{"id":3817,"date":"2025-10-17T09:24:40","date_gmt":"2025-10-17T06:24:40","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=3817"},"modified":"2025-10-17T09:36:21","modified_gmt":"2025-10-17T06:36:21","slug":"izler-catlaklar-ve-yollar-2023ten-2025e-sinif-mucadelesinin-haritasi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2025\/10\/17\/izler-catlaklar-ve-yollar-2023ten-2025e-sinif-mucadelesinin-haritasi\/","title":{"rendered":"\u0130zler, \u00c7atlaklar ve Yollar: 2023\u2019ten 2025\u2019e S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadelesinin Haritas\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ekinsu Devrim Dan\u0131\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

Giri\u015f<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n 2023 se\u00e7imleri sonras\u0131nda belirginle\u015fen ekonomik ve siyasal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ba\u011flam\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerini, s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7i \u00e7eli\u015fkileri, \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck krizlerini ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 Marksist bir s\u0131n\u0131f perspektifiyle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeyi hedeflemektedir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in de\u011fil, toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fkileri kavray\u0131p onlar\u0131 kendi m\u00fccadelesinin par\u00e7as\u0131 haline getirecek bir \u00f6znellik geli\u015ftirmesi gerekti\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi, bu yaz\u0131ya y\u00f6n veren dayanaklardan biridir. Bununla birlikte, bu yaz\u0131 hen\u00fcz bu evreye ula\u015fmam\u0131\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini ve onun i\u00e7 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini konu edinmektedir. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de hen\u00fcz birle\u015fik, \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve politik bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi olu\u015fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Mevcut eylemlilikler, par\u00e7al\u0131, ge\u00e7ici ve \u00e7o\u011funlukla kendili\u011finden geli\u015fen nitelikler ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle yaz\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131, son d\u00f6nem geli\u015fen i\u015f\u00e7i eylemlerinin arkas\u0131ndaki ekonomi-politik dinamikleri g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmak; bu eylemliliklerin s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci d\u00fczeyinde nas\u0131l deneyimlendi\u011fini ve alg\u0131land\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 anlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

2023\u2019ten 2025\u2019e uzanan s\u00fcre\u00e7, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca \u00fccret m\u00fccadelelerinin de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u00e7sel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n, par\u00e7al\u0131 bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeyinin ve siyasal-toplumsal pozisyon al\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n da \u015fekillendirdi\u011fi bir m\u00fccadele momentine i\u015faret etmektedir. Bu moment, yaln\u0131zca istatistiksel g\u00f6stergelerle ya da soyut \u201chareket\u201d tan\u0131mlar\u0131yla kavranamayacak kadar somut, g\u00fcndelik ve \u00e7eli\u015fkili deneyimlerle \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcd\u00fcr. Yaz\u0131n\u0131n temel iddias\u0131, bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin yaln\u0131zca engelleyici unsurlar de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin \u00f6rg\u00fctsel, politik ve ideolojik d\u00fczeyde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme potansiyelini bar\u0131nd\u0131ran bir zemin olu\u015fturdu\u011fudur. Bu ama\u00e7la yaz\u0131da, tekstil, metal, petro-kimya ve lojistik gibi farkl\u0131 i\u015fkollar\u0131nda; sendikal\u0131 ya da sendikas\u0131z olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u00e7e\u015fitli fiili grev ve direni\u015f \u00f6rneklerinden hareketle somut \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemelere de yer verilmektedir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

2023: Da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k Patlamalar ve Mevzi M\u00fccadeleler <\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cMilletimizin her bir ferdini Orta Vadeli Program\u2019a destek olmaya davet ediyorum.\u201d <\/em>
\nRecep Tayyip Erdo\u011fan[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

2023 May\u0131s se\u00e7imleri \u00f6ncesinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck faiz ve geni\u015f kredilendirme politikalar\u0131yla i\u015fleyen ekonomik model, se\u00e7imlerin hemen ard\u0131ndan yerli-yabanc\u0131 tekellerin ve b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin bask\u0131s\u0131yla yerini \u015eim\u015fek-Erdo\u011fan imzal\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 bir yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131rmaya, yani a\u00e7\u0131k bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc program\u0131na b\u0131rakt\u0131. K\u0131sa s\u00fcre \u00f6nceye dek iktidar\u0131n y\u00f6n verdi\u011fi krediye dayal\u0131 model hem k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck sermaye fraksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 hem de geni\u015f emek\u00e7i kesimleri bor\u00e7 sarmal\u0131na \u00e7ekmi\u015f; \u00fcretim, t\u00fcketim ve yat\u0131r\u0131m d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fcnde dengesiz ama idare edilebilir bir ge\u00e7icilik duygusu yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Y\u00fcksek enflasyon, derinle\u015fen yoksulluk, ge\u00e7im kayg\u0131s\u0131 ve b\u00fcy\u00fcyen bor\u00e7luluk, hen\u00fcz kitlesel bir tepkiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmemi\u015fti. \u201cYerli otomobil\u201d, \u201cyerli ve milli savunma sanayi\u201d, \u201cmilli ekonomi\u201d propagandas\u0131yla beslenen milliyet\u00e7i-ideolojik ku\u015fatma yak\u0131n gelecekte bir refah art\u0131\u015f\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131 beklentisini canl\u0131 tutuyor, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n geni\u015f kesimlerini mevcut durumu ge\u00e7ici bir istisna olarak g\u00f6rmeye sevk ediyordu. Se\u00e7im sonras\u0131nda y\u00fckselen \u201csab\u0131r, fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k, di\u015f s\u0131kma\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131, asl\u0131nda yaln\u0131zca emek\u00e7ilere de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 anda b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayeye de verilmi\u015f bir mesajd\u0131. Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar, \u201cse\u00e7im bitti, gere\u011fini yapt\u0131k, bekleyin\u201d denilerek sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik bir teminat niteli\u011fi de ta\u015f\u0131yordu. \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in g\u00f6reve getirilmesiyle birlikte, sabr\u0131 t\u00fckenen yerli ve yabanc\u0131 sermaye \u00e7evrelerinin talepleri do\u011frultusunda Orta Vadeli Program (OVP) devreye sokuldu. Kur art\u0131\u015flar\u0131, reel \u00fccret kay\u0131plar\u0131, enflasyon yoluyla maa\u015flar\u0131n eritilmesi ve artan dolayl\u0131 vergiler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan hedef ald\u0131. Asgari \u00fccret, daha y\u0131l ortas\u0131nda a\u00e7l\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131na gerilerken; \u015firketlere ise milyarlarca liral\u0131k te\u015fvikler aktar\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcretece\u011fine inanan, ge\u00e7mi\u015f d\u00f6nemlerin hat\u0131r\u0131na ona bir kez daha oy veren i\u015f\u00e7i kesimleri i\u00e7inde ise bu s\u00fcrecin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoksulla\u015fma ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, sessiz bir ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fu mayalamaya ba\u015flad\u0131; ard\u0131ndan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck yo\u011funluklu fakat birikimli bir \u00f6fkeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc. Emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda homurdanmalar belirgin \u015fekilde y\u00fckseliyor; \u201cdayanma\u201d ve \u201cidare etme\u201d halinin yerini yava\u015f yava\u015f (bireysel ya da kolektif) m\u00fccadele aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 al\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Bu geli\u015fmeler yaln\u0131zca se\u00e7im \u00f6ncesi vaatlerin tutulmamas\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanamaz. Esas olarak \u015eim\u015fek-Erdo\u011fan program\u0131, burjuvazinin t\u00fcm fraksiyonlar\u0131na yaln\u0131zca d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretli ve g\u00fcvencesiz emek rejimini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme olana\u011f\u0131 sunmakla kalm\u0131yor; ayn\u0131 zamanda fabrika-i\u015fyerlerinde sendikal haklar\u0131n gasp edilmesi, anayasal g\u00fcvencelerin fiilen ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7ilere y\u00f6nelik sistematik bask\u0131, hakaret ve onur k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 uygulamalar\u0131n ola\u011fanla\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in de bir me\u015fruiyet zemini yarat\u0131yordu. OVP t\u00fcm y\u00f6nleriyle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcndelik prati\u011finde de do\u011frudan hissedilmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

2023\u2019teki i\u015f\u00e7i eylemleri \u00f6zellikle belediye, kamu ve hizmet i\u015f kolunda, sendikal\u0131 i\u015fyerlerinde ek zam talepleriyle; metal sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde ise toplu i\u015f s\u00f6zle\u015fmesi d\u00f6nemlerinde \u00f6zellikle fabrika i\u00e7erisinde kendi iradelerini yans\u0131tan bir taslak m\u00fccadelesi ve sendikal b\u00fcrokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 eylemler \u015feklinde i\u00e7 i\u00e7e devam etti. Trendyol, Agrobay, \u00d6zak ve \u015eireci gibi i\u015fyerlerinde de \u00fccret m\u00fccadelesi ile sendikala\u015fma m\u00fccadelesinin i\u00e7 i\u00e7e geli\u015fti\u011fi eylemler geli\u015fti. Mata, A\u011fa\u00e7 A.\u015e. gibi \u00f6rneklerde ek zam eylemleri; Ar\u00e7elik, Ford, Mann gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck metal i\u015fyerlerinde ise toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fme \u00f6ncesi i\u015f\u00e7ilerin taslaklara m\u00fcdahale giri\u015fimleri \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu eylemler ayn\u0131 zamanda sendikal b\u00fcrokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan y\u00fckselen bir tepkiselli\u011fi de i\u00e7eriyordu.<\/p>\n

Artan ho\u015fnutsuzluk, belirli sekt\u00f6rlerde do\u011frudan fiili i\u015f b\u0131rakma bi\u00e7imini almaya ba\u015flad\u0131. Y\u0131lda iki kez yap\u0131lan zamlar\u0131n birka\u00e7 ay i\u00e7inde a\u00e7l\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmesi, T\u0130S\u2019le ba\u011flanan \u00fccretlerin h\u0131zla erimesi, art\u0131k sendikal\u0131 i\u015fyerlerinde dahi huzursuzlu\u011fu k\u00f6r\u00fckl\u00fcyordu. Se\u00e7imlerin ard\u0131ndan y\u00fcz binlerce i\u015f\u00e7i, hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccret politikalar\u0131 ve derinle\u015fen vergi adaletsizli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 eyleme ge\u00e7ti. Emek \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 Toplulu\u011fu\u2019nun verileri, bu eylemlerin yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fczde 40\u2019\u0131n\u0131n T\u0130S s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine m\u00fcdahale bi\u00e7iminde geli\u015fti\u011fini; y\u00fczde 15\u2019inin i\u015ften atmalara, y\u00fczde 15\u2019inin ek protokol taleplerine ve y\u00fczde 12\u2019sinin do\u011frudan sendikala\u015fma m\u00fccadelesine dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Fiili grev oran\u0131 y\u00fczde 32\u2019ye \u00e7\u0131karak son y\u0131llar\u0131n zirvesine ula\u015ft\u0131. 562 fabrikada 99 bin i\u015f\u00e7inin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fyeri merkezli eylemler, yeni bir dalgan\u0131n ifadesiydi.[3]<\/a> Metal i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin grevleri, belediye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n\u0131n protokol talepleri, kamu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin kamu \u00e7er\u00e7eve protokol\u00fc masas\u0131na m\u00fcdahale giri\u015fimleriyle birlikte, sendikas\u0131z i\u015fyerlerinde s\u00fcren fiili grevler; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015f kesimlerinin talep d\u00fczeyinde ortakla\u015fan bir s\u0131n\u0131f tepkisi geli\u015ftirdi\u011fini ortaya koydu. Bu tepkilerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ise, tek adam rejiminin sadece yasalar\u0131 de\u011fil, t\u00fcm yerel ve merkezi idari ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 seferber etti\u011fi bir kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f mevzilenmesi vard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Fiili grevlerin \u00f6nc\u00fc hatlar\u0131n\u0131, \u201cidare etme\u201d e\u015fi\u011fini \u00e7oktan a\u015fm\u0131\u015f, eme\u011fin en ucuz ve en bask\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki bi\u00e7imlerde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi tekstil, lojistik ve ta\u015feron hizmet sekt\u00f6rlerinde yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131. Bu sekt\u00f6rlerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak, yaln\u0131zca d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretle ya\u015famak anlam\u0131na gelmiyor; ayn\u0131 zamanda 16 saate varan vardiyalar, zorunlu mesailer, tuvalet molalar\u0131n\u0131n dahi g\u00f6zetim alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir emek rejimi i\u00e7inde ayakta kalmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Bu i\u015f\u00e7iler, \u201cidare edememe\u201d halinin ekonomik ve ayn\u0131 zamanda fiziksel ve psikolojik s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131na da dayand\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in, grevleri tetikleyen ilk halkay\u0131 olu\u015fturdu.<\/p>\n

Bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda patlak veren grevler, bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, y\u00f6ns\u00fcz ve birikmi\u015f bir \u00f6fkenin ani ve \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz parlamalar\u0131yd\u0131. Erdo\u011fan-\u015eim\u015fek imzal\u0131 OVP, \u00f6zellikle bu i\u015fkollar\u0131ndaki kaynama s\u00fcrecini h\u0131zland\u0131ran bir \u0131s\u0131 etkisi yarat\u0131rken, ayn\u0131 zamanda her k\u0131p\u0131rt\u0131ya an\u0131nda bast\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir m\u00fcdahaleyle kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k veren refleksif bir tepki mekanizmas\u0131 da \u00fcretti. Yani bir yandan kaynatan, bir yandan bast\u0131ran bir tepki-etki d\u00f6ng\u00fcs\u00fc i\u00e7inde i\u015fliyordu. Bu \u00e7ifte etki en net bi\u00e7imiyle \u015fu noktada g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale geldi: Fiili grev yapan, sendikala\u015fan ya da ek protokol talep eden i\u015f\u00e7iler h\u0131zla \u0130\u015f Kanunu\u2019nun 25\/II maddesi[4]<\/a> gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6sterilerek tazminats\u0131z bi\u00e7imde, bir g\u00f6zda\u011f\u0131 niteli\u011fi de ta\u015f\u0131yan \u015fekilde i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 neredeyse norm haline geldi. Bu i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131karmalar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ba\u015flayan uzun soluklu oturma eylemleri, fabrika \u00f6n\u00fc bekleyi\u015fleri, a\u00e7\u0131klamalar, y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fler ve bunlara y\u00f6nelik sert kolluk m\u00fcdahaleleri ise, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin patronlarla yaln\u0131zca \u00fccret pazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fil, do\u011frudan siyasal iktidar\u0131n yerel temsilcileriyle (kolluk kuvvetlerinden valilik yasaklar\u0131na, mahkeme kararlar\u0131ndan belediye ba\u015fkanlar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcdahalesine) kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi bir s\u00fcreci ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Her ne kadar bu kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geli\u015fler, do\u011frudan politik bilince dayal\u0131 bir m\u00fccadeleye i\u015faret etmese de, \u00fccret m\u00fccadelesinin siyasal iktidar\u0131n m\u00fcdahaleleriyle nesnel olarak politikle\u015fti\u011fi \u00f6rnekler \u00e7o\u011falm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[5]<\/a> \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7iler yaln\u0131zca emeklerini ucuza satmak zorunda kalm\u0131yor, yaln\u0131zca ge\u00e7inemiyor de\u011fildi; ayn\u0131 zamanda insan yerine konulmuyor, horlan\u0131yor, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lan\u0131yor, onurlar\u0131 ayaklar alt\u0131na al\u0131n\u0131yordu. Ve tam da bu ko\u015fullara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ok hakl\u0131 taleplerle haklar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131nda, \u201cahlaks\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d kodlar\u0131yla i\u015ften at\u0131l\u0131yor; bekledikleri deste\u011fi de\u011fil, kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131nda devletin polisi, yarg\u0131c\u0131, kaymakam\u0131 ve yasak kararlar\u0131yla \u015fekillenmi\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn bir bask\u0131 ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 buluyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu tabloyu desteklemek \u00fczere birka\u00e7 fabrika \u00f6rne\u011fine mikroskopla bakmakta yarar var.<\/p>\n

2023 A\u011fustosu\u2019nda, 600 i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 Trendyol deposunda DGD-SEN ve PTT-SEN \u00fcyesi en az 54 i\u015f\u00e7i, bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc sendikal faaliyetleri gerek\u00e7e g\u00f6sterilerek 25\/II maddesiyle tazminats\u0131z i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131. \u00d6nce Esenyurt\u2019taki depo \u00f6n\u00fcnde, ard\u0131ndan Trendyol\u2019un Maslak\u2019taki genel merkezi \u00f6n\u00fcnde yap\u0131lan eylemlere polis sert \u015fekilde m\u00fcdahale etti, i\u015f\u00e7iler g\u00f6zalt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131. Bir i\u015f\u00e7i \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201cY\u0131l\u0131n belli zamanlar\u0131nda yo\u011funluk iki kat\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ve 8 saat yerine 12 saat \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorduk. Mecburi mesailerle insanlar\u0131n hayatlar\u0131 t\u0131r bo\u015faltmak ve t\u0131r y\u00fcklemekle ge\u00e7iyor. Amirlerin bask\u0131lar\u0131, tehditleri cabas\u0131. Mesai hesab\u0131n\u0131 sormak isteyen tutanak yiyor, primleri kesiliyor. \u0130\u015ften edilme korkusuyla kimse sesini \u00e7\u0131karam\u0131yor. Hakk\u0131n\u0131 arayan bir telefonla kovuluyor, \u2018servise binmenize gerek yok\u2019 deniliyor. \u0130\u00e7eridekilere g\u00f6zda\u011f\u0131 veriliyor.<\/em>\u201d[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bundan \u00fc\u00e7 ay sonra, Urfa\u2019da \u00d6zak Tekstil i\u015f\u00e7ileri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccret ve hakarete kar\u015f\u0131 sendikal tan\u0131nma m\u00fccadelesi ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, valili\u011fin eylem yasa\u011f\u0131yla birlikte jandarma copu, TOMA suyu, g\u00f6ky\u00fcz\u00fcnde helikopter e\u015fli\u011finde 80 g\u00fcnl\u00fck bir direni\u015fin i\u00e7ine girdiler. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201cKad\u0131n erkek fark etmiyor, \u2018salak\u2019, \u2018aptal\u2019 diyerek hakaret ediyorlar\u2026Geceleri 01.00\u2019e kadar mesai yap\u0131yoruz. Bitmesini sordu\u011fumuzda, \u2018memnun de\u011filseniz \u00e7\u0131k\u0131n gidin\u2019 diyorlar. \u00c7\u0131karsak sicilimizi karalayacaklar\u0131yla tehdit ediyorlar. Bu a\u015fa\u011f\u0131lamaya kar\u015f\u0131 buraday\u0131z. Sendikam\u0131z\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131, mobbingin kalkmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyoruz.<\/em>\u201d[7]<\/a><\/p>\n

Gaziantep\u2019teki \u015eireci Tekstil\u2019de ya\u015fananlar ise, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ekonomik taleplerle ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin, her ne kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fcrenlerce bilin\u00e7li bir \u015fekilde politik bir m\u00fccadele olarak y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmese de, kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 engeller ve m\u00fcdahaleler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla h\u0131zla politik bir karakter kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve bu engellerin yaln\u0131zca patronla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi. Yakla\u015f\u0131k 2 bin i\u015f\u00e7inin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck zam dayatmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 direni\u015fe, cep telefonlar\u0131na at\u0131lan mesajlarla verilen toplu i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131karma yan\u0131t\u0131, ard\u0131ndan binlerce i\u015f\u00e7inin y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn TOMA\u2019larla engellenmesi; sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n elindeki siyasal ve idari g\u00fcc\u00fcn do\u011frudan devreye sokulmas\u0131n\u0131n ifadesiydi. Bu m\u00fcdahaleye e\u015flik eden Gaziantep B\u00fcy\u00fck\u015fehir Belediye Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Fatma \u015eahin\u2019in patronla i\u015f\u00e7iyi \u201cbaba-o\u011ful\u201d ilan eden a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 ise,\u00a0s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinin nas\u0131l ailevi, dinsel ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir perdeyle gizlenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rne\u011fiydi. Ekonomik taleplerle ba\u015flayan m\u00fccadele, siyasal kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 ve ideolojik \u00f6rt\u00fclerle \u00e7evrelendi\u011fi anda, yaln\u0131zca \u00fccret ya da zam meselesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\n

