\u015fmesiyle birlikte daha fazla ivme kazanm\u0131\u015f \u015fekilde b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6teki s\u0131n\u0131flarla ara tabakalar bu iki s\u0131n\u0131fa do\u011fru itiliyor ve bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131kla tasfiye olurken proletaryan\u0131n saflar\u0131 giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcyor. Tarihsel toplumsal geli\u015fme bunu kan\u0131tlad\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131f ink\u00e2rc\u0131 kurgulara ra\u011fmen g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun yar\u0131s\u0131na yak\u0131n\u0131 emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kapitalistlere satarak ya\u015fam gereksinmelerini temin etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00fccretli emek\u00e7ilerden olu\u015fuyor.<\/em> Buna ra\u011fmen Marx\u2019\u0131n analizini ve vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 reddedenler, teorisinin ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirdi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyenler ya da \u201cbiraz zorlama gibi<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6renlerin bulunuyor olmas\u0131, toplumsal konumlar\u0131 ve \u00fcstlendikleri misyondan ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k de\u011fildir. Evet diyor \u00d6calan, \u201chala \u00f6yle bir sanayi devrimine dayal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fme, burjuvala\u015fma<\/em>\u201d var ama bu binlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k be\u015f bin y\u0131ll\u0131k bir geli\u015fmenin sonucudur<\/em>!<\/p>\n

            \u00d6calan, sanki Marx ya da \u00f6ncesi burjuva sosyologlar\u0131 ve ekonomistleri, burjuvazi ve proletaryan\u0131n tarihsel geli\u015fmenin belirli bir \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda, tarihin yeni bir u\u011fra\u011f\u0131nda de\u011fil de birdenbire zuhur etti\u011fini s\u00f6ylemi\u015fler gibi g\u00f6stererek konu\u015fuyor ve yorumluyor. Engels, \u2018ilkel d\u00f6nemi d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki\u2019 notunu d\u00fc\u015ferek Marx\u2019\u0131n \u2018\u015fimdiye kadar ki t\u00fcm tarih s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri tarihidir\u2019 s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc aktar\u0131rken ve Marx, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve m\u00fccadelesini ke\u015ffeden ben de\u011filim, benim yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m bu m\u00fccadelenin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131 ve egemenli\u011fi arac\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplumun do\u011fu\u015funa do\u011fru geli\u015fece\u011fini bulgulayarak g\u00f6stermektir derken bir ikame ihtiyac\u0131 duymad\u0131. \u0130\u015faret ettikleri tarihsel olgusal ger\u00e7eklikler ve ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak toplumsal hareketin evrimiydi.<\/p>\n

            Abdullah \u00d6calan, \u201csosyalizmin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/em>\u201dn\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na ve sosyalist merkezi iktidar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ba\u011flayan Wallerstein, Laclau ve Mouffe gibi liberal sol teorisyenlerin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini devralm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri savunanlara g\u00f6re \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cklasik devrim<\/em>\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 terkedilmeli, iktidar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f merkezli yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ilmeli, \u201c\u00e7o\u011ful demokratik alanlar\u0131n \u00f6zerk yeniden kurulmas\u0131na dayal\u0131 yap\u0131lanma radikal \u015fekilde hayata ge\u00e7irilmeli\u201d<\/em>ydi. \u00d6calan, \u201csistemati\u011fi<\/em>\u201dni bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n belirleyicili\u011finde olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

            Sosyalist s\u0131n\u0131f devletine kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri savunanlar\u0131n g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ettikleri ya da hatta bilerek karartt\u0131klar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki devrim ile birlikte sosyalizm-kapitalizm m\u00fccadelesinin daha sert daha keskin ya\u015fanaca\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7ekli\u011fidir. Bu ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma, proletaryan\u0131n devrimle zafere ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclke ya da \u00fclkelerde sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131 s\u00fcrerken, kapitalist d\u00fcnya g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin ve d\u00fc\u015fman devletlerin ku\u015fatmas\u0131 alt\u0131nda ya\u015famas\u0131 i\u00e7in kendini savunma g\u00fc\u00e7lerine sahip olmas\u0131n\u0131 gerekli k\u0131lar. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere halk\u0131n silahl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi bunun temel dayana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturur. Halk ordusu-halk milisi savunma g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak varl\u0131k g\u00f6stermedi\u011finde sosyalizmin ya\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z topluma yol almak olanaks\u0131z olacakt\u0131r. Devrimin zafere ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkede sosyalizmin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi d\u00fcnya devrimi m\u00fccadelesine de dayanak olu\u015fturacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

