{"id":3568,"date":"2023-11-27T21:52:56","date_gmt":"2023-11-27T18:52:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=3568"},"modified":"2023-11-27T21:52:56","modified_gmt":"2023-11-27T18:52:56","slug":"emperyalizm-tartismalarinda-bitmeyen-kafa-karisikligi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/11\/27\/emperyalizm-tartismalarinda-bitmeyen-kafa-karisikligi\/","title":{"rendered":"Emperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda bitmeyen kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ahmet Cengiz<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Bir zamanlar \u201ckolektif emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d tezi vard\u0131. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d furyas\u0131n\u0131n her taraf\u0131 kavurdu\u011fu y\u0131llarda ortaya at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu teze g\u00f6re, t\u00fcm emperyalist devletler kolektif bir \u015fekilde di\u011fer \u00fclkelere h\u00fckmediyordu. Emperyalistler aras\u0131 sava\u015f da tarihe kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Almanya\u2019da \u00f6rne\u011fin bu tezi savunanlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda Alman Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin (DKP) bir kanad\u0131 geliyordu, s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc de Leo Mayer idi. 2008 d\u00fcnya ekonomik krizi, pek \u00e7ok \u015feyi oldu\u011fu gibi, bu tezin de \u201cg\u00fcncellenme<\/em>\u201dsini gerektirdi. Art\u0131k sadece ABD ve NATO devletleri \u201ckolektif emperyalizmi<\/em>\u201d te\u015fkil etmekteydi. Hedeflerinin oda\u011f\u0131nda da Rusya ve \u00c7in bulunuyordu.<\/p>\n

Tezin ekonomik temeli, \u201culus a\u015fk\u0131n<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201culus \u00f6tesi<\/em>\u201d (transnasyonel) tekelci kapitalizme ge\u00e7i\u015fti. M\u00fclkiyet yap\u0131s\u0131 \u201ctransnasyonel<\/em>\u201d bir \u00f6zellik kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, devletler d\u00fczeyinde de yeni \u201culus-\u00fcst\u00fc<\/em>\u201d olu\u015fumlar ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u201cTransnasyonel sermaye<\/em>\u201d kendisi i\u00e7in daha elveri\u015fli ko\u015fullar\u0131 sa\u011flamak \u00fczere, ulus devletleri birbiriyle yar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131yordu. Devletler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkiler yok de\u011fildi, ancak \u201ctransnasyonel sermayenin ulus-\u00fcst\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi<\/em>\u201d bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin tehlikeli boyutlar almas\u0131n\u0131 engelliyordu\u2026<\/p>\n

Y\u00fczeyselli\u011fin cazibesine, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrekli \u201cdo\u011frulanman\u0131n<\/em>\u201d \u00e7ekicili\u011fine kap\u0131lmamak i\u015ften bile de\u011fildir. Fakat okuru temin edelim ki, bu yaz\u0131m\u0131zda, \u201ckolektif emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d tezi \u00fczerinde durmayaca\u011f\u0131z. Zira bu tez, hayat taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7oktan yalanland\u0131. Gelgelelim hayat\u0131n zenginli\u011fi, ayn\u0131 zamanda, yeni t\u00fcrlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na neden olmaktad\u0131r. \u201cTek kutuplu<\/em>\u201d d\u00fcnyan\u0131n sonland\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p \u201c\u00e7ok kutuplu<\/em>\u201d d\u00fcnyaya ge\u00e7i\u015fi savunmak bunlardan birisidir mesela. \u00d6nce bu sav \u00fczerinde dural\u0131m, ard\u0131ndan Yunanistan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi (KKE) \u00f6rne\u011fi \u00fczerinden, yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n hakl\u0131 ele\u015ftirisinin do\u011fru yan\u0131t\u0131n g\u00fcvencesi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 somutlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fal\u0131m.<\/p>\n