2023 y\u0131l\u0131 boyunca ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen fiili grevlerin \u00e7o\u011funa karakterini veren bu \u00f6rnekler, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda yaln\u0131zca patronlar\u0131 de\u011fil, onlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda saf tutan yerel y\u00f6netimi, kolluk g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ve bu ili\u015fkileri do\u011fal, ola\u011fan ve de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ideolojik ku\u015fatmay\u0131 da buldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi. Ancak bu m\u00fcdahaleler yaln\u0131zca eylemlerin bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 de\u011fil; s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc fark etmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcne dikilen do\u011frudan bir bask\u0131 mekanizmas\u0131yd\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler i\u00e7in bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, yaln\u0131zca hak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil; kimden ve neyi talep ettiklerinin, m\u00fccadelelerinin kime kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6neldi\u011finin daha a\u00e7\u0131k hale geldi\u011fi bir politik deneyimdi. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda geli\u015fmeye ba\u015flayan \u201cBu ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 neden ya\u015f\u0131yoruz?\u201d sorusu, art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca bireysel bir s\u0131k\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ifadesi de\u011fil, sistemli bir bask\u0131 rejiminin sezilmesi anlam\u0131na da gelmeye ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Her m\u00fccadele sonras\u0131 fabrikas\u0131na \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ve sorgulamalar\u0131n ard\u0131ndan d\u00f6nen i\u015f\u00e7i a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu s\u00fcre\u00e7ler, s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin farkl\u0131 katmanlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ama geli\u015fimsel bir sal\u0131n\u0131ma yol a\u00e7ar; yine de bu, kendi i\u00e7inde geli\u015fkin bir s\u0131n\u0131f bilincine s\u0131\u00e7rayacak bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm yaratmak i\u00e7in yeterli de\u011fildir. Tek tek i\u015f\u00e7iler, m\u00fccadele sonras\u0131 yeniden patronuyla bire bir ili\u015fki alan\u0131na d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde; \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hayat\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 her t\u00fcrl\u00fc zorlukla, harekete ge\u00e7ti\u011finde kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kan engeller aras\u0131nda anlaml\u0131 bir ba\u011f kuramad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 deneyimler tekille\u015fir ve da\u011f\u0131l\u0131r. \u201cBu ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 neden ya\u015f\u0131yoruz?\u201d sorusu canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yitirir. Bu nedenle, idare etmenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n darald\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan patlamalar\u0131n bir di\u011fer y\u00fcz\u00fc, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman kendi alevini h\u0131zla s\u00f6nd\u00fcren ya da yaln\u0131zca anl\u0131k bir rahatlama arayan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesidir. Bu anlat\u0131lan, kendili\u011finden geli\u015fen i\u015f\u00e7i hareketlerinin temel karakteridir ve \u00e7o\u011fu zaman bu d\u00f6ng\u00fc i\u00e7inde ilerlemesi ola\u011fand\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle de onu toparlayacak \u00f6nc\u00fc unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n devrimci partisince kazan\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, embriyon halindeki sorgulamalarla do\u011fan politik bilincin e\u015fi\u011fine \u00e7arp\u0131p oradan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclerek geri \u00e7ekilmesi bi\u00e7iminde bir d\u00f6ng\u00fc ya\u015fanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Tam da bu noktada, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin i\u00e7inde geli\u015fti\u011fi nesnel ko\u015fullarla \u00f6znel kapasitesi aras\u0131ndaki gerilim kendini g\u00f6sterir: En a\u011f\u0131r s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131, en h\u0131zl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 do\u011fururken; bu k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131mlar, yayg\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fck, g\u00fcvensizlik ve da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k bilin\u00e7 ko\u015fullar\u0131nda kolayca s\u00f6n\u00fcmlenebilmektedir. Bu d\u00f6neme damgas\u0131n\u0131 vuran ani patlamal\u0131, mevzi \u00fccret m\u00fccadeleleri, bu gerilimi hem harekete ge\u00e7iren hem de s\u0131nayan dinamikleri ayn\u0131 anda ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r. 2023 y\u0131l\u0131 boyunca ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen fiili grevler ve yerel \u00fccret m\u00fccadeleleri, bir yandan birikmi\u015f \u00f6fkenin ifadesi olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karken, \u00f6te yandan s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin geli\u015fimini tetikleyen fakat ayn\u0131 zamanda onu s\u00fcrekli s\u0131nayan zeminlerdi.<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u0130dare Edenler ve \u0130leri At\u0131lanlar<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nemin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131na ge\u00e7meden \u00f6nce, onlar\u0131n s\u0131k\u00e7a ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi, \u201cbunlardan bir \u015fey olmaz\u201d diyerek i\u015faret etti\u011fi ve ger\u00e7ekten de en diptekilere k\u0131yasla h\u00e2l\u00e2 bir \u015fekilde g\u00fcn\u00fc kurtarabilen, bu nedenle harekete ge\u00e7meye daha mesafeli kalan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu ana g\u00f6vdeye odaklanmak gerekiyor. Bu g\u00f6vde, tam da ekonomik krizin e\u015fitsiz ve sekt\u00f6rel olarak farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f etkilerinin yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir alan olarak, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi i\u00e7indeki katmanla\u015fmay\u0131 ve i\u00e7sel farkl\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin, metal sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde T\u0130S s\u00fcreci boyunca sendikal b\u00fcrokrasiye y\u00f6nelik ho\u015fnutsuzluk ve tepki olduk\u00e7a yayg\u0131nd\u0131. Ford\u2019da i\u015f\u00e7iler, T\u00fcrk Metal\u2019in anket tasla\u011f\u0131ndaki se\u00e7enekleri karalayarak kendi taleplerini yaz\u0131yor, servis duraklar\u0131na \u201cek zam istiyoruz\u201d yaz\u0131l\u0131 d\u00f6vizler as\u0131yordu. Ar\u00e7elik\u2019in Ankara fabrikas\u0131nda ise i\u015f\u00e7iler, sendikac\u0131lar\u0131 yuhal\u0131yor, tuvaletlere Evrensel<\/em> gazetesine gelen i\u015f\u00e7i mektuplar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 yap\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor; hatta tuvalet duvarlar\u0131nda birbirlerine mesaj b\u0131rakarak ileti\u015fim kuruyorlard\u0131. T\u00fcrk Metal\u2019in tasla\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131yla birlikte metal fabrikalar\u0131nda bir s\u00fcredir birikmi\u015f \u00f6fke, alttan alta daha belirgin \u015fekilde g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr h\u00e2le geldi. Ancak bu belirtiler, Ar\u00e7elik, Ford, MAN gibi m\u00fccadele haf\u0131zas\u0131 y\u00fcksek fabrikalarda do\u011frudan i\u015f b\u0131rakmaya ya da eylemlere evrilmedi. Oysa bu kesimler, sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin i\u015fleyi\u015fine dair en \u00e7ok deneyim biriktirmi\u015f, \u00f6nceki m\u00fccadelelerden hem kazan\u0131m hem yenilgiyle \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f i\u015f\u00e7ilerdi. Bu nedenle, yaln\u0131zca sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin engelleyici etkisinin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011funun ve hen\u00fcz bunu a\u015facak bir g\u00fc\u00e7 birikimine sahip olmad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n fark\u0131nda olmalar\u0131 de\u011fil; ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi i\u00e7lerindeki \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, g\u00fcvensizli\u011fin ve da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tahribat da hareket kapasitelerini s\u0131n\u0131rlamaktad\u0131r. Tepkiler a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131, ho\u015fnutsuzluk yo\u011fundu; fakat belirleyici olan h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u201cbekleme\u201d, \u201cg\u00f6zleme\u201d ve \u201cidare etme\u201d halinin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. Bu i\u015f\u00e7iler, asgari bir \u00f6rg\u00fctsel birlik sa\u011flanmad\u0131k\u00e7a, kazan\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri cephede m\u00fccadeleye at\u0131lmay\u0131 tercih etmemektedirler.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n

“Bo\u015f tencere iktidar\u0131 g\u00f6t\u00fcrmemi\u015fti” \u2014 ama bu, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n t\u00fcm kesimlerinin ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ya da ayn\u0131 yollarla idare edebildi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyordu. Bir yanda dayanma s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7oktan a\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve eyleme ge\u00e7mi\u015f kesimler; di\u011fer yanda h\u00e2l\u00e2 iktidar\u0131n sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zece\u011fine dair beklentisini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren, ancak bu beklentiye giderek artan bir k\u00fcsk\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve t\u00fckenmi\u015fli\u011fi de ekleyen, bireysel ba\u015f etme ve katlanma bi\u00e7imlerini sonuna kadar zorlayan geni\u015f emek\u00e7i kitle… Bu da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k tablo, se\u00e7im d\u00f6neminin kutupla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 siyasetinin fabrikalara ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131yla birle\u015ferek, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ortak talepler etraf\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini geciktiren \u00f6nemli bir e\u015fik olu\u015fturdu.<\/p>\n

Eski\u015fehir\u2019de g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz bir i\u015f\u00e7i bu tabloyu \u015f\u00f6yle ifade ediyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201c\u0130\u015fyerlerinde AKP ve di\u011ferleri gibi bir ayr\u0131\u015fma var. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin birbirinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, dayan\u0131\u015fman\u0131n azald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tablo var. Y\u0131llard\u0131r birbirini tan\u0131yan i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda bile\u2026 Birlikte m\u00fccadele edebilir miyiz, diye bir tart\u0131\u015fma yok. Elindeki her \u015feyi kaybetmi\u015f ama ortak m\u00fccadeleye girmeye h\u00e2l\u00e2 \u00e7ekiniyor. Herkes borsa oynuyor.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Esenyurt\u2019ta g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz bir LC Waikiki depo i\u015f\u00e7isi ise bireyle\u015fmeyi daha do\u011frudan tarif ediyordu: \u201cBireyselle\u015ftik. Sadece eve nas\u0131l ekmek g\u00f6t\u00fcrece\u011fimize odaklanm\u0131\u015f haldeyiz. Detayl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmeyi, sorgulamay\u0131 unuttu insanlar. \u0130leti\u015fim dahi kuram\u0131yoruz birbirimizle.<\/em>\u201d[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00c7eli\u015fki de tam bu noktada derinle\u015fti: G\u00fcn\u00fc kurtarma tela\u015f\u0131 ile \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadeleye duyulan ihtiya\u00e7 aras\u0131ndaki gerilim giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcrken, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n dayan\u0131\u015fma refleksinde biriken tahribat nedeniyle bireysel ba\u015f etme yollar\u0131, kolektif m\u00fccadele zeminlerinin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7meye ba\u015flad\u0131. \u0130\u015fte bu canh\u0131ra\u015f \u00e7aban\u0131n ortas\u0131nda debelenen i\u015f\u00e7ilerle, \u201cdaha neyi bekliyoruz\u201d diye soran m\u00fccadeleci i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki mesafe, kimi anlarda, bir patlama, bir grev, bir direni\u015f an\u0131nda, ge\u00e7ici olarak kapan\u0131yordu. Ancak her defas\u0131nda, fabrika rutinine geri d\u00f6n\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, o mesafe ayn\u0131 yerden yeniden kuruluyordu. Bu tekrar eden d\u00f6ng\u00fc, m\u00fccadeleci i\u015f\u00e7ilerin mevzi kayb\u0131n\u0131 yaln\u0131zca d\u0131\u015fsal bir neden olarak de\u011fil, i\u00e7sel bir konumlanma sorunuyla da a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc asl\u0131nda bu iki i\u015f\u00e7i tipi, s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin hen\u00fcz \u015fekillenmekte olan, da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k e\u015fik noktalar\u0131nda birbirlerine sand\u0131klar\u0131ndan \u00e7ok daha fazla benziyor. \u0130kisi de sab\u0131rs\u0131z; ikisi de kestirme kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n pe\u015finde. Biri, hi\u00e7bir haz\u0131rl\u0131k yapmadan hemen sald\u0131rmak ve hemen kazanmak istiyor; di\u011feri ise, m\u00fccadelenin hen\u00fcz ger\u00e7ek bir zemine oturmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnerek geri duruyor ve g\u00fcn\u00fc m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca idare etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. \u00d6ne \u00e7\u0131kan\u0131n arkas\u0131nda kimseyi bulamamas\u0131, geri duran i\u00e7in de bir gerek\u00e7eye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor: \u201cZaten kimse arkas\u0131nda durmaz.\u201d Bazen de bu geri duru\u015f, kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcvensizli\u011fini me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in \u00f6nc\u00fcn\u00fcn inisiyatif almas\u0131n\u0131 beklemek bi\u00e7iminde tezah\u00fcr ediyor. B\u00f6ylece biri h\u0131zla yaln\u0131zla\u015f\u0131yor, di\u011feri bu yaln\u0131zla\u015fman\u0131n bahanesiyle oldu\u011fu yerde kalmay\u0131 me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yor. Oysa bu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 uzakl\u0131k, asl\u0131nda ayn\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131fsal ruh h\u00e2linin farkl\u0131 ifade bi\u00e7imlerinden ibaret. Birbirlerine mesafe alm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen bu iki e\u011filim, tam da bu nedenle ayn\u0131 diyalekti\u011fin iki ucunu olu\u015fturuyor.<\/p>\n