            \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131flar sorununu tarihten kovmaya soyunmas\u0131n\u0131n nedenlerinden biri de kapitalizmin K\u00fcrtlerin ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131nda g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi geli\u015fmeyle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ilkel \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan da koparak emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satma zorunlulu\u011fuyla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze kalan milyonlarca emek\u00e7inin, kendilerinin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin unsurlar\u0131 olarak hareket etmesi durumunda \u201cdemokratik toplum<\/em>\u201d projesinin i\u015flevsiz kalma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu olas\u0131l\u0131k g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcd\u00fcr \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, tek yanl\u0131 al\u0131nmayacaksa e\u011fer, \u201cyeni toplum sosyolojisi<\/em>\u201dnde K\u00fcrt emek\u00e7ilerinin sadece K\u00fcrt kentlerinde de\u011fil onlardan \u00e7ok daha fazlas\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayi kentlerinde yerle\u015fik ve i\u015f\u00e7i-i\u015fsiz konumundan kad\u0131n ve erkek olu\u015flar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan<\/em> sosyal-ekonomik, politik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yeni sorunlarla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze kalmalar\u0131 olgusal ger\u00e7eklikler aras\u0131ndad\u0131r. Ve b\u00f6ylesi ko\u015fullarda; emek\u00e7iler kapitalistler ve burjuva devletiyle bu sorunlar dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya duruyorken, onlara s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin gereksizli\u011finden s\u00f6z etmenin kapitalizm yarar\u0131na olaca\u011f\u0131 kan\u0131t gerektirmeyecek denli a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

             <\/p>\n

              \n
            1. Devlet Sorunu \u00dczerine Proudhoncu G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

              Abdullah \u00d6calan, \u201culus devlet yerine demokratik ulus<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cdevleti hedeflemeyen<\/em>\u201d demokratik toplum kurgusuyla alternatif bir sistem olu\u015fturma iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re \u201cTarih bir s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 tarihi de\u011fil, bir devlet ve kom\u00fcn \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndan ibarettir<\/em>\u201dtir.<\/p>\n

              \u00d6calan, kom\u00fcnal d\u00f6neme do\u011fru paralellikler kurarak projesindeki toplumu s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine dayanmayan ve devleti hedeflemeyen kom\u00fcn toplumu olarak tarif ediyor ve ard\u0131ndan da \u201cg\u00fcncel topluma demokratik toplum demek gerekir<\/em>\u201d diyor. \u201cKlan toplumsall\u0131kt\u0131r, toplumsall\u0131k da kom\u00fcn demektir<\/em>\u201d diyen \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re \u201cdemokratik sosyalizm de demokratik toplumculuk anlam\u0131na gelir<\/em>\u201d. Ve zaten toplum da \u201casl\u0131nda kom\u00fcnal bir olayd\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

              Her \u015fey ne kadar da net, kesin ve kendi deyi\u015fiyle basit!<\/p>\n

              Sosyalist teori olu\u015fturucular\u0131, maddi ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimi de demek olan toplumsal geli\u015fmenin tarihsel s\u00fcrecinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan olgusal ger\u00e7eklikleri veri alarak \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel ellerde toplanmas\u0131yla s\u00f6m\u00fcren-s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi ortaya koydular. Ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ya\u015fanan m\u00fccadeleye ve devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 ya da makinesinin bu m\u00fccadeledeki i\u015flevine a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirdiler. Devlet, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131yla tarihin g\u00fcndemine gelmi\u015fti. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi egemenli\u011fini tesis etme arac\u0131-ayg\u0131t\u0131-makinesiydi. Toplumun ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki temel s\u0131n\u0131f halinde b\u00f6l\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc kapitalizmin burjuva devlet iktidar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan bir devrimle y\u0131k\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye son vermenin yolu a\u00e7\u0131lamazd\u0131. Devrimle iktidar olan proletaryan\u0131n devleti, devrim d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131 bast\u0131rmak i\u00e7in gerekli ve ge\u00e7ici bir ara\u00e7t\u0131. S\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z kom\u00fcnist topluma ancak devletten devletsizli\u011fe bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te ve proletaryan\u0131n devlet egemenli\u011finin giderek kendini gereksizle\u015ftirecek \u015fekilde s\u00f6nmesiyle var\u0131labilirdi.<\/em><\/p>\n

              \u00d6calan s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n maddi temellerini ve yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi yok say\u0131yor. Bu m\u00fccadelenin iktidar \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 boyutunda ya\u015fanmas\u0131n\u0131; bir devrimle iktidar olan proletaryan\u0131n, iktidar\u0131n\u0131n ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kolektif m\u00fclkiyetini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye giri\u015fmesini s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131m\u0131na dayal\u0131 sosyoloji in\u015fas\u0131 olarak niteliyor. Bu ger\u00e7ekten de daha \u00f6nce tan\u0131k olunmam\u0131\u015f bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 olmal\u0131! \u00d6calan, Marx ve Engels\u2019in \u00e7a\u011flar boyu insan soyuna kurtulu\u015f rehberi olan eserini, Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto<\/em>\u2019yu – \u2018bir bildiri\u2019 s\u0131fat\u0131yla az\u0131ms\u0131yor. Burjuva ulus devlet ile kapitalist geli\u015fme aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ili\u015fkiye dair devrimci Marksist analizi; devletin tarihin g\u00fcndemine geli\u015fine maddi dayanak olu\u015fturan olgusal kategorilerin ortaya konmas\u0131n\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve devletin toplumsal geli\u015fmenin tarihsel s\u00fcrecinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve yine bu geli\u015fmenin devam\u0131nda ortadan kalkmaya -s\u00f6n\u00fcplenip yok olmaya- mahk\u00fbm olduklar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturan Marx\u2019\u0131n analizlerini hafifsemeyi, kendi s\u00f6yleminin g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak g\u00f6sterme \u00e7abas\u0131ndad\u0131r. Tarihi kom\u00fcn-devlet \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131ndan ibaret g\u00f6steren \u00d6calan, devleti de ezel-ebed bir forma oturtmu\u015f olur.<\/p>\n