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Ka\u00e7 kutupluyuz?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bilindi\u011fi \u00fczere, en ge\u00e7 Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131ndan beri, \u201culuslararas\u0131 d\u00fczen<\/em>\u201d konusu yo\u011fun tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131nda yer almaktad\u0131r. Bu tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n baz\u0131 y\u00f6nleri \u00fczerinde \u00f6nceki say\u0131lar\u0131m\u0131zda durduk. Ele alaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z tart\u0131\u015fmadaysa, mevzu \u201ckutup<\/em>\u201d metaforu \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fcmektedir. Mesela \u2018g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz kapitalist d\u00fcnyas\u0131 tek kutuplu mu, iki veya \u00e7ok kutuplu mu, yoksa kutupsuz mu? Bunlardan hangisi i\u015f\u00e7i ve halklar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan daha iyidir?\u2019 gibi sorular g\u00fcndeme gelmektedir.<\/p>\n

Kutup eksenli tart\u0131\u015fmalarda \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 eksen al\u0131narak genellikle \u015f\u00f6yle bir tasnif yap\u0131lmakta: 1945-1990 aras\u0131 iki kutupluluk, 1991-2008 aras\u0131 tek kutupluluk ve 2009\u2019dan bug\u00fcne \u00e7ok kutupluluk.[1]<\/sup><\/a> Baz\u0131lar\u0131 ama, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc durumu \u00e7ok kutupluluktan ziyade, tek kutupluluktan \u00e7ok kutuplulu\u011fa gidi\u015f olarak g\u00f6rmektedirler. Bunlara g\u00f6re, ABD\u2019nin hegemonyas\u0131 hala ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bask\u0131nd\u0131r. \u00c7in ve Rusya gibi devletler bu tek kutuplulu\u011fu k\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken ABD buna kar\u015f\u0131 koymaktad\u0131r. Oysa \u00e7ok kutuplulu\u011fun tesis edilmesi emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar ve halklar i\u00e7in yararl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r denilmekte. Bilindi\u011fi \u00fczere, Putin ve Xi Jinping de sabah ak\u015fam bunu propaganda etmektedir!<\/p>\n

\u00d6ncelikle \u015fu soruyu yan\u0131tlamam\u0131z laz\u0131m: Emperyalizm zemininde tek kutupluluk m\u00fcmk\u00fcn m\u00fc? Biliyoruz ki emperyalizm olgusu, en az\u0131ndan<\/em> iki rakip emperyalist devleti gerektirir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc tekel, \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011fu rekabeti ortadan kald\u0131ramaz. Bir s\u00fcreli\u011fine rekabeti s\u0131n\u0131rlayabilir, bask\u0131layabilir, ancak yok edemez. \u015eu ya da bu emperyalistin, b\u00fct\u00fcn di\u011fer emperyalistleri t\u00fcmden<\/em> ortadan kald\u0131rabilmesi i\u00e7in, kapitalizmin e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmesini ve bu geli\u015fmeyi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan maddi ili\u015fki ve \u00e7eli\u015fkileri tasfiye etmesi gerekir. Bu anlam\u0131yla sorumuzun yan\u0131t\u0131 bellidir, tek kutupluluk m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Bununla birlikte ama, tarihte \u00e7ok \u00f6zel ve \u00f6yle oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7icili\u011fi ba\u015ftan belli olan bir d\u00f6nem belirebilir. Mesela 1989\/1991 y\u0131llar\u0131 sonras\u0131, yani Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ile \u201cDo\u011fu Bloku<\/em>\u201dnun \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc izleyen ilk y\u0131llar b\u00f6yle bir d\u00f6nemdi. O d\u00f6nemin verili g\u00fc\u00e7ler dengesinde bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 bo\u015flu\u011fu esas olarak ABD doldurabilirdi, doldurdu da nitekim. O y\u0131llarda ABD\u2019nin \u00f6nde gelen d\u0131\u015f politika dergisi Foreign Affairs\u2019te \u00e7\u0131kan bir makalede de ifade edildi\u011fi \u00fczere, \u201ctek kutuplu moment\u201d<\/em> m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Yazar\u0131 Charles Krauthammer \u015fu de\u011ferlendirmeyi yapmaktayd\u0131: \u201cSo\u011fuk Sava\u015f sonras\u0131ndaki d\u00fcnya, \u00e7ok kutuplu de\u011fil, tek kutupludur. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n merkezinde tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z bir \u015fekilde bir s\u00fcper g\u00fc\u00e7 durmaktad\u0131r, [bu] Bat\u0131l\u0131 m\u00fcttefikleriyle birlikte ABD\u2019dir.<\/em>\u201d Yazar hemen bir sonraki ara ba\u015fl\u0131ktaysa \u015funu eklemeye gerek duyar: \u201c\u015e\u00fcphesiz ki, zamanla \u00e7ok kutuplulu\u011fa ge\u00e7ilecektir.<\/em>\u201d[2]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Sorumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bu momentin yukardaki kaba tasnifte yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi 2008\u2019e kadar s\u00fcr\u00fcp s\u00fcrmedi\u011finin bir \u00f6nemi yok. \u00d6nemli olan, \u00e7ok kutuplulu\u011fun ula\u015f\u0131lmak istenilen bir durum de\u011fil, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn bir realitesi oldu\u011fu ve tabiat\u0131 gere\u011fi de olmak zorunda oldu\u011fudur. \u00d6yleyse, \u00f6rne\u011fin ABD-\u00c7in kap\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, belirli emperyalist devletlerin kendi aralar\u0131nda d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fckleri hegemonya m\u00fccadelesinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r. Peki ama, e\u011fer bu kutuplardan baz\u0131lar\u0131 emperyalist de\u011filse? Mesela DKP\u2019nin iddia etti\u011fi \u00fczere, aralar\u0131nda \u201canti-emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7<\/em>\u201d, hatta ve hatta \u201csosyalizm yolunda olan bir g\u00fc\u00e7<\/em>\u201d bulunuyorsa?<\/p>\n