Bu diyalektik yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7ilerin davran\u0131\u015f e\u011filimleriyle de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda onlar\u0131n kendi s\u0131n\u0131f konumlar\u0131na ve s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerine dair alg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n, tarihsel olarak egemen burjuva siyaset taraf\u0131ndan bi\u00e7imlendirilmesiyle ilgilidir. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kolektif deneyiminin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131, yenilgi haf\u0131zas\u0131, \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fck ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve burjuva ideolojik ku\u015fatma, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi s\u0131n\u0131fsal aidiyetlerine y\u00f6nelmesini ya a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131rmakta ya da bu y\u00f6nelimi anl\u0131k ve g\u00fcd\u00fcsel tepkiler d\u00fczeyinde tutmaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle sald\u0131rganl\u0131k ile geri \u00e7ekilme, \u00f6fke ile edilgenlik, asl\u0131nda ayn\u0131 k\u0131r\u0131lgan zeminde k\u00f6k salan farkl\u0131 savunma refleksleri olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu ba\u011flamda, d\u00f6nemin m\u00fccadeleci i\u015f\u00e7isi ile harekete mesafeli kalan ana g\u00f6vde aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki, her i\u015fyerinde kendi somut bi\u00e7imlerini alsa da, neredeyse t\u00fcm fabrikalarda benzer dinamiklerle kendini yeniden \u00fcretiyor.<\/p>\n

2024-2025: Fiili grev, T\u0130S eylemleri ve birle\u015fme e\u011filimleri<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cEkonomimizin yat\u0131r\u0131m, istihdam, \u00fcretim ve ihracat yoluyla b\u00fcy\u00fcme olu\u015fturma kapasitesi de g\u00fc\u00e7lenerek devam ediyor\u201d
\n<\/em>Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 Yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131 Cevdet Y\u0131lmaz[10]<\/strong><\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Mevcut ekonomi politikalar\u0131n\u0131n fabrika ve i\u015fyerlerindeki e\u015fitsiz yans\u0131malar\u0131, her i\u015fyerinin kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131na g\u00f6re farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde ilerlerken, 2024 y\u0131l\u0131 boyunca bu irili ufakl\u0131 \u00fccret kavgalar\u0131na yenileri eklendi. Enflasyonla m\u00fccadele ad\u0131na OVP\u2019nin gereklerini kararl\u0131l\u0131kla uygulad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 her f\u0131rsatta vurgulayan Erdo\u011fan ve iktidar s\u00f6zc\u00fcleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, \u00fccretlerin bask\u0131lanmas\u0131, y\u00fcksek faiz, s\u0131k\u0131 para politikas\u0131 ve y\u00fcksek vergiler, bu d\u00f6nemde ekonomi politikalar\u0131n\u0131n etkisini neredeyse t\u00fcm i\u015fyerlerinde “e\u015fitleyecek” \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Y\u0131la y\u00fczde 15\u2019lik vergi dilimiyle ba\u015flay\u0131p y\u0131l\u0131 y\u00fczde 27\u2019lik dilimde tamamlayan bir\u00e7ok i\u015f\u00e7i i\u00e7in, ister fazla mesaiyle ister ek i\u015fle ya da toplu i\u015f s\u00f6zle\u015fmesiyle g\u00fcn\u00fc kurtarmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fs\u0131n, \u201cvergide adalet\u201d talebi giderek daha merkezi bir yere oturdu.[11]<\/a> \u0130hracata dayal\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcme modelinin yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 art\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece i\u015fsizli\u011fi ortadan kald\u0131raca\u011f\u0131 iddia edilen programda, \u015eim\u015fek-Erdo\u011fan hatt\u0131 her ila\u00e7 gibi \u201cbaz\u0131 yan etkiler\u201d olabilece\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor ve herkesin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te bir bedel \u00f6demesi gerekti\u011fini savunuyordu. Hep birlikte fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 ilk bak\u0131\u015fta ne kadar \u2018adil\u2019 gelse de, ger\u00e7ekte herkese \u201ce\u015fit fatura\u201d kesilmiyordu.[12]<\/a> \u00d6zellikle \u201c\u00fccret artarsa enflasyon da artar\u201d gibi s\u00f6ylemlerle i\u015f\u00e7ilere tek bir ekonomi modeli dayat\u0131l\u0131yordu: Patronlar b\u00fcy\u00fcrse, i\u015f\u00e7iler de b\u00fcy\u00fcr. Ekonominin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7ilerin yapaca\u011f\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck fedak\u00e2rl\u0131klardan biri ise, y\u0131l\u0131n dar bir zaman diliminde belirlenen ve giderek a\u00e7l\u0131k s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131nda kalan asgari \u00fccrete tepki g\u00f6stermemeleriydi.<\/p>\n

\u00dcstelik ikna turlar\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kan Mehmet \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in program\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulup bulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair verdi\u011fi deme\u00e7ler esas olarak kapitalistlerin y\u00fcre\u011fini so\u011futmay\u0131 hedefliyordu. Evet, asgari \u00fccret, uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin ve D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n telkinleri do\u011frultusunda zaten kapitalistlerin istedi\u011fi d\u00fczeyde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131; ancak bu onlar\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fcnde yeterli de\u011fildi. Sermaye \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, \u015eim\u015fek\u2019in bu sadakat g\u00f6sterisini bile yetersiz buluyor ve pe\u015f pe\u015fe el y\u00fckseltiyordu. \u0130stanbul Ticaret Odas\u0131 Ba\u015fkan\u0131 \u015eekip Avdagi\u00e7 a\u00e7\u0131k konu\u015fuyordu: \u201cT\u00fcrkiye, i\u015f g\u00fcvencesinin kat\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan d\u00fcnyada a\u00e7\u0131k ara 1 numara!<\/em>\u201d \u0130\u015f g\u00fcvencesi, i\u015fsizlik sigortas\u0131, i\u015fe iade tazminat\u0131, k\u0131dem tazminat\u0131 gibi uygulamalar\u0131n hepsini bir arada an\u0131yor ve ard\u0131ndan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc dile getiriyordu: \u201c\u0130\u015fvereni koruyan hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yok. Bu 5 a\u015famal\u0131 kat\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n azalt\u0131lmas\u0131 laz\u0131m.<\/em>\u201d[13]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu i\u015ftah kabartan ortamda, \u201ckamuda tasarruf\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda sosyal harcamalar\u0131 k\u0131smay\u0131 hedefleyen \u2018kemer s\u0131kma\u2019 program\u0131 da sermaye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni f\u0131rsatlar sunuyordu. Pek \u00e7ok kapitalist, bu s\u00fcreci yaln\u0131zca kamu kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n daralt\u0131lmas\u0131 olarak de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n ve en temel insani haklar\u0131n\u0131n bile yeniden pazarl\u0131k konusu haline gelebilece\u011fi bir alan olarak g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Ellerini ovu\u015fturarak bu imk\u00e2n\u0131 kollayan sermaye \u00e7evreleri i\u00e7in art\u0131k yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fccretleri de\u011fil, mola s\u00fcreleri, vardiya yo\u011funlu\u011fu ve hatta \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ortam\u0131n\u0131n \u0131s\u0131s\u0131 dahi maliyet kalemi olarak yeniden hesaplanmaya ba\u015fland\u0131.<\/p>\n

Yerli-yabanc\u0131 tekeller ve b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n Anayasa\u2019da k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131 halinde kalm\u0131\u015f haklar\u0131n\u0131 bile ortadan kald\u0131rmak \u00fczere OVP do\u011frultusunda yeni reformlar dayat\u0131rken; i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ‘bekleme’, ‘sabretme’ ve ‘b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin yan etkilerine katlanma’ h\u00e2li \u00e7ok daha can yak\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde deneyimleniyor. Sermayenin talepleriyle i\u015f\u00e7ilerin dayanma s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki gerilim hatt\u0131 her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha fazla geriliyor. Ancak ayn\u0131 zamanda, 2023 boyunca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131nda h\u00e2kim olan g\u00fcvensizlik ve ‘idare ediyorum’ ruh halinin s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc somut zeminin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u00fcrece girildi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyor. 2024-2025 aras\u0131 maden, g\u0131da, tekstil, plastik, metal, belediye ve hizmet<\/strong> alanlar\u0131nda y\u00fckselen i\u015f\u00e7i eylem ve grevleri, bu s\u00fcrecin ilk n\u00fcvelerini ta\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

2024\u2019\u00fcn ilk aylar\u0131ndan itibaren i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sendikala\u015fma m\u00fccadelesine d\u00f6n\u00fck en sert sald\u0131r\u0131lar, do\u011frudan i\u015ften atma ve kolluk zoruyla bast\u0131rma bi\u00e7iminde yeniden g\u00fcndeme geldi. Bu t\u00fcr sald\u0131r\u0131lar 2023\u2019te de mevcuttu; ancak o d\u00f6nemde daha \u00e7ok belli ba\u015fl\u0131 i\u015fkollar\u0131nda k\u00fcmelenmi\u015f ve g\u00f6reli olarak s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131yd\u0131. Oysa 2024\u2019te, artan ge\u00e7im s\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 ve \u201cart\u0131k idare edememe\u201d h\u00e2linin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131yla birlikte, sendikala\u015fma y\u00f6nelimi daha fazla i\u015fkoluna yay\u0131l\u0131rken, buna paralel olarak i\u015ften atma sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 da daha geni\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i kitlesinin kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortak bir tehdit h\u00e2line geldi. Lezita, Patiswiss, Carrefoursa, Polonez, Borusan ve TKIS Blinds gibi farkl\u0131 i\u015f kollar\u0131ndan i\u015fyerlerinde, patronlar sendikala\u015fma giri\u015fimlerine tazminats\u0131z i\u015ften atman\u0131n yolunu a\u00e7an 25\/II. maddeyi silah gibi kullanarak yan\u0131t verdi.<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nemde toplu i\u015f s\u00f6zle\u015fmesi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerinde ya\u015fanan anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar sonucunda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen eylem ve grevlerin say\u0131s\u0131nda da belirgin bir art\u0131\u015f ya\u015fand\u0131.\u00a0Mita\u015f, Sumitomo, Mersen, Novares, Yolbulan, As Plastik, Elba Bant, Tarkett, MKB Rondo, Sarar ve Temel Conta gibi sendikal\u0131 i\u015fyerlerinde, i\u015f\u00e7iler d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccret dayatmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. Patronlar\u0131n sundu\u011fu zam oranlar\u0131n\u0131n uzun vadede nas\u0131l eriyip anlams\u0131zla\u015faca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a tart\u0131\u015fan ve art\u0131k k\u0131sa \u00f6m\u00fcrl\u00fc kazan\u0131mlarla yetinemeyece\u011fini fark eden i\u015f\u00e7iler m\u00fccadeleye at\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 ilk andan itibaren grevleri k\u0131rmaya y\u00f6nelik \u00e7e\u015fitli m\u00fcdahalelerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 uzun ve zorlu bir s\u00fcrece girdiler.<\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te yaln\u0131zca \u00fccret ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131na dair talepler de\u011fil; do\u011frudan iktidar\u0131 hedef alan politik talepler de daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr bi\u00e7imde dile getirilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. H\u00fck\u00fcmetin emeklilik d\u00fczenlemelerine kar\u015f\u0131 kademeli emeklilik ma\u011fdurlar\u0131n\u0131n \u015fehir \u015fehir ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fi bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 ve meydan eylemleri; sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin engellerine tak\u0131lan kamu i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin ise hen\u00fcz i\u015fyeri d\u00fczeyinde \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011fe ve fiili eyleme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmemi\u015f olsa da sosyal medyada yayg\u0131nla\u015fan g\u00f6rece \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc tepkileri, bu e\u011filimin \u00f6rnekleri aras\u0131nda yer al\u0131yor. Her ne kadar bu tepkiler hen\u00fcz i\u015fyeri d\u00fczeyinde \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir g\u00fcce d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmemi\u015f olsa da politik muhatab\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan iktidar olarak tan\u0131mlayan taleplerin daha sesli ve yayg\u0131n bi\u00e7imde ifade edilmesiyle yeni bir bas\u0131n\u00e7 hatt\u0131 olu\u015fuyor.<\/p>\n