              Kom\u00fcnsel m\u00fccadeleyi t\u00fcm tarihsel s\u00fcre\u00e7 boyunca s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6steren \u00d6calan, \u201cDemokratik Toplum<\/em>\u201d sistemine ili\u015fkin a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n\u0131 Marx\u2019\u0131n su\u00e7lanmas\u0131 zeminine oturtmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ona g\u00f6re, \u201csosyalizmin ne bir kitab\u0131 ne bir devlet analizi var, bunun \u00fczerine bir eser bile yaz\u0131lmam\u0131\u015f<\/em>\u201dt\u0131r.[27]<\/a> \u201cMarx\u2019\u0131n ulus devlete dair di\u015fe dokunur bir analizi<\/em>\u201d yoktur. Anlat\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7inde \u00d6calan bu iddias\u0131n\u0131 daha da keskinle\u015ftirir: \u201cMarx’\u0131n ulus-devlete ili\u015fkin tek bir c\u00fcmlesi bile yok.<\/em>\u201d[28]<\/a> \u00d6calan\u2019a bak\u0131l\u0131rsa, sonradan bu eksik analizinin fark\u0131na varan Marx, \u00f6mr\u00fc yetse ve devlet \u00fczerine yazabilseydi de do\u011fru yazamazd\u0131! \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc diyor <\/em>o, Marx\u2019ta ulus devleti \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmleme perspektifi eksiktir!<\/em><\/p>\n

              Marx ve Engels\u2019in eserlerini sakl\u0131 tutarak s\u00f6yleyelim, Lenin\u2019in Devlet ve Devrim<\/em> kitab\u0131 bile \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n nezdinde yaz\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir eser \u00f6zelli\u011fi g\u00f6stermiyor! Ona g\u00f6re, \u201cMarx’\u0131n burjuvaziye benzeyen bir proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc var. Lenin’de maalesef o \u2018sosyalist devlet\u2019 olur ve bu Stalin’de uygulamas\u0131n\u0131 bulur. Lenin’in ve Mao’nun kafas\u0131 kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kt\u0131r. Demokrasiyi ba\u015faramazlar.<\/em>\u201d[29]<\/a><\/p>\n

              Marx\u2019\u0131n Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fczerine irdelemelerini, s\u0131n\u0131f teorisinden vazge\u00e7i\u015f ve kom\u00fcn kavram\u0131 ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131yla Kom\u00fcn d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesine y\u00f6neli\u015fin kan\u0131t\u0131 olarak g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00d6calan, Marx\u2019\u0131n, \u201c\u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn son y\u0131llar\u0131nda Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc dolay\u0131s\u0131yla<\/em>\u201d ve \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck darbe ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcp i\u00e7sel k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n fark\u0131na vararak Kapital\u2019<\/em>i b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em> iddias\u0131nda bulunurken, dayanaktan yoksundur.<\/p>\n

              Marx-Engels\u2019in devlet sorununa ili\u015fkin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc deneyimi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla daha da belirgin \u015fekilde netle\u015ftirilip geli\u015ftirildi\u011fi do\u011fru olmakla birlikte, 1844 El yazmalar\u0131 <\/em>ve 18. Brumaire<\/em>\u2019inde, Fransa\u2019da \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f <\/em>ve Gotha ve Erfurt Programlar\u0131<\/em>\u2019na kenar notlar\u0131nda siyasal sava\u015f\u0131m, devlet ve devletin gelecekteki \u2018ak\u0131beti\u2019ne ili\u015fkin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri yer al\u0131r. Kapital<\/em>\u2019i salt ekonomik analiz kitab\u0131 sayan anlay\u0131\u015flar ise, niyet sorunu bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131rsa e\u011fer, ancak y\u00fczeysel bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olabilir.<\/p>\n

              Marksist Leninistler proletarya devletini devletten devletsizli\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015f arac\u0131-bi\u00e7imi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcrler. Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn tam anlam\u0131nda<\/em> devlet olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemelerinin nedeni buydu. Marx ve Engels ve onlar\u0131 takiben Lenin, kom\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 olarak ve fakat proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faretle \u201ctopluluk<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131lmas\u0131ndan yanayd\u0131lar. August Bebel\u2019e Mektubunda Engels, Biz -demi\u015fti-, programda \u201cdevlet s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yerine her yerde \u2018topluluk\u2019, \u2018kom\u00fcn\u2019 s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn konmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nermekteyiz.<\/em>\u201d[30]<\/a><\/p>\n

              Abdullah \u00d6calan, Marksizm-Leninizme kar\u015f\u0131 anar\u015fist teorinin kurucular\u0131n\u0131 referans al\u0131rken onlar\u0131n proletarya kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131, bir y\u00fczy\u0131ldan fazla zaman sonra \u201cyol a\u00e7\u0131c\u0131<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Sadece bu da de\u011fil; \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f yerine devlet-kom\u00fcn ikilemini geli\u015ftiriyoruz<\/em>\u201d diyen \u00d6calan, Proudhon ve Kropotkin gibi anar\u015fist teorisyenlerin g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini dayanak al\u0131rken, bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc diyor, \u201c\u0130lk defa ben geli\u015ftiriyorum; bu benim katk\u0131md\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[31]<\/a> Ard\u0131ndan da Zerd\u00fc\u015ft’ten Budha ve Lao Tse’ye dini yorumlar\u0131, dini kabilelerin ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imlerini \u00f6rnek g\u00f6stermeye giri\u015fiyor.<\/p>\n