Emperyalizm mefhumunu esasta ABD ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirdi\u011finizde ve Rusya ve \u00c7in\u2019i emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6rmedi\u011finizde, gayet tabii olarak ABD ve m\u00fcttefiklerini gerileten veya sarsan her geli\u015fmeye olumlu bakars\u0131n\u0131z. Hele DKP gibi, Rusya\u2019y\u0131 emperyalist g\u00f6rmek \u015f\u00f6yle dursun[3]<\/sup><\/a>, Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalistlerin sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u201canti-emperyalist d\u0131\u015f politika izlemeye mecbur b\u0131rak\u0131lan<\/em>\u201d (!) \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcyorsan\u0131z[4]<\/sup><\/a>, \u201cumutlu olmak<\/em>\u201d i\u015ften bile de\u011fildir.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

Kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda olan tahlil \u015fu: Bir tarafta emperyalist karakteri belirgin olan \u00fclkeler var (ABD, Almanya, Fransa, \u0130ngiltere ve Japonya ve onlar\u0131n NATO ve AB gibi uluslararas\u0131 yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131). \u00d6te yandan: \u201cEmperyalist sald\u0131rganl\u0131k nedeniyle \u00e7o\u011fu kez anti-emperyalist bir d\u0131\u015f politikaya zorlanan kapitalist \u00fclkeler s\u00f6z konusu. Bunlar aras\u0131nda ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra olanlar; Brezilya, G\u00fcney Afrika, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde BRICS ve \u015eanghay \u0130\u015fbirli\u011fi \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc\u2019d\u00fcr.<\/em>\u201d[6]<\/sup><\/a> Ve nihayet; \u201csosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131 yolunda olan anti-emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7<\/em>\u201d olarak \u00c7in![7]<\/a><\/p>\n