Dikkat \u00e7eken bir di\u011fer geli\u015fme ise\u00a0\u00e7ift\u00e7i eylemlerinin yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131<\/strong>\u00a0oldu. May\u0131s-A\u011fustos 2024 aras\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye genelinde ya\u015fanan \u00e7ift\u00e7i protestolar\u0131, \u00f6zellikle d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck al\u0131m fiyatlar\u0131 nedeniyle Do\u011fu Karadeniz\u2019de \u00e7ay \u00fcreticilerinin d\u00fczenledi\u011fi eylemlerle ba\u015flad\u0131. A\u011fustos ay\u0131nda ise \u00e7ift\u00e7iler trakt\u00f6rleriyle yollar\u0131 kapatarak Bursa, Aksaray, Mara\u015f ve Batman gibi illerde kitlesel protestolar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi. Bu eylemler, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcretici k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin de h\u00fck\u00fcmet politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 do\u011frudan tepkisini ortaya koydu\u011fu bir hatt\u0131n olu\u015ftu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zellikle metal ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere \u00e7e\u015fitli i\u015fkollar\u0131nda s\u00fcren eylemlere rengini veren \u00f6nemli dinamiklerden biri de uluslararas\u0131 sermaye men\u015feili fabrikalarda yabanc\u0131 kapitalistlerin estirdi\u011fi s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc pervas\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin y\u00fckseltti\u011fi tepki oldu.[14]<\/a> Bu i\u015fletmelerde ya\u015fananlar, emperyalist a\u015famadaki kapitalizmin, sermaye ihrac\u0131 yoluyla \u00e7evre \u00fclkelere ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131\u00a0g\u00fcvencesiz ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck maliyetli i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc rejimlerinin\u00a0nas\u0131l i\u015fledi\u011fine dair \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rnekler sundu. Frans\u0131z Mersen, Avusturyal\u0131 MKB Rondo, Japon Betek Boya ve \u00dcrd\u00fcnl\u00fc Polonez gibi \u015firketler yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7ilerin taleplerini yok saymakla kalmad\u0131; ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201cdevlet bizim arkam\u0131zda\u201d diyerek a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na sermaye-devlet i\u015f birli\u011fini koydu. Savunma sanayiine y\u00f6nelik \u00fcretim yapan ve yakla\u015f\u0131k 60 i\u015f\u00e7inin \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 Frans\u0131z \u015firketi Mersen\u2019de, toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fme s\u00fcrecini ba\u015flatan Birle\u015fik Metal-\u0130\u015f\u2019in \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 patron taraf\u0131ndan yan\u0131ts\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. Patron, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelere kat\u0131lmay\u0131 reddetmekle kalmad\u0131; \u2018Sendika buraya giremez, devlet bizim arkam\u0131zda\u2019 diyerek grev hakk\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etti. Benzer bir tablo, Japon sermayeli Betek Boya\u2019da da ya\u015fand\u0131. D\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler, a\u011f\u0131r \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve mobbinge kar\u015f\u0131 sendikala\u015fma karar\u0131 alan i\u015f\u00e7iler k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu sa\u011flayarak Petrol-\u0130\u015f\u2019le yetki ald\u0131. Ancak patron \u00f6nce yetki itiraz\u0131n\u0131 yetkisiz bir mahkemeye ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131, ard\u0131ndan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclme bahanesiyle i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131karmalara ba\u015flad\u0131. Ekim ay\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f ve eylemler d\u00fczenleyen i\u015f\u00e7iler, 25 Aral\u0131k\u2019ta 44 arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan fabrika i\u00e7inde alk\u0131\u015fl\u0131 protestolara ve i\u015fyerine fiili olarak kapanmaya y\u00f6neldi. Bu kararl\u0131l\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geri ad\u0131m atan patron, yetki itiraz\u0131 davas\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7ti\u011fini ve T\u0130S g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerine ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bildirmek zorunda kald\u0131.<\/p>\n

2024\u2019ten 2025\u2019in ilk aylar\u0131na devreden bir ba\u015fka \u00f6nemli geli\u015fme, Birle\u015fik Metal-\u0130\u015f\u2019in \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc oldu\u011fu i\u015fyerlerinde grevlerin Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 kararnameleriyle yasaklanmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen fiilen s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ve Antep\u2019teki Ba\u015fp\u0131nar Kurultay\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ba\u015flayan, yasaklar ve i\u015ften atmalarla kar\u015f\u0131lanan \u015eubat zamm\u0131 eylemleri oldu. 2024 Aral\u0131k ay\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen metal grevleri, grev hakk\u0131n\u0131n fiilen yasakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bu yasa\u011f\u0131 me\u015fru g\u00f6rmedi\u011fini ve haklar\u0131n\u0131 fiili m\u00fccadeleyle savundu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi. Hitachi Energy, Grid Solutions, Ar\u0131ta\u015f, Green Transfo ve Schneider Elektrik gibi i\u015fyerlerinde grevler, \u201cmilli g\u00fcvenli\u011fi bozucu nitelikte\u201d oldu\u011fu gerek\u00e7esiyle Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 karar\u0131yla yasakland\u0131. Ancak i\u015f\u00e7iler bu yasaklara ra\u011fmen geri ad\u0131m atmad\u0131. Green Transfo\u2019da lokavt\u0131n geri \u00e7ektirilmesi ve sendikan\u0131n toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fme masas\u0131ndaki kazan\u0131mlar\u0131, bu s\u00fcrecin en dikkat \u00e7ekici \u00f6rneklerinden biri oldu.<\/p>\n

Bu grevler, grev hakk\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca yasal bir hak olarak de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda\u00a0me\u015fru bir m\u00fccadele hakk\u0131<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>olarak sahiplendi\u011fini ortaya koydu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler, yasan\u0131n tan\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131 haklar\u0131 fiili m\u00fccadeleyle var etti; \u201cyasa d\u0131\u015f\u0131 ama me\u015fru\u201d \u00e7izgisinde grevlerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. Bu geli\u015fmeler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin yeni d\u00f6nemde daha \u00e7ok\u00a0me\u015fruluk ve fiiliyat temelli <\/strong>bir hat \u00fczerinden y\u00fckselece\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor. Ancak bu fiili kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, sendikal hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin geni\u015fletilmesi ve ilgili yasalar\u0131n demokratikle\u015ftirilmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde verilecek m\u00fccadelelerle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

2024-2025\u2019te<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>\u00d6ne<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>\u00c7\u0131kan<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>\u0130\u015f\u00e7i<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Eylemleri<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Bize<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Ne<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>S\u00f6yl\u00fcyor?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nem i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin en temel \u00f6zelli\u011fi<\/strong>,<\/strong> par\u00e7al\u0131 bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm arz etse de, \u00f6nceki y\u0131llardan ta\u015f\u0131nan da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k e\u011filimlerin belirli bir a\u015f\u0131nma e\u015fi\u011fine ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, yani \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6nc\u00fc b\u00f6l\u00fcklerinin birle\u015fik ve sonu\u00e7 al\u0131c\u0131 m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerine y\u00f6nelmek zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6neme i\u015faret ediyor. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli kesimleri aras\u0131nda h\u00e2l\u00e2 e\u015fitsizlikler ve m\u00fccadele yo\u011funlu\u011fu bak\u0131m\u0131ndan farkl\u0131l\u0131klar bulunsa da, sekt\u00f6rler, b\u00f6lgeler ve i\u015f\u00e7i profili bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bu e\u015fitsizlikler yeni bir toplam dinamik i\u00e7inde a\u015f\u0131nmak zorunda kal\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

2024-25 aras\u0131 d\u00f6nem<\/strong>, daha \u00f6nce \u201cbu i\u015f\u00e7ilerden bir \u015fey \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u201d diyerek y\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa d\u00fc\u015fen kimi m\u00fccadeleci i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, kendilerini bir anda ana g\u00f6vdeyle birlikte eylem ve grevlerin ortas\u0131nda bulduklar\u0131 bir s\u00fcrece d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm, yaln\u0131zca niceliksel bir kat\u0131l\u0131m art\u0131\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin, i\u015fyeri i\u00e7indeki zikzakl\u0131 gerilimlerle \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc g\u00fcndelik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma hatt\u0131n\u0131n, belli anlarda birle\u015ferek kolektif bir \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fa evrilmesinin sonucuydu. \u00d6zetle; geldi\u011fimiz durumda i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi par\u00e7al\u0131 geni\u015fliyor, mevzi m\u00fccadeleleri niceliksel olarak art\u0131yor; niteliksel toplam bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ge\u00e7mi\u015f hareketi gerileten deneyimler yava\u015f yava\u015f \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

2022-2024 aras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin tecr\u00fcbe ve birikimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan birle\u015fememe, \u00f6zg\u00fcven eksikli\u011fi ve harekete ge\u00e7ememe gibi sorunlar \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yordu. Bug\u00fcn ise harekete ge\u00e7en pek \u00e7ok i\u015fyeri ve fabrikada, \u201cNeden kazanam\u0131yoruz?\u201d, \u201cBirle\u015fiyoruz da ne oluyor?\u201d gibi yeni sorgulamalar \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu sorgulamalar, ku\u015fkusuz yeni bir e\u015fi\u011fe ge\u00e7ildi\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor ve bir ilerlemeye i\u015faret ediyor. Ancak \u00f6zellikle toplu i\u015f s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerinde anla\u015fmazl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7lan\u0131p greve giden i\u015fyerlerinde; uzun soluklu, patronun \u00e7e\u015fitli manevralar\u0131yla y\u0131prat\u0131c\u0131 hale gelen ve birle\u015fmi\u015f, eyleme ge\u00e7mi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bile neden h\u00e2l\u00e2 kazanamad\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 sorgulad\u0131klar\u0131 grev s\u00fcre\u00e7leri, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki en kritik sorunlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131yor. Ayn\u0131 zamanda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci partisinin rol\u00fcne de i\u015faret etmesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemli bir d\u00f6nemece i\u015faret ediyor.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn de, kendi i\u015fyerinde birle\u015ferek ge\u00e7mi\u015fin \u201cbirlikte hareket edememe\u201d deneyimini geride b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda dahi, en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir engelde h\u0131zla moral bozuklu\u011fu ve y\u00f6n tayin edememe hali yayg\u0131n. Bu durumun bir boyutu, \u00f6zellikle m\u00fccadelede bir sonraki ad\u0131m\u0131 planlama konusunda ya\u015fanan teredd\u00fctle, birikmi\u015f kazan\u0131m deneyimlerinin yetersizli\u011fi ve \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fck ile do\u011frudan ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131. <\/strong>Bu ko\u015fullar, mevzi m\u00fccadelelerde belirli bir a\u015famaya gelen i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, kritik karar anlar\u0131nda y\u00f6n belirlemekte zorlanmalar\u0131na; bu y\u00fck\u00fc \u00e7o\u011fu zaman do\u011fal olarak \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ilere ya da temsilcilere devretmelerine yol a\u00e7\u0131yor.[15]<\/a> Grev ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 andan itibaren patronun \u00e7e\u015fitli alavere-dalavereleri, grev k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, sendikal b\u00fcrokrasinin engelleri, ekonomik dayan\u0131\u015fman\u0131n zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131, s\u00fcrecin uzamas\u0131 ve i\u015ften \u00e7\u0131karmalarla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kalan i\u015f\u00e7iler; birle\u015fmi\u015f ve birlikte hareket etti\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri noktada, karar anlar\u0131nda da\u011f\u0131lma e\u011filimi g\u00f6sterebiliyor. \u201cBen do\u011fru karar alamam, sen al\u0131rs\u0131n\u201d, \u201cSen daha bilgili, daha yeteneklisin\u201d gibi ifadeler, asl\u0131nda kolektif karar alma iradesinden geri durman\u0131n ifadesi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor. Bu tutum yaln\u0131zca bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcvensizli\u011fin de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda deneyim e\u015fitsizliklerinin ve hen\u00fcz ortakla\u015fmam\u0131\u015f bir politik y\u00f6n duygusunun da sonucu.<\/p>\n