              Proudhon, Bakunin ve Kropotkin proletaryaya kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcvensizdiler. Proudhon\u2019un g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri karma\u015f\u0131k ve belirsizliklerle \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyd\u00fc. \u201cKom\u00fcn<\/em>\u201d, Proudhon i\u00e7in de aile gibi \u201cyerel birlik<\/em>\u201d stat\u00fcs\u00fcndeydi. Bu birlik kendisini y\u00f6netecek, hatta yasalar\u0131n\u0131 dahi yapacakt\u0131! Bu teori k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck topluluk gelene\u011finden ve Rus obsinas\u0131\u2019ndan esinlenmekteydi. Kropotkin\u2019in esin kayna\u011f\u0131, Orta\u00e7a\u011f k\u00f6y topluluklar\u0131n\u0131n birlikte i\u015f yapmas\u0131yd\u0131. Federalizm de kom\u00fcnal konfederalizm de Proudhon ve Kropotkin\u2019in teorisine i\u00e7erilmi\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler aras\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

              Demek oluyor ki, onlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin daha karma\u015f\u0131k bi\u00e7imiyle yeniden g\u00fcndeme getirilmesi, yeni bir teorinin geli\u015ftirildi\u011fini g\u00f6stermez. Proletaryan\u0131n devrimci s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131 ve onun \u2018topluluk\u2019 (kom\u00fcn), sovyet t\u00fcr\u00fc emek\u00e7i dayanaklar\u0131 arac\u0131yla in\u015fa etmeye giri\u015fece\u011fi yeni toplumsal sisteme alternatif g\u00f6sterilen heterojen bile\u015fimli demokratik toplum, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinden ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k de\u011fildir ve olmayacakt\u0131r. Kurulaca\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenen demokratik topluma, burjuva devletiyle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ferek yol al\u0131naca\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki belirlemeler, ili\u015fkinin bu karakteristi\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131k ediyor. Burjuva devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ise, \u201cotonom<\/em>\u201d, \u201c\u00f6zerk<\/em>\u201d, \u201ckom\u00fcnal<\/em>\u201d olu\u015fumlar, kendi d\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndaki d\u00fcnyaya kapal\u0131 varl\u0131k g\u00f6steremezler. S\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve proletarya devrimi teorisine alternatif g\u00f6sterilen \u201cdemokratik ulus<\/em>\u201d ve \u201ckom\u00fcnalite<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, ayn\u0131 nedenlerle burjuva devlet d\u00fczeninin kapsama alan\u0131n\u0131 a\u015facak nesnel ve \u00f6znel dayanaklardan yoksundur.<\/p>\n

              \u201cBelediyeler hala kom\u00fcnd\u00fcr<\/em>\u201d derken \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n mevcut belediyeleri mi, gelecekte \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc belediyesel<\/em> toplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u0131 <\/em>kastetti\u011fi belirsiz kalmakla birlikte onun belediyelere dayal\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fctmeyece\u011fini<\/em> belirtti\u011fi (bu t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131flardan insanlar\u0131 kucaklayaca\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na da gelir) \u201cdemokratik kom\u00fcnalite<\/em>\u201dyi sosyalizm olarak g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Ancak, \u00f6zerkli\u011fin ve \u201ck\u00fclt\u00fcralist<\/em>\u201d sistemlerin tarihsel toplum sosyolojisiyle ba\u011fda\u015fmaz hale geldi\u011fi de ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmektedir ki, bu bir \u00e7eli\u015fki g\u00f6stergesidir. \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan kad\u0131n ve erkeklerin bir arada toplumsalla\u015faca\u011f\u0131 belediye kom\u00fcnlerinde bu \u201csorunsal<\/em>\u201dl\u0131\u011f\u0131n nas\u0131l \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi de belirsizdir.<\/p>\n

              Onun \u201cdemokratik toplum<\/em>\u201d projesinde, t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalardan insan guruplar\u0131 ayn\u0131 kategoride g\u00f6sterilir; klan-kabile \u201ctoplumsall\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d ile kapitalist toplumu bi\u00e7imlendiren ili\u015fkilerin karakteristik temel \u00f6zellikleri \u00f6rtbas edilerek bu bi\u00e7imlenmelerin tarihsel farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 silinir. A\u015firetin \u201ckom\u00fcnler birli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d, kabilenin \u201ckom\u00fcn<\/em>\u201d olarak al\u0131nabilece\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcrken K\u00fcrt toplumu ko\u015fullar\u0131nda dahi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fc\u015fe u\u011frayan bi\u00e7imlenmeler, i\u00e7inde farkl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlara ve \u00f6nceliklere sahip insan gruplar\u0131n\u0131n bir arada olaca\u011f\u0131 olu\u015fumlar, dayanak olarak g\u00f6sterilir.<\/p>\n