Durum b\u00f6yle okundu\u011funda, var\u0131lan sonu\u00e7 da \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 olmamakta: \u201cBu ba\u011flamda, \u2018\u00e7ok kutupluluk\u2019 e\u011filiminin selamlanmas\u0131 gerekti\u011finden s\u00f6z etti\u011fimizde, bunun ill\u00fczyonlarla bir alakas\u0131 yoktur. Bu, sosyalizmin zaferden zafere ko\u015ftu\u011fu bir a\u015fama de\u011fildir hen\u00fcz. Fakat, muhtemelen oraya giden yolu a\u00e7acak olan bir a\u015famad\u0131r. Bu, emperyalizm ile anti-emperyalizm aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7ler ili\u015fkisinin daha dengeli oldu\u011fu bir a\u015fama olabilir. Ve bunun bir ilerleme oldu\u011fu, Avrupa d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki bir\u00e7ok halklar taraf\u0131ndan olduk\u00e7a net hissedilmeye ba\u015flanmaktad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[8]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fin ho\u015f taraf\u0131, bu t\u00fcr tahlillerin, \u00f6yle \u201cher \u015feye emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d dememek, daha ay\u0131rt edici bir bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131na sahip olmak nam\u0131na yap\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r![9]<\/sup><\/a> Ama hazin taraf\u0131, sol hatta Marksizm-Leninizm ad\u0131na hareket etti\u011fini iddia eden baz\u0131 \u00e7evrelerdeki muazzam ufuk darl\u0131\u011f\u0131, teorik kavray\u0131\u015flar\u0131ndaki y\u00fczeysellik, dahas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist devletlerin a\u00e7\u0131k kap\u0131\u015fma, yani do\u011frudan sava\u015f haz\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n bu denli k\u00f6r bir a\u00e7\u0131dan de\u011ferlendirilmesi, \u00f6te yandan \u00c7in ve Rusya gibi emperyalistlerin bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te piyasaya s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc demagojik s\u00f6ylemlerin \u00fcstlenilmesi, hatta \u201cselamlanmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cumutlanma<\/em>\u201d vesilesi yap\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tablo dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, birbirinden yanl\u0131\u015f emperyalizm tahlillerinin piyasada dola\u015fmas\u0131nda garipsenecek bir \u015fey yoktur.<\/p>\n

Elbette \u015furas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r: Emperyalistler aras\u0131 kap\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi, aralar\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin keskinle\u015fmesi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i halklar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yeni imk\u00e2n ve f\u0131rsatlar do\u011furabilir. Ancak, meselelere devletler d\u00fczeyinde de\u011fil de s\u0131n\u0131flar ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri temelinde bakanlar i\u00e7in esas olan, bu olas\u0131 imk\u00e2n ve f\u0131rsatlar\u0131 de\u011ferlendirebilecek bir \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck ve m\u00fccadele d\u00fczeyinin gereklili\u011fidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc de\u011filse ve buna dayanan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir a\u00e7\u0131k hareketi yoksa, genel olarak ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik bir \u00e7izgiye ve onun g\u00fcvencesi bir partiye sahip de\u011filse, bu olas\u0131 f\u0131rsatlar i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i halklarca de\u011fil, \u015fu ya da bu \u00fclkedeki tekelci burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan de\u011ferlendirilir, dahas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ileri yedeklemenin, onlar\u0131 tekelci burjuvazinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in sahaya s\u00fcrmenin ara\u00e7lar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse, belirtilen s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7 dengeleri de\u011fi\u015fmedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece<\/em>, \u201c\u00e7ok kutupluluk<\/em>\u201d eninde sonunda; emperyalistler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin bug\u00fcnden \u00e7ok daha fazla keskinle\u015fmesi, yeni vek\u00e2let sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131[10]<\/sup><\/a>, siyasal gericilikle militarizmin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi, milliyet\u00e7ilik zehrinin yay\u0131lmas\u0131, halklar\u0131n yeni felaketlere s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesi vb. anlam\u0131na gelmektedir. Zaten \u015fimdiden bask\u0131n olan e\u011filimler de bunlar de\u011fil midir? S\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerinin verili ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, \u201c\u00e7ok kutupluluk<\/em>\u201d vaaz\u0131n\u0131n gerisindeki g\u00fc\u00e7leri ve e\u011filimlerini te\u015fhir etmenin, kavgalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7 y\u00fcz\u00fcn\u00fc ortaya koyman\u0131n ve halklar\u0131 uyarman\u0131n yeg\u00e2ne devrimci yol oldu\u011fu ortada de\u011fil mi? Kutuplardan birinin s\u00f6ylemini i\u00e7selle\u015ftirerek bu realiteyi \u201cselamlamak<\/em>\u201d ise, s\u0131n\u0131f perspektifinin yitirilmesinin yol verdi\u011fi bir ak\u0131l tutulmas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Emperyalist piramit<\/strong><\/p>\n