1840\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda \u201cgrevlerin inan\u0131lmaz s\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n \u201ct\u00fcm \u0130ngiltere\u2019de toplumsal sava\u015f\u0131n ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde patlak vermi\u015f oldu\u011funun en iyi kan\u0131t\u0131<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funa i\u015faret eden Engels, grevleri \u201c\u0130lkin hafif dala\u015fma bi\u00e7iminde olan bu grevler, bazan \u00e7ok a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan bir sava\u015f\u0131ma d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr; do\u011fru, bu grevler hi\u00e7bir \u015feyi \u00e7\u00f6zmez; ama burjuvaziyle proletarya aras\u0131ndaki, sonucu belirleyici \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fman\u0131n yakla\u015fmakta oldu\u011funun en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. Grevler emek\u00e7ilerin askeri okuludur; sak\u0131n\u0131lamayacak b\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015f\u0131m i\u00e7in o okulda haz\u0131rlan\u0131rlar; grevler, tek tek i\u015f kollar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i hareketine kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan eden bildirgelerdir,<\/em>\u201d diyerek tarif ediyordu.[16]<\/a> Ve tamamlay\u0131c\u0131 olarak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik bir devrimci parti olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi zorunlulu\u011funu belirlerken Lenin, \u201ctayin edici sava\u015f<\/em>\u201d \u00f6ncesinde \u201ch\u00fck\u00fcmete kar\u015f\u0131 tek tek talepler i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelenin, tek tek tavizlerin kopar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n, sadece, d\u00fc\u015fmanla yap\u0131lan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ileri karakol \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 oldu\u011funu<\/em>\u201d belirtiyordu.[17]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn ya\u015fanan grevler, bu tan\u0131m ve tespitin tarihsel s\u00fcreklili\u011fini koruyor ama ayn\u0131 zamanda yeni \u00f6zg\u00fcl \u00e7eli\u015fkilerle de bi\u00e7imleniyor. Harekete ge\u00e7mi\u015f olan i\u015f\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kan sorunlar yaln\u0131zca bekledi\u011fi sonucu kolay ve h\u0131zl\u0131ca alamamas\u0131nda kaynakl\u0131 bir moral bozuklu\u011fu ya da \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fck hali olarak okunamaz; tam tersine, bu sorunlar bizzat m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde a\u015f\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla yeni deneyimlerin ve y\u00f6neli\u015flerin \u015fekillendi\u011fi bir zemine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Grevlerin uzun soluklu hale geldi\u011fi, haz\u0131rl\u0131ks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n, grev komitelerinin ya hi\u00e7 olu\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da i\u015flevsiz kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda; karar alma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin ya \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7iye ya da sendikaya havale edildi\u011fi, kolektif iradenin zay\u0131f halkalar\u0131yla \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc bu deneyimler, y\u00fczeyde bir da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131k ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de derinlikte i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlerini \u00fcretmeye y\u00f6neldi\u011fi bir \u00f6\u011frenme s\u00fcrecine i\u015faret ediyor. Her ne kadar bu grevler Engels\u2019in i\u015faret etti\u011fi anlamda \u201csonucu belirleyici<\/em>\u201d politik bir m\u00fccadeleyi hen\u00fcz yaratmam\u0131\u015f olsa da, i\u015f\u00e7iler iktisadi taleplerini birle\u015ftirme, dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 yeniden kurma ve \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bo\u015fluklar\u0131 birle\u015fik bir s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ihtiyac\u0131yla doldurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Bu yeni durumun somut g\u00f6stergeleri aras\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin taleplerini Ankara\u2019ya, Meclis\u2019e y\u00fcr\u00fcyerek duyurmas\u0131; farkl\u0131 sekt\u00f6rlerde s\u00fcren eylemlere i\u015f\u00e7ilerin dayan\u0131\u015fma ziyaretlerinde bulunmas\u0131, grevdeki i\u015f\u00e7ilerin birbirleri i\u00e7in dayan\u0131\u015fmalar \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesi ve ortak a\u00e7\u0131klamalarla m\u00fccadelelerin birbirine ba\u011flanmas\u0131 yer ald\u0131.<\/p>\n

Birle\u015fme Ama Nas\u0131l?<\/strong><\/p>\n

2024\u2019te i\u015f\u00e7i eylemlerinin \u00f6nemli bir niteli\u011fi, ayn\u0131 sorunlardan mustarip olan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadeleleri aras\u0131nda hen\u00fcz do\u011frudan ba\u011flar\u0131n kurulamam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131yd\u0131. \u00d6te yandan, bu \u201cileri karakol \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131<\/em>\u201d benzer bir refleks, y\u00f6ntem ve benzer sorunlarla geli\u015fiyordu. Farkl\u0131 \u015fehirlerdeki on binlerce i\u015f\u00e7i ayn\u0131 m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerine ba\u015fvurdu: Fabrika \u00f6n\u00fc direni\u015fleri, gece y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fleri, sosyal medya kampanyalar\u0131, \u00e7ad\u0131r kurma, kitlesel bas\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131 gibi eylem bi\u00e7imleri neredeyse e\u015f zamanl\u0131 ve birbirinden habersiz ve \u00e7o\u011funlukla ortak taleplerle bir\u00e7ok yerde geli\u015fti. Bu durumun en a\u00e7\u0131k \u015fekilde g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr oldu\u011fu anlardan biri, 3 Ekim 2024\u2019te farkl\u0131 i\u015fkollar\u0131ndan gelen grevci ve direni\u015f\u00e7i i\u015f\u00e7ilerin temsilcileriyle Meclis\u2019te yap\u0131lan toplant\u0131yd\u0131. Emek Partisi\u2019nin d\u00fczenledi\u011fi bu bulu\u015fma, \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7iler nezdinde da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k eylem hatlar\u0131n\u0131n ortak bir zemine oturtulabilece\u011fini, birle\u015fik bir y\u00f6nelimin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n giderek olgunla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koydu.<\/p>\n

Fernas Maden i\u015f\u00e7isi Erdin\u00e7 Demirta\u015f\u2019\u0131n \u201cBirle\u015felim, eylemlerimizi toplu yapal\u0131m<\/em>\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 ile Menemen Belediyesi i\u015f\u00e7isi Kemal Bozyi\u011fit\u2019in \u201cBirlikte hareket etseydik \u0130zmir\u2019de ses getirecek eylemler yapabilirdik<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6zleri, yaln\u0131zca da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131k sorununun fark edildi\u011fini de\u011fil, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yolunun da i\u015f\u00e7ilerin birli\u011finden ge\u00e7ti\u011fini g\u00f6steriyor. Birlik ihtiyac\u0131 art\u0131k genel ge\u00e7er bir temenniden ibaret de\u011fil; somut bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na, deneyimle yo\u011frulmu\u015f bir aray\u0131\u015fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n

2024 y\u0131l\u0131nda harekete ge\u00e7en i\u015f\u00e7ilerin Meclis\u2019te d\u00fczenlenen toplant\u0131da \u201cBen sadece bunlar\u0131n bizim sorunumuz oldu\u011funu san\u0131yordum, me\u011fer ne kadar ortak \u015feyler ya\u015f\u0131yormu\u015fuz<\/em>\u201d demeleri, birle\u015fme e\u011filiminin art\u0131k soyut bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131dan \u00f6te, ortak taleplerin i\u00e7inden filizlendi\u011fini g\u00f6sterdi. Bu e\u011filim, her ne kadar kal\u0131c\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir birlik in\u015fas\u0131ndan ziyade, sesini iktidara daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc duyurmak ve eylemini daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmak gibi beklentilerle \u015fekillense de, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00f6nc\u00fclerin aras\u0131nda yeni bir politik bilincin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktalar\u0131na da i\u015faret ediyor.<\/p>\n

Buradaki \u00e7eli\u015fki a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler ortakla\u015fman\u0131n gereklili\u011fini kendi pratiklerinden \u00f6\u011freniyor, ancak bu ortakla\u015fmay\u0131 uzun erimli ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir s\u0131n\u0131f hatt\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrecek ara\u00e7larla h\u00e2l\u00e2 birle\u015fmi\u015f de\u011fil. Birlik fikri y\u00fckseliyor ama hangi zemin \u00fczerinde, hangi y\u00f6nle ve hangi s\u00fcreklilikte in\u015fa edilece\u011fi sorusu hen\u00fcz kolektif bir yan\u0131t bulabilmi\u015f de\u011fil. \u0130\u015fte tam da bu noktada, par\u00e7al\u0131 deneyimlerin toplam bir politik hatla birle\u015fip birle\u015femeyece\u011fi sorusu, \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemin tayin edici ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 haline geliyor.<\/p>\n

Bu toplant\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan ayn\u0131 sendikada \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7iler, birbirlerinin grevlerini ziyaret etti, ortak a\u00e7\u0131klamalar yapt\u0131. Dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ve birli\u011fi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek, seslerini daha g\u00fcr duyurmak i\u00e7in birlikte hareket etmenin yollar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Ancak eylem prati\u011finde birle\u015fseler de, hareketin y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc ve s\u00fcrecini birlikte planlayan, sonraki ad\u0131mlar\u0131 ortakla\u015ft\u0131rarak belirleyen bir yerden taleplerini \u015fekillendirme konusunda h\u00e2l\u00e2 birle\u015febilmi\u015f de\u011filler. Bu durum, esasen h\u00e2l\u00e2 kendi fabrika ve i\u015fyerlerinde bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak davranman\u0131n gereklilikleriyle tam anlam\u0131yla birle\u015fememelerinden kaynaklan\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