              Tarihin kom\u00fcn-devlet \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ekseninde ilerledi\u011fi \u201ctezi<\/em>\u201d, feodal toplum ko\u015fullar\u0131nda kapitalizmin ve burjuvazinin do\u011fumuna ve burjuvazinin egemen s\u0131n\u0131f olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmek i\u00e7in toplumun di\u011fer ezilenlerini de yan\u0131na \u00e7ekerek sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131k getirmez. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin kapitalistlere ve burjuva devletine kar\u015f\u0131 par\u00e7al\u0131 ya da birle\u015fik s\u0131n\u0131fsal m\u00fccadelesi de bu iddiay\u0131 a\u00e7maza al\u0131r. \u00d6calan, kom\u00fcn-devlet ikilemini tarihin merkezine oturturken bu ili\u015fkinin kom\u00fcn\u00fcn konumu y\u00f6n\u00fcnden yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da a\u00e7mas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131k g\u00f6steren sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 yok say\u0131yor. G\u00fcncel toplumla ili\u015fkilendirildi\u011finde de devleti y\u0131kmay\u0131 de\u011fil \u201csivil toplumcu<\/em>\u201d-otonomcu anlay\u0131\u015fla etkisizle\u015ftirilebilece\u011fini varsay\u0131yor. Kapitalist toplumun s\u0131n\u0131f ger\u00e7ekli\u011fiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n \u201cdevlet-kom\u00fcn<\/em>\u201d ikili\u011fi i\u00e7inde nas\u0131l ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorusu onun \u201calternatif teorisi<\/em>\u201dnde yan\u0131ts\u0131zd\u0131r. Bunlar \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc b\u00f6ylesi bir \u201cikilik<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7inde ortadan kalkmazlar.<\/p>\n

              \u00d6calan, proletarya devletini burjuva ulus devletle \u00f6zde\u015f g\u00f6sterirken devletin, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc ve arac\u0131 olma i\u015flevini de karartm\u0131\u015f olur. \u201cDemokratik toplum<\/em>\u201du ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek \u00f6zne ise \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n projesinde, total toplumdur. Kimi zaman demokratik ulus kiminde kom\u00fcnal toplumdan s\u00f6z edilmekte, belediyeler kom\u00fcn olarak tarif edilerek konfederalizm projesinin oda\u011f\u0131na yerle\u015ftirilmekte; s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye dayanan toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin nas\u0131l ve hangi ara\u00e7lar kullan\u0131larak yok edilece\u011fi ya da yok edilip-edilmeyece\u011fi, \u201cK\u00fcrtler anti kapitalist olmal\u0131<\/em>\u201d denerek ge\u00e7i\u015ftirilmektedir.<\/p>\n

              \u201cUlus devlet fikri ve hedefi\u201d<\/em>nden vazge\u00e7en ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine sahne olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 varsayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cdemokratik ulus<\/em>\u201dun devletle\u015fmeyecek \u201cdemokratik toplum\u201d <\/em>modeliyle -bunu bazen \u201cg\u00fcncel toplum<\/em>\u201d olarak da adland\u0131r\u0131yor- \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcren \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n devlet anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, burjuva ulus devletlerin kapitalist i\u015flevine tak\u0131l\u0131p kalmaktad\u0131r.[32]<\/a> \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131flardan ar\u0131nm\u0131\u015f demokratik toplum-demokratik ulus<\/em> kurgusu, nesnel ger\u00e7eklerin ilgas\u0131na dayal\u0131d\u0131r. Ulusun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edildi\u011fi s\u00fcrece -ki var ve demokratik olaca\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6yleniyor-, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, yads\u0131makla ortadan kalkmaz.<\/em> Yads\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 zihniyet nesnel ger\u00e7e\u011fi ortadan kald\u0131rmaz. Farkl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlara, \u00f6nceliklere, g\u00fcd\u00fclere sahip toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f, grup ve ki\u015filerin var olma bi\u00e7im ve ili\u015fkileriyle \u201cdemokratik<\/em>\u201d olaca\u011f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen bir toplumda yer almalar\u0131 ise, olsa olsa kapitalist-burjuva bir arada olu\u015fu i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n

              \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

                \n
              1. Modernizm Kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yolundan \u2018Kom\u2019a Do\u011fru! <\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

                Sanayi toplumunun tarihte yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimin \u201ckapitalist modernite<\/em>\u201d genellemesiyle ve salt y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k olarak resmedildi\u011fi \u00d6calan projesinde var\u0131lan yer anti end\u00fcstriyalizmdir. \u201cBiz moderniteyi Mah\u015ferin \u00dc\u00e7 Atl\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerinden tan\u0131ml\u0131yoruz: Kapitalizm, ulus devlet ve end\u00fcstriyalizm<\/em>\u201d diyen \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re Marksizm \u201csadece<\/em> kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 sosyalist analiz ve m\u00fccadele\u201d<\/em>yi g\u00fcndeme alm\u0131\u015f, ancak o da geli\u015ftirilememi\u015ftir! \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc diye iddia ediyor \u00d6calan, \u201cbir bildiriyle, kom\u00fcnist manifesto ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kald\u0131. End\u00fcstriyalizm oldu\u011fu gibi benimsendi, g\u00f6klere \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. Bu stratejik bir eksiklik b\u00fcy\u00fck hatad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[33]<\/a><\/p>\n