KKE i\u00e7in elbette b\u00f6ylesi bir ak\u0131l tutulmas\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edilemez. Aksine, KKE a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00c7in ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n emperyalist karakteri gayet a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin KKE\u2019ye g\u00f6re Yunanistan ve d\u00fcnyan\u0131n di\u011fer \u00fclkelerindeki oport\u00fcnistler; \u201csosyalist \u00fclkelerdeki kapitalist restorasyonun So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve d\u00fcnya bu nedenle \u00e7ok kutuplu hale geldi\u011finden, yani \u00e7ok merkeze ve yeni g\u00fc\u00e7lere sahip oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in daha iyi oldu\u011funu savlamaktalar<\/em>\u201d, \u201coysa \u2018unuttuklar\u0131\u2019 ger\u00e7ek, bu yeni \u2018merkezlerin\u2019 ve \u2018g\u00fc\u00e7lerin’, kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin geli\u015fmesine, tekellerin ekonomideki bask\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayand\u0131klar\u0131d\u0131r, yani y\u00fckselmekte olan yeni emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerle y\u00fcz y\u00fcze oldu\u011fumuzdur.<\/em>\u201d KKE, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde emperyalizmin ABD ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirilmesini de do\u011fru bulmamaktad\u0131r. Bundan da \u00f6teye, emperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda piyasada dola\u015fan pek \u00e7ok sa\u011f oport\u00fcnist ve y\u00fczeysel yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 da bizzat ele\u015ftiri konusu yapmaktad\u0131r. Mesela, \u201cemperyalizmin kapitalizmden farkl\u0131 ve ayr\u0131 bir \u015fey olarak, kapitalizmin ekonomik zemininden kopuk bir politik konsept olarak propaganda edilmesini<\/em>\u201d hakl\u0131 olarak ele\u015ftirmekte ve emperyalizmin pek \u00e7ok yanl\u0131\u015f tahlilinin buradan t\u00fcredi\u011fini do\u011fru bir \u015fekilde saptamaktad\u0131r.[11]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Ancak, yukarda da belirtti\u011fimiz gibi, yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131n hakl\u0131 ele\u015ftirisi, do\u011fru yan\u0131t\u0131n g\u00fcvencesi de\u011fildir. Ve maalesef bu genel do\u011fru KKE i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Nitekim, KKE bu tart\u0131\u015fmalarda pozisyonunu belirlerken ilgin\u00e7 bir konseptle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Konseptlerinin metaforu olarak \u201cemperyalist piramit<\/em>\u201di kullanmaktad\u0131rlar. Piramit, bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle, emperyalist d\u00fcnya sistemindeki hakim ili\u015fkilerin hiyerar\u015fik yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yans\u0131tmakta. En \u00fcsttekiler en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc emperyalist devletlerdir, piramidin orta ve a\u015fa\u011f\u0131s\u0131na do\u011fru ilerlendik\u00e7e bu g\u00fc\u00e7 azalmaktad\u0131r. KKE, insana garip gelebilecek bir vurguyla, \u201culuslararas\u0131 emperyalist sistem<\/em>\u201d olgusuna dikkat \u00e7ekmektedir. Zaten \u201cemperyalist piramit<\/em>\u201d metaforu da \u00e7e\u015fitli metinlerinde bu sistemin, yani \u201culuslararas\u0131 emperyalist sistem<\/em>\u201din bir parantezi olarak ard\u0131\u015f\u0131k yaz\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Peki ama, kapitalizmin d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131 \u00fczerinden geli\u015fen bir sistem olmas\u0131 gibi tarihi bir ger\u00e7ek kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda gayet a\u00e7\u0131k ve malum olan bu \u201culuslararas\u0131 emperyalist sistem<\/em>\u201d vurgusu neden? Nedeni, KKE\u2019nin bu ba\u011flamda yeni bir durumun vuku buldu\u011funu saptamas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u00f6ylesine yeni bir durumdur ki, Lenin\u2019in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cbir avu\u00e7 emperyalist devlet<\/em>\u201d ve \u201czincir<\/em>\u201d metaforunun art\u0131k bug\u00fcnk\u00fc ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi tam yans\u0131tmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmektedir.<\/p>\n