‘Taleplerde birle\u015fme’ dendi\u011finde ise bunu h\u00e2l\u00e2 yaln\u0131zca zam oran\u0131, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n iyile\u015ftirilmesi ya da eylem karar\u0131 almakla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bi\u00e7imde kavr\u0131yorlar. Patlama anlar\u0131nda eyleme ge\u00e7erek, k\u0131sa vadeli de olsa daha \u00f6nce birlikte hareket edemeyeceklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri arkada\u015flar\u0131yla grev \u00e7ad\u0131r\u0131nda g\u00fcveni yeniden in\u015fa etseler de, bu birlikteli\u011fi bir sonraki ad\u0131mda grev k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na, patronun hamlelerine ya da a\u00e7\u0131k sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 koruyacak bir haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcremiyorlar. Birle\u015ftiklerini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fckleri zemin, ortak talepler i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7ilen anla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kal\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Eylem uzad\u0131k\u00e7a ve yenilgi olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 artt\u0131k\u00e7a, \u00f6nceden bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan umutsuzluk ve g\u00fcvensizlik tekrar g\u00fcn y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor: \u201cYa i\u015ften at\u0131l\u0131rsak?\u201d, \u201cTazminat hakk\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 kaybedersek?\u201d, \u201cBirle\u015ftik de ne oldu, ne kazand\u0131k?\u201d gibi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerle g\u00fcvensizlik yeniden \u00fcretiliyor. Bu noktada i\u015f\u00e7ilerin haf\u0131zas\u0131, daha \u00f6nce a\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fi\u011fi ge\u00e7ip ileriye do\u011fru dersler \u00e7\u0131karmak yerine, bu kez yapamad\u0131klar\u0131na odaklanmaya ba\u015fl\u0131yor. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i d\u00fcne g\u00f6re bir ad\u0131m ileride olsa da, \u201cNe yapabiliriz?\u201d sorusunu hep birlikte tart\u0131\u015fmak, taktik geli\u015ftirmek, kayg\u0131 duyan arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 toparlamak yerine, sanki elinde yaln\u0131zca \u201ctek at\u0131ml\u0131k bir kur\u015fun\u201d varm\u0131\u015f gibi davran\u0131yor. Bu kur\u015fun da birle\u015fip eyleme \u00e7\u0131kmak olmu\u015f oluyor; ancak eylem h\u0131zla sonu\u00e7 vermeyince, yeniden umutsuzlu\u011fa kap\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Buradaki temel sorun, birliklerin ve eylemliliklerin kal\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmeden, daha b\u00fcy\u00fck etkiler yaratacak bir \u201cbirle\u015fme\u201d bi\u00e7imi san\u0131lmas\u0131. B\u00f6ylece biriken tepkiler \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde bir araya gelse bile, bu birlik yaln\u0131zca sesini duyurmaya odaklan\u0131yor. \u201cTek at\u0131ml\u0131k kur\u015fun da i\u015fe yaramad\u0131ysa, o zaman daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir bi\u00e7imde kendimizi duyurmal\u0131y\u0131z\u201d diyerek \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc Meclis\u2019e, Ankara\u2019ya, b\u00fcy\u00fck bir meydana y\u00fcr\u00fcmekte ar\u0131yorlar.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte tam bu noktada, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi deneyimleriyle biriktirdikleri pratiklerin, bilin\u00e7 d\u00fcnyalar\u0131ndaki geli\u015fmeyle ayn\u0131 h\u0131zda ilerlememesi (yani prati\u011fin \u00f6nde, bilincin geride olmas\u0131) onlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f olarak kendi g\u00fc\u00e7lerini tam anlam\u0131yla ortaya koymalar\u0131n\u0131 engelliyor. Her ne kadar kendili\u011finden bi\u00e7imde haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in eyleme ge\u00e7mi\u015f olsalar da, s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci bu s\u00fcreci geriden takip etti\u011fi i\u00e7in, kendili\u011finden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131n \u00f6tesine ge\u00e7ecek, daha kapsaml\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir m\u00fccadeleye haz\u0131rlanmak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeterli donan\u0131ma sahip de\u011filler. Sadece kendi durduklar\u0131 yere odaklan\u0131yorlar; moralleri de oradan y\u00fckseliyor ya da bozuluyor. Bu durum, \u00f6zellikle zam d\u00f6nemleri, toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fme taslaklar\u0131n\u0131n haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 ve m\u00fccadeleye haz\u0131rl\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde daha g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale geliyor. \u201cYerimiz de\u011fi\u015ftirilir mi?\u201d, \u201c\u0130\u015ften mi at\u0131l\u0131r\u0131z?\u201d, \u201cTazminat\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 versinler de \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p gidelim\u201d gibi kayg\u0131lar, m\u00fccadelenin h\u00e2l\u00e2 bireysel bir y\u00fck olarak hissedildi\u011fini, birlikte hareket etmenin gereklili\u011finin yeterince kavranmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor.<\/p>\n

***<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fcvensizli\u011fe dayal\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin ve uzun soluklu bir m\u00fccadeleye haz\u0131rlanacak birli\u011fi kuramama sorununun \u00e7o\u011fu zaman ger\u00e7ek maddi temellere dayan\u0131yor. Bir i\u015f\u00e7i grubuyla yap\u0131lan toplant\u0131larda, bir bildiri da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131nda ya da bir sokak r\u00f6portaj\u0131nda s\u0131k\u00e7a kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kan \u201cbizim fabrikada bir \u015fey olmaz\u201d, \u201cbunlardan bir \u015fey \u00e7\u0131kmaz\u201d refleksi, do\u011frudan \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinin i\u00e7inde, g\u00fcndelik emek-sermaye \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretildi\u011fi zeminde \u015fekillenir. Bu tepki yaln\u0131zca m\u00fccadeleci i\u015f\u00e7ilere \u00f6zg\u00fc de\u011fildir; aksine, g\u00fcn\u00fc kurtarmak i\u00e7in bireysel olarak direnmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan i\u015f\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan da s\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirilir. Bu tepkinin d\u0131\u015fa vurumu, \u00e7o\u011funlukla se\u00e7im d\u00f6nemleri gibi siyasal ayr\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale geldi\u011fi anlarda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131ksa da kayna\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ok daha derin: defalarca ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f, yar\u0131m kalm\u0131\u015f, yaln\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f m\u00fccadele deneyimleri.<\/p>\n

Marx’\u0131n Kapital<\/em>\u2019de serimledi\u011fi bi\u00e7imiyle, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinin kendisi yaln\u0131zca art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretiminin de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin yeniden kurulumunun mek\u00e2n\u0131d\u0131r. Performans bask\u0131s\u0131, rekabet, say\u0131 dayatmas\u0131, et\u00fctler, kalite \u00e7emberleri gibi uygulamalar, yaln\u0131zca s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc derinle\u015ftiren teknik d\u00fczenlemeler de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u015f\u00e7ilerin birbiriyle ili\u015fkisini \u00e7\u00f6zerek, onlar\u0131 rekabetin ve bireycili\u011fin mant\u0131\u011f\u0131na mahk\u00fbm ederek ideolojik bir i\u015flev de g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Bu pratikler, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendi ba\u015f etme kapasitesinin s\u0131nand\u0131\u011f\u0131, sanki yaln\u0131zca bireysel bir yetersizlik ya da ki\u015fisel bir sorumluluk alan\u0131ym\u0131\u015f gibi deneyimleniyor. Bu ko\u015fullar alt\u0131nda, say\u0131 ve performans usul\u00fc \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerde i\u015f\u00e7iler birbirlerini kollayamad\u0131klar\u0131nda ya da g\u00fcndelik en basit bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmada (bir hakaret, bask\u0131, k\u00fcf\u00fcr ya da tehdide kar\u015f\u0131) yan yana duramad\u0131klar\u0131nda, bireysellik her g\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretiliyor.<\/p>\n

Ancak bu yaln\u0131zl\u0131k hissi, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin s\u00fcreksiz g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerinden biridir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc ayn\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i, bir \u00fccret m\u00fccadelesi patlak verdi\u011finde, birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn i\u00e7inde \u201cbunla asla yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lmaz\u201d dedi\u011fi i\u015f arkada\u015f\u0131yla ayn\u0131 \u00e7ad\u0131rda grev n\u00f6beti tutmaya ba\u015flayabilir. Nitekim \u201cD\u00fcn desen \u015fu adamla beraber i\u015f b\u0131rak\u0131p \u00e7ad\u0131rda \u00e7ay i\u00e7eceksin, imk\u00e2ns\u0131z derdim\u201d s\u00f6zleri, bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn en yal\u0131n ifadesidir. Grevin ya da eylemin ilerleyen g\u00fcnlerinde y\u0131llarca bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f deneyimler, ustayla, m\u00fcd\u00fcrle ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f gerilimler ve kolektif olarak maruz kal\u0131nan bask\u0131lar bir anda dile gelir. \u00dccret m\u00fccadelesi, i\u015f\u00e7inin kendisini yaln\u0131zca birey olarak de\u011fil, bir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak yeniden kavrayabilmesinin maddi zeminini yarat\u0131r. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te bilin\u00e7, yeni konu\u015fmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenen bir \u00e7ocu\u011fun s\u00f6zc\u00fckleri h\u0131zla kapmas\u0131 gibi, ya\u015fananlar\u0131 bir bir geri \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131r: \u201cKaloriferleri kapatt\u0131lar, so\u011fukta \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k\u201d, \u201cKimyasal soluyarak \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k\u201d, \u201cS\u00fcrekli hakarete maruz kald\u0131k.\u201d<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nem \u00d6zak Tekstil\u2019de ya\u015fananlar bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn hem \u00f6n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 hem de olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a sergiliyor. Firesiz ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bir i\u015f b\u0131rakma eylemi s\u0131ras\u0131nda kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerle yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde, aralar\u0131ndaki dayan\u0131\u015fma ili\u015fkilerinin, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinin en yo\u011fun bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda ge\u00e7en anlar\u0131nda \u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6\u011frendik. Ustalar\u0131n haysiyet k\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 muamelelerine kar\u015f\u0131, kimi zaman m\u00fcd\u00fcrden gizli bi\u00e7imde, say\u0131y\u0131 tutturamayan arkada\u015f\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fine yard\u0131m edilmesi gibi \u00f6rnekler, g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen bir kar\u015f\u0131-pratik olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015fti. Urfa\u2019da g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz bir kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201cBen inspeksiyonda \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorum. Yani di\u011ferlerinin \u00fcr\u00fcnlerini kontrol ediyordum. Bazen \u00e7ok b\u00f6yle \u00fczerinde bask\u0131 olan arkada\u015flar\u0131m\u0131z oluyordu. Ama ben kendi ad\u0131ma s\u00f6yleyeyim. Gidip hani m\u00fcd\u00fcrden gizli, sanki arkada\u015f\u0131n i\u015fini kontrol ediyormu\u015fum gibi ona hani say\u0131 konusuna yard\u0131m ediyordum. \u00d6rnek vereyim siz hasta oldu\u011funuzda, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmayacak durumda oldu\u011funuzda m\u00fcd\u00fcr anlam\u0131yordu, usta anlam\u0131yordu. 60 say\u0131 vereceksin diyordu. O y\u00fczden biz de hani o \u015fekilde mesela ben o \u015fekilde \u00e7ok ki\u015fiye destek olmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131m. Yani yard\u0131m edeyim. Hani k\u0131zmas\u0131nlar, i\u015fte fazla mesai b\u0131rakmas\u0131nlar diye. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc say\u0131s\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmayan\u0131 fazla mesaiye b\u0131rak\u0131yorlard\u0131.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Bu t\u00fcr dayan\u0131\u015fma pratikleri, g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen ama belirleyici bir zeminde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenir; s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7indeki sessiz birikim, beklenmedik bir anda kitlesel patlamalara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015febilir. Su kaynarken yaln\u0131zca \u00f6fke de\u011fil, g\u00fcven ve kolektiflik de birikir. Ve bu birikim, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n belirli e\u015fiklerinde birlikte hareket etmenin maddi zeminini yarat\u0131r. Elbette, \u00d6zak \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi grev ya da eylem \u00f6ncesinde i\u015fyerinde halihaz\u0131rda \u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f bir g\u00fcven ve dayan\u0131\u015fma ili\u015fkisi her zaman ve her yerde bulunmaz. Zira bir\u00e7ok fabrikada grevler, \u00f6nceden g\u00fcven ili\u015fkileri kurulmadan da patlak verebilir. Ancak bu durum, i\u00e7sel dayan\u0131\u015fma a\u011flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemsiz oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmez. Aksine, i\u015fyerinde daha \u00f6nce \u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f g\u00fcven ili\u015fkileri yaln\u0131zca grevin ya da eylemin ba\u015flat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda onun s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilirli\u011fini ve sonras\u0131nda kal\u0131c\u0131 birliklerin in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn derinle\u015fmesini belirleyebilecek temel etkenlerden biridir. Bu nedenle grev \u00f6ncesi d\u00f6nemde \u00f6r\u00fclen dayan\u0131\u015fma, yaln\u0131zca duygusal bir ba\u011f olarak de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin \u00f6rg\u00fctsel omurgas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan maddi ve politik bir zemin olarak kavranmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ne var ki, burada geli\u015fen g\u00fcven ve dayan\u0131\u015fma ili\u015fkilerinin, i\u015f\u00e7inin hen\u00fcz embriyonik d\u00fczeydeki s\u0131n\u0131f bilincini a\u015farak t\u00fcmden kal\u0131c\u0131 birlik sorununu, taktik geli\u015ftirme ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 ya da m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrecinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc ve arkas\u0131n\u0131 birlikte planlama meselesini tek ba\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u00f6zece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmemeliyiz. Son kertede, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc tayin edebilece\u011fi bir politik bilince sahip olmas\u0131, bu s\u00fcreci ileriye ta\u015f\u0131yabilecek belirleyici ad\u0131md\u0131r. Bu da, yaz\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nceki b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinde de i\u015faret edildi\u011fi \u00fczere, \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ilerin politik bilin\u00e7lerinin geli\u015fimini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lacak d\u0131\u015fsal m\u00fcdahalelerle, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin devrimci-politik birikimin m\u00fcdahalesiyle ve y\u00f6nlendirmesiyle olanakl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7: \u00c7atlaklardan S\u0131n\u0131fa, Par\u00e7al\u0131 Bir Toplamdan Politik Bir Y\u00f6nelime<\/strong><\/h6>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yaln\u0131zca kendi alan\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir \u00e7\u0131kar birli\u011fi de\u011fil, daha geni\u015f bir toplumsal kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k \u00fczerinden siyasal bir birlik olu\u015fturabilmesi; di\u011fer ezilen toplumsal kesimlerin (ezilen uluslar, kad\u0131nlar, gen\u00e7ler vb) m\u00fccadelesini sahiplenebilecek bir konuma ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131 ve kendi i\u00e7indeki \u00f6nc\u00fc unsurlar\u0131n politik bilin\u00e7le donanmas\u0131; s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin geli\u015fiminin ku\u015fkusuz \u00f6n ko\u015fullar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu yaz\u0131, bu ko\u015fullar\u0131n hen\u00fcz olgunla\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir momentte, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin i\u00e7 dinamiklerini ve e\u015fiklerini tart\u0131\u015farak olanaklar\u0131 i\u015faret etmeyi ama\u00e7lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