                Ona g\u00f6re, \u201cMarx\u2019ta end\u00fcstriyalizm \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemesi, ele\u015ftirisi de yok d\u00fczeyindedir. Sadece anti kapitalizm \u00fczerinden bir sosyalizm analizi var. Eksiklikler bar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131yor. Geli\u015ftirilememi\u015ftir. Bu sosyalist teorinin moderniteyi analizde bir ba\u015fvuru kayna\u011f\u0131 olma kapasitesi \u00e7ok s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r. Hatta onun bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r modernite s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde kal\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[34]<\/a><\/p>\n

                Kan\u0131tlanamayan bu iddialar tek yanl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr: \u00d6calan, Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n tarihsel ilerlemesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan te\u015fkil etti\u011fi \u00f6nemi hafife almakta, moderniteyi tek yanl\u0131 ve salt k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fck karakteriyle pragmatist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri do\u011frultusunda yorumlamakta; sanayi toplumunu, ula\u015f\u0131m ve ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n geli\u015fimini, teknolojik ilerlemeyi, t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n burjuvazi ve emperyalist gericilik taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131l\u0131\u015f ama\u00e7 ve bi\u00e7imleriyle de\u011ferlendirip vah\u015fet nedeni saymakta; klan-a\u015firet-kabile toplumuna \u00f6vg\u00fclerle gelece\u011fin daha ileri toplumuna de\u011fil ge\u00e7mi\u015fin yoksunluklar\u0131yla \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc dar ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imlerine g\u00f6ndermelerde bulunup \u00f6vg\u00fcler dizmektedir.<\/p>\n

                Kapitalist geli\u015fme, burjuva devrimleri ve Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler oysa total olarak ve tek yanl\u0131 indirgemelerle, sadece <\/em>k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn -\u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n dinsel menk\u0131belerden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6zc\u00fckle s\u00f6ylenirse \u2018mah\u015fer\u2019in- g\u00f6stergesi say\u0131lamazlar. Modern sanayi geli\u015fimiyle, sadece s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc katmerle\u015ftirmedi, sadece \u2018do\u011fa t\u00fcketici faaliyet\u2019-\u00e7evre tahribat\u0131, sava\u015f ve i\u015fgal gibi y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 unsurlar\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir tarihsel s\u00fcrece evrilme ifadesi olmad\u0131. \u00dcretimin toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131 arac\u0131yla insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in maddi toplumsal temeller de ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz \u015fekilde bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p olgunla\u015ft\u0131. Ulus devlet kapitalist geli\u015fmenin ve burjuva devriminin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak tarih sahnesine gelirken sadece burjuva-kapitalist rekabetin ve s\u0131n\u0131f bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n aleti olmad\u0131, feodal par\u00e7alanm\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011fa son verip modern s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n olu\u015fumunun maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131yla olgunla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n da etkeni oldu.<\/p>\n

                Marx, kapitalizm analiziyle kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin insan soyunun modern k\u00f6lele\u015ftirilmesinin sistemi oldu\u011funu ortaya koydu ve a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n yol ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131na da i\u015faret etti. Kapitalist \u00fcretim daha fazla k\u00e2r hedefiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131, tahrip edicidir. Mali sermaye ve tekeller, pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in do\u011fada y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131ktan geri durmaz, toplumlar\u0131 fel\u00e2ketlere s\u00fcr\u00fcklemekten ka\u00e7\u0131nmazlar. Rekabetin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sava\u015flar\u0131n, teknolojik geli\u015fmelerin daha fazla k\u00e2r i\u00e7in tahrip edici kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na son verilmesi ancak kapitalist \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet sistemine son verilmesiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir. Marksistler do\u011fan\u0131n ve canl\u0131lar\u0131n ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist k\u00e2r g\u00fcd\u00fcs\u00fcyle tahribine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi insan\u0131n do\u011fal t\u00fcrsel gereksinmelerinin kar\u015f\u0131lanmas\u0131 ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zeterek s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fcler. Sosyalizmin teori ve prati\u011finde burjuva pozitivizmine, burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n egemenlik arac\u0131 olarak devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131na ve art\u0131 de\u011fer \u00fcretimiyle sermayenin geni\u015fleyen yeniden \u00fcretiminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmesi i\u00e7in emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesi olgusuna kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin yer almad\u0131\u011f\u0131 iddias\u0131 ancak ve ancak ger\u00e7eklerin ilgas\u0131 pahas\u0131na ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclebilir.<\/p>\n