Sorunun \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc daha iyi anlamak i\u00e7in meseleye biraz daha yak\u0131ndan bakmak zorunday\u0131z. KKE\u2019ye g\u00f6re, \u201cYunan kapitalizmi<\/em>\u201d, her ne kadar \u201cABD ve AB kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131<\/em>\u201d bulunsa da \u201cgeli\u015fmesinin emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131ndad\u0131r<\/em>\u201d, uluslararas\u0131 emperyalist sistem i\u00e7erisinde de \u201cbir ara pozisyondad\u0131r<\/em>\u201d[12]<\/sup><\/a> (yani piramidin ortalar\u0131nda).[13]<\/sup><\/a> Fakat sadece Yunanistan de\u011fil, piramit i\u00e7indeki t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkeler geli\u015fmelerinin \u201cemperyalist a\u015famas\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d G\u00fc\u00e7leri, piramidin hangi d\u00fczeyinde konumland\u0131klar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak farkl\u0131la\u015fabilir, ancak hepsi bir \u015fekilde emperyalisttir! KKE kapitalist \u00fclkelerin, \u00f6rne\u011fin Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n \u201cesas olarak Almanya taraf\u0131ndan i\u015fgal edilmi\u015f<\/em>\u201d ve \u201crejiminin de yeni-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge oldu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d savlar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirmektedir. Zira bu gibi savlar, bir taraftan o \u00fclkenin tekelci burjuvazisini hedef olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kartmakta (bu, bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle do\u011fru bir ele\u015ftiridir), di\u011fer yandan ama, o \u00fclkedeki kapitalizmin \u201cgeli\u015fmesinin emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131nda<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmektedir. KKE\u2019ye g\u00f6re bu ger\u00e7ekleri g\u00f6remeyenler, haliyle \u201cemperyalizmi \u00e7ok k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck say\u0131da, bir elin parma\u011f\u0131 kadar say\u0131da \u00fclkeyle \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmektedirler<\/em>\u201d, \u00f6te taraftan da \u201ct\u00fcm di\u011fer \u00fclkeleri ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131, bask\u0131 alt\u0131nda olan, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge olarak<\/em>\u201d de\u011ferlendirmektedirler.[14]<\/sup><\/a> Oysa bug\u00fcn sadece ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6z konusudur.<\/p>\n