2023\u2019ten 2025\u2019e uzanan d\u00f6nemde T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin yap\u0131sal olarak derinle\u015fti\u011fi, iktidar\u0131n tekeller ve b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye lehine t\u00fcm imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden konumland\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir momenti ya\u015fad\u0131. Orta Vadeli Program yaln\u0131zca bir \u201cekonomi politikas\u0131\u201d de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fini tahkim eden yeni bir sermaye rejiminin ana hatt\u0131 oldu. \u00dccretlerin bask\u0131lanmas\u0131, vergi y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fcn geni\u015f emek\u00e7i kitlelerin s\u0131rt\u0131na y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, sendikal haklara topyek\u00fbn sald\u0131r\u0131lar ve devlet destekli patron keyfiyeti; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik a\u00e7\u0131k bir sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcndelik izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri oldu.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin yan\u0131t\u0131 ise merkezsiz, da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k, yer yer me\u015frulu\u011fa, yer yer fiili g\u00fcce dayal\u0131 patlamalar bi\u00e7iminde geli\u015fti. Zaman darald\u0131k\u00e7a i\u015f\u00e7iler daha \u201cger\u00e7ek\u00e7i\u201d olduklar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnerek k\u0131sa vadeli \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlere y\u00f6neldi; kal\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin \u201cbo\u015fa gidece\u011fi\u201d inanc\u0131na kap\u0131ld\u0131lar. Bu \u00f6znel tutum, onlar\u0131 tam da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olabilecek kolektif ad\u0131mlardan, sab\u0131rla \u00f6r\u00fclen, kal\u0131c\u0131 birliklerden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Komiteler kurmak, birlikte karar almak, teredd\u00fct eden i\u015f\u00e7ileri s\u00fcrece katmak gibi stratejik ad\u0131mlar yerine, biriken \u00f6fke \u00e7o\u011fu zaman anl\u0131k patlamalara d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bu patlamalar, \u00f6rg\u00fctsel zemin sa\u011flam olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in h\u0131zla \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye ve yaln\u0131zla\u015fmaya evrildi. Bu par\u00e7al\u0131 toplam\u0131 anlamak, devrimci bir siyaset a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan acil bir birle\u015ftirme ve y\u00f6n verme g\u00f6revini de g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Farkl\u0131 i\u015fyeri ve fabrikalarda benzer bi\u00e7imlerde \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7teki tayin edici rol\u00fcn\u00fc kavramak; onlar\u0131n ortak karakterini anlayarak politik bir y\u00f6n kazand\u0131rmak, yaln\u0131zca bu da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin stratejik y\u00f6nelimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da belirleyici bir yerde duruyor. Patlama anlar\u0131nda kendili\u011finden \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan, ancak \u201cdura\u011fan\u201d d\u00f6nemlerde cesareti ve tez canl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla di\u011fer i\u015f\u00e7ilerden ayr\u0131\u015fan bu do\u011fal \u00f6nderler, \u00e7o\u011fu zaman kendi d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7ilerin teredd\u00fctlerini anlamakta zorland\u0131. Sab\u0131rla ili\u015fki kurmak yerine, h\u0131zl\u0131 ve kesin sonu\u00e7lar beklediler. B\u00f6ylece \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fckleri zaman zaman yaln\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131, sab\u0131rs\u0131z taleplerin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Kimi zaman \u201cbunlardan bir \u015fey olmaz\u201d diyerek s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n geri kalan\u0131n\u0131 d\u0131\u015fsalla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131lar; oysa bu ifade, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi potansiyel \u00f6rg\u00fctleyici rollerini ink\u00e2r etmeleri anlam\u0131na da geliyordu. Bu durum, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ana g\u00f6vdesi kendi a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131makta zorlan\u0131rken, onu ileri \u00e7ekebilecek \u00f6nc\u00fc kuvvetin de s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00e7eli\u015fki alan\u0131 yaratt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn ise bu d\u00f6ng\u00fc tam anlam\u0131yla k\u0131r\u0131lmad\u0131, ancak yeni bir e\u015fik olu\u015ftu. Mevzi m\u00fccadeleleri s\u00fcrd\u00fcren i\u015fyeri ve fabrikalardaki \u00f6nc\u00fc b\u00f6l\u00fckler, yaln\u0131zca kendi fabrikalar\u0131nda harekete ge\u00e7erek kazan\u0131m elde edemeyeceklerini; kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc engellerle, uzun soluklu grevlerden sonu\u00e7 alamayacaklar\u0131n\u0131 fark ettiler. Bu nedenle, i\u015fyerleri aras\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fmalar kurmaya, ortak a\u00e7\u0131klamalar yapmaya, kimi zaman Ankara\u2019ya y\u00fcr\u00fcmeye; \u201csesimiz daha g\u00fcr \u00e7\u0131karsa taleplerimiz kabul g\u00f6r\u00fcr\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle daha etkili eylem bi\u00e7imleri aramaya y\u00f6neldiler. Ancak politik bir y\u00f6n ve stratejiyle desteklenmeyen, kendi fabrikas\u0131nda dahi ger\u00e7ek anlamda birle\u015fememi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, bu aray\u0131\u015flar bir s\u00fcre sonra yeni bir hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Seslerini daha g\u00fcr \u00e7\u0131karacak eylemler yapt\u0131klar\u0131nda da taleplerine yan\u0131t alamay\u0131nca, bu kez \u201cbirle\u015fme de sonu\u00e7 vermedi\u201d d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle moral bozuklu\u011fu ba\u015f g\u00f6sterdi.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte bu noktada kritik bir \u00e7eli\u015fki belirdi: S\u0131n\u0131f birle\u015fti ama kazanamad\u0131ysa, sorun birlikteli\u011fin kendisinde mi, yoksa bu birlikteli\u011fin niteli\u011finde mi? Bu sorunun (bug\u00fcnk\u00fc) yan\u0131t\u0131, yaln\u0131zca \u201cnas\u0131l daha fazla birle\u015firiz?\u201d sorusuyla de\u011fil, as\u0131l olarak \u201c\u0130\u00e7eride kal\u0131c\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc birlikler kurmak \u00fczere ger\u00e7ek anlamda nas\u0131l birle\u015fmeliyiz?\u201d sorusuyla verilebilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7 birli\u011findeki mevcut \u00e7eli\u015fkiler k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede de\u011filse de, zamanla baz\u0131 e\u015fikleri a\u015fmaya, d\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm noktalar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmek \u00fczere kendi i\u00e7inden aray\u0131\u015flara y\u00f6nelmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin ne zaman, nas\u0131l ve hangi y\u00f6nde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclece\u011fi; onlar\u0131 do\u011fru kavray\u0131p kavrayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131za ve do\u011fru politik m\u00fcdahalelerle y\u00f6n verip veremedi\u011fimize ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7indeki e\u015fitsizlikler yaln\u0131zca g\u00f6zlem konusu de\u011fil, devrimci m\u00fcdahalenin nesnesi haline getirilmelidir. Bu nedenle geli\u015fen g\u00fcven ve dayan\u0131\u015fma ili\u015fkilerinin, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin embriyonik s\u0131n\u0131f bilincini a\u015farak, m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrecinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc ve arkas\u0131n\u0131 birlikte planlayan kal\u0131c\u0131 birliklere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tarihinde defaatle kan\u0131tland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczere kendili\u011findenli\u011fe terk edilemez.<\/p>\n

Son kertede i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n y\u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc tayin edebilece\u011fi politik bir bilince, yani \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir \u00f6zneye ihtiyac\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu da esasen \u00f6nc\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7ilerin politik bilin\u00e7lerinin geli\u015fimini m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lacak d\u0131\u015fsal bir m\u00fcdahaleyle; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda devrimci-politik birikimin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fcdahalesiyle olanakl\u0131d\u0131r. Bug\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00f6rev, bu tarihsel momentin \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini do\u011fru okumak, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n i\u00e7inde geli\u015fen \u00e7atlaklar\u0131 bir politik stratejiye ba\u011flamak ve par\u00e7al\u0131 toplam\u0131 devrimci bir s\u0131n\u0131f y\u00f6nelimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse bu d\u00f6nemin tarihsel y\u00fck\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r:<\/p>\n