                \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n Marksizmin t\u00fcm temel teorik \u00f6nerme ve belirlemelerini reddederek geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u201cDemokratik konfederalizm ve kom\u00fcnalizm<\/em>\u201d program\u0131 Proudhon\u2019dan M. Bookchin ve A. Badiou\u2019ya Marx kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinden derlenmi\u015ftir. Sosyalist teorik-pratik birikimi \u201creel sosyalizm<\/em>\u201d etiketiyle mahk\u00fbm etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kurgusu tek yanl\u0131l\u0131klarla \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu kurguda \u201ceko ekonomi<\/em>\u201dnin teknolojisiz, sanayisiz mi olaca\u011f\u0131 sorusu yan\u0131ts\u0131zd\u0131r. \u00d6calan burjuva uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve devlete kar\u015f\u0131t s\u00f6zler s\u00f6ylemesine ra\u011fmen, ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler, kapitalizmi a\u015fma \u00f6zelli\u011fi g\u00f6stermez. Kapitalizm, art\u0131 de\u011fer \u00fcretimi i\u00e7in emek g\u00fcc\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne dayanan bir sistemdir. Bu sistemde \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kapitalistlerin \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetindedir. Bu ara\u00e7lar toplumun kolektif m\u00fclkiyetine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmeksizin ve emek g\u00fcc\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne son verilmeksizin kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lamaz. \u00d6calan, klandan, kom\u00fcnden-kom\u00fcnaliteden s\u00f6z eder, ama \u201cmanifesto<\/em>\u201dsunda emek g\u00fcc\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne son verme gibi bir ama\u00e7 ya da hedefe yer vermez.<\/p>\n

                \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cend\u00fcstriyel kapitalist canavara kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015ftirilmesi gereken<\/em>\u201d alternatifi, \u201caileyi ge\u00e7indirecek k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck kom\u00fcn\u00fcn ekonomisidir<\/em>\u201d. \u00c7evreyi kirletmeyecek, ailenin ge\u00e7imini sa\u011flayacak bir ekonomi; \u201cmutfa\u011f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma, idare etme sanat\u0131<\/em>\u201d.[35]<\/a> Ailenin ge\u00e7imini sa\u011flayacak mutfak idaresinin \u00f6rne\u011fin elektrik \u00fcretimi, motorlu ara\u00e7 kullan\u0131m\u0131, tramvay benzeri ara\u00e7lar\u0131n geli\u015ftirilmesi, g\u0131da-giyim-bar\u0131nma ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131lanmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak malzeme \u00fcretiminin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki kirletici canavarca ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullan\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n nas\u0131l sa\u011flanaca\u011f\u0131 bu projede a\u00e7\u0131k edilmiyor.<\/p>\n

                \u201cDemokratik Modernite<\/em>\u201d, \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n anlat\u0131m\u0131na g\u00f6re, demokratik ulus formunda ve kapitalizm s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 dahilinde faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fcten belediyeler arac\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilecek \u201cekolojik kom\u00fcnal toplumsall\u0131k<\/em>\u201dtan ibarettir. Bu i\u00e7eri\u011fiyle onun \u201cmanifesto<\/em>\u201dsu, kapitalizm ile \u201cdemokratik<\/em>\u201d entegrasyon s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda kalmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

                [1]<\/a> MHP\u2019nin Meclis grup toplant\u0131s\u0131nda konu\u015fan Devlet bah\u00e7eli, “K\u00fcrt sorunu var demek sorun bekleyenlerin y\u0131k\u0131m bekleyenlerin ortak propagandas\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye asimilasyon politikas\u0131na tenezz\u00fcl etmemi\u015ftir\u201d diyor, ard\u0131ndan da “Ter\u00f6rist ba\u015f\u0131 i\u015fin i\u00e7inde olmazsa bir \u015fey olmaz diyenlere de sesleniyorum. \u015eayet ter\u00f6rist ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131n tecridi kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131rsa gelsin T\u00fcrkiye B\u00fcy\u00fck Millet Meclisi’nde DEM Parti grup toplant\u0131s\u0131nda konu\u015fsun. Ter\u00f6r\u00fcn tamamen bitti\u011fini ve \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn la\u011fvedildi\u011fini hayk\u0131rs\u0131n. Bu dirayeti g\u00f6sterirse umut hakk\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131m\u0131yla ilgili yasal d\u00fczenlemenin yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fc de ard\u0131na kadar a\u00e7\u0131ls\u0131n. Adres \u0130mral\u0131’dan DEM’e uzans\u0131n.\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulunuyordu. DW (2024) \u201cBah\u00e7eli’den \u00d6calan’a TBMM \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131\u201d, https:\/\/www.dw.com\/tr\/bah%C3%A7eliden-%C3%B6calana-tbmm-%C3%A7a%C4%9Fr%C4%B1s%C4%B1\/a-70565160<\/p>\n

                [2]<\/a> K\u0131sadalga (2025) \u201c\u00d6calan’\u0131n PKK kongresine g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi mektup s\u0131zd\u0131: ‘Perspektif’te Bah\u00e7eli i\u00e7in neler yazd\u0131?\u201d, https:\/\/kisadalga.net\/haber\/gundem\/ocalanin-pkk-kongresine-gonderdigi-mektup-sizdi-perspektifte-bahceli-icin-neler-yazdi-127469<\/p>\n

                [3]<\/a> BBC T\u00fcrk\u00e7e (2025) \u201cErdo\u011fan Diyarbak\u0131r’da: \u00d6n\u00fcm\u00fczde yeni bir f\u0131rsat penceresi daha a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u201d, https:\/\/www.bbc.com\/turkce\/articles\/c15zgeppy5wo<\/p>\n

                [4]<\/a> Anka Haber (2025) \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcr \u00d6zel: “Ter\u00f6rs\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye’ye evet diyorum. B\u00fcy\u00fck bir sab\u0131rla, ihtiyatla, ihtimamla s\u00fcrece samimiyetle destek vermeyi \u00f6nemli g\u00f6r\u00fcyorum”, https:\/\/ankahaber.net\/haber\/detay\/ozgur_ozel_terorsuz_turkiyeye_evet_diyorum_buyuk_bir_sabirla_ihtiyatla_ihtimamla_surece_samimiyetle_destek_vermeyi_onemli_goruyorum_238828<\/p>\n

                [5]<\/a> Medyascope (2025) \u201c\u0130\u015fte Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n PKK\u2019ye g\u00f6nderdi\u011fi mektup\u201d, https:\/\/medyascope.tv\/2025\/06\/04\/abdullah-ocalanin-pkkye-gonderdigi-mektup-dogrusunu-biz-ortaya-koyacagiz\/<\/p>\n

                [6]<\/a> \u00d6calan, A. (2025) Bar\u0131\u015f ve Demokratik Toplum Manifestosu<\/em>, sf. 21.<\/p>\n

                [7]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 46 ve 50.<\/p>\n

                [8]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 51-52.<\/p>\n

                [9]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 87-88.<\/p>\n

                [10]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 89.<\/p>\n

                [11]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 95-96.<\/p>\n

                [12]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 69.<\/p>\n

                [13]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 94.<\/p>\n

                [14]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 92.<\/p>\n

                [15]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 87.<\/p>\n

                [16]<\/a> Marx\u2019\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nem ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131, Marksistlerin kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya oldu\u011fu zorluklar\u0131, Marx\u2019\u0131n, ailesiyle birlikte a\u011f\u0131r yoksulluk ko\u015fullar\u0131 nedeniyle \u00e7ekti\u011fi ac\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelip, onu e\u015fi ve \u00e7ocuklar\u0131na ili\u015fkin endi\u015feleri nedeniyle \u2018vurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u00d6calan, \u201ckar\u0131s\u0131yla ya\u015famak i\u00e7in elbisesini sat\u0131yor. \u2018Bu kitab\u0131 yazay\u0131m da gelir getirsin bu evlili\u011fi kurtaray\u0131m\u2019 diyor. B\u00f6yle Marksizm mi olur?\u201d ba\u011flam\u0131yla h\u00fck\u00fcm kesiyor. (age, sf. 20)<\/p>\n

                Marx\u2019\u0131n burjuva d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131 bu t\u00fcrden bir \u201cele\u015ftiri\u201dye ne denli ihtiya\u00e7 duymu\u015ftur, bilinmez, ama,<\/em> Marx\u2019\u0131n eserinin tarihsel anlam ve i\u015flevine kar\u015f\u0131 ideolojik-politik \u201cele\u015ftiri\u201d(!) ad\u0131na, Kapital\u2019in para ve aile kayg\u0131s\u0131yla yaz\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ima etme <\/em>yoluyla bile olsa ileri s\u00fcrmek, \u2018ahlak-vicdan\u2019 kavramlar\u0131 etraf\u0131nda s\u00f6z kuran biri i\u00e7in en hafif deyi\u015fle ay\u0131planacak bir tutumdur.<\/p>\n

                [17]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 17.<\/p>\n

                [18]<\/a> Marx, K. ve F. Engels (1992) Se\u00e7me Yap\u0131tlar<\/em>, Cilt 3, \u00e7ev. K. Somer, Birinci Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf.284-285.<\/p>\n

                [19]<\/a> Marx ve Engels, age, sf.291.<\/p>\n

                [20]<\/a> Marx ve Engels, age, sf.292.<\/p>\n

                [21]<\/a> Marx ve Engels, age, sf.294.<\/p>\n

                [22]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 66.<\/p>\n

                [23]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 22.<\/p>\n

                [24]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf.60.<\/p>\n

                [25]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 45.<\/p>\n

                [26]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 88.<\/p>\n

                [27]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 69-70.<\/p>\n

                [28]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 91.<\/p>\n

                [29]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 69.<\/p>\n

                [30]<\/a> Marx, K. ve Engels, F. (1989) Gotha ve Erfurt Programlar\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi<\/em>, \u00e7ev. M. Kabagil, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 57.<\/p>\n

                [31]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 77.<\/p>\n

                [32]<\/a> Ulusal tam hak e\u015fitli\u011fi temelinde<\/em> birden fazla ulusun ayn\u0131 devletin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde birlikte ya\u015famas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Sosyalistler, b\u00f6ylesi bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen ve ezilenlerin birli\u011fi ve devrimci hedefleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan yararl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcr ve desteklerler. Kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ayr\u0131mc\u0131 politikalar\u0131 potansiyel olarak i\u00e7ermesine ra\u011fmen bu durumda sorun siyasal demokrasi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f olur. Tarihsel toplum sosyolojisindeki de\u011fi\u015fimden de s\u00f6z eden \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cvarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n kabul\u00fc\u201d <\/em>iddias\u0131 bu t\u00fcr bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u015faret ediyor g\u00f6r\u00fcnmektedir. Ancak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de K\u00fcrt ulusal varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da ulusal haklar\u0131n\u0131n kabul edildi\u011fini g\u00f6sterir bir de\u011fi\u015fim hen\u00fcz yoktur.<\/p>\n

                [33]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 23.<\/p>\n

                [34]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 24.<\/p>\n

                [35]<\/a> \u00d6calan, age, sf. 98.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

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