Piramit konseptini gerekli hale getiren geli\u015fme neydi diye sorulacak olursa, KKE\u2019nin verdi\u011fi yan\u0131t esasta \u015fu: \u201c20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son on y\u0131l\u0131nda durum de\u011fi\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131. Bunun gerisinde, birbirini kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak etkileyen, ama kendi g\u00f6rece otonomisi de bulunan iki fakt\u00f6r durmaktad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[15]<\/sup><\/a> Bunlardan biri, 1973 krizi sonras\u0131ndaki ekonomi politikalardaki de\u011fi\u015fiklik, yani \u201cneo-keynes\u00e7ili\u011fin<\/em>\u201d terk edilmesi (bunu, \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler, sosyal haklar\u0131n budanmas\u0131, artan sermaye ihrac\u0131 vb.\u2019nin izlemesi). \u0130kincisi, SB ve Do\u011fu Blokun \u00e7\u00f6kmesinin (\u201ckapitalist restorasyon<\/em>\u201dun) \u201cemperyalizme sundu\u011fu f\u0131rsatlar<\/em>\u201d; sermayenin \u201caz direni\u015fle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fan yeni bir sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131<\/em>\u201d ba\u015flatmas\u0131, \u201ceski sosyalist \u00fclkelerde yeni pazarlar\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131.<\/em>\u201d Bu geli\u015fmenin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 oldu: \u201c\u00d6nde giden g\u00fc\u00e7lerin sosyalizm kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki birli\u011fi \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye ba\u015flad\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201cyeni pazarlar\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda emperyalistler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerde yeni bir raunt a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131<\/em>\u201d, devam\u0131nda Balkanlarda, Ortado\u011fu ve Kuzey Afrika\u2019da sava\u015flar\u0131 beraberinde getirdi. \u201c20. y\u00fcz y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131n sonunda, d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 olu\u015fan \u00fc\u00e7 emperyalist merkez vard\u0131: \u2026 AB, ABD ve Japonya. Bug\u00fcn ise emperyalist merkezlerin say\u0131s\u0131 artt\u0131 ve ittifakla\u015fmalar\u0131n yeni bi\u00e7imleri do\u011fdu, Rusya odakl\u0131 ittifakla\u015fma, \u015eangay ittifakla\u015fmas\u0131, BRICS, Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerinin ittifakla\u015fmas\u0131 ALBA, MERCOSUR vb. gibi.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 itibar\u0131yla: \u201cEmperyalist bir politik \u00e7izgi izleyenler sadece tepedekiler de\u011fil, daha alt d\u00fczeydeki \u00fclkeler de, hatta b\u00f6lgesel ve yerel g\u00fc\u00e7ler olarak daha b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lere ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olanlar dahi b\u00f6yle bir \u00e7izgi izlemektedirler. \u00d6rne\u011fin T\u00fcrkiye b\u00f6lgemizde b\u00f6yle bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde \u0130srail, Arap devletleri ve tekelci sermayenin Afrika\u2019da, Asya\u2019da, Latin Amerika\u2019da yeni alanlar ele ge\u00e7irmesine arac\u0131 olan g\u00fc\u00e7ler de \u00f6yledir. Bunun sonucu olarak, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k fenomeniyle y\u00fcz y\u00fczeyiz.<\/em>\u201d[16]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Malum olan\u0131, yani t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkelerin uluslararas\u0131 emperyalist sistemin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fini sorgulamaya gerek yok. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, kapitalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinin farkl\u0131la\u015fabilece\u011fi, e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fme sonucu bunlar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015febilece\u011fini de ge\u00e7elim. Ele\u015ftirdi\u011fimiz, bu sistem i\u00e7erisinde yer alan t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerin emperyalist olarak nitelenmesidir. Ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle, sorun, kapitalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131n nicel<\/em> bir farka indirgenmesi, geli\u015fme a\u015famas\u0131 ve konumlar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan aralar\u0131ndaki nitel<\/em> fark\u0131n yads\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla aralar\u0131ndaki ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkilerin daha ziyade bir \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011fa<\/em>\u201d d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesidir. Tabii bu arada daha az \u00f6nemli olmayan bir husus da, t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkelerin emperyalist a\u015famada oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkeler ve ezilen halklar mefhumunun da nesnel \u00e7eli\u015fkileriyle birlikte ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Belirtilen ve belirtilmeyen nedenlerle son on y\u0131llarda d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin \u00e7ehresinin de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi, ba\u015fta ABD olmak \u00fczere Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist \u00fclkelerinin d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131 paylar\u0131nda gerilemelerin g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, \u00c7in gibi bir \u00fclkenin bu arada emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline geldi\u011fi, ba\u015fta \u201ce\u015fikteki \u00fclkeler<\/em>\u201d (yani hen\u00fcz bir emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelememi\u015f, ama eskinin geri b\u0131rakt\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkeleri olmaktan da \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f) olmak \u00fczere, kapitalizmin pek \u00e7ok \u00fclkede h\u0131zl\u0131 bir geli\u015fme kaydetti\u011fi, \u00f6zellikle de \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d furyas\u0131 d\u00f6neminde emperyalist \u00fclkelerden kapitalist \u00fclkelere sermaye ihrac\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck bir art\u0131\u015f\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131, bunun ise o \u00fclkelerin sermaye birikiminde de ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc bir b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi kam\u00e7\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u00f6te yandan \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131nda ve kapitalist d\u00fcnya ekonomisindeki i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u015fekillenip derinle\u015fmesinde yeni bir safhan\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 vb. vb., bunlar, az \u00e7ok d\u00fcnya ekonomisi ve ili\u015fkilerini takip edenlerce bilinen geli\u015fmelerdir (bu geli\u015fmelerin s\u0131n\u0131flara ve m\u00fccadelelerine etkisi gibi fakt\u00f6rlere konumuz olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan de\u011finmeye gerek yok). Mesele buysa, tek ba\u015f\u0131na bu geli\u015fmeler, s\u00f6z gelimi bir Yunanistan\u2019\u0131 ya da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi hen\u00fcz emperyalist bir devlet\/g\u00fc\u00e7 yapmaz denilebilir \u2013her ne kadar bu \u00fclkelerin burjuvazisi sermaye birikimine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak b\u00f6lgesine y\u00f6nelik emperyal emeller ta\u015f\u0131yor olsa da. Ancak, KKE buna itiraz etmektedir! Yapar ve yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r da demektedir. Nas\u0131l?<\/p>\n

KKE\u2019nin arg\u00fcman\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle: Bir kere bu \u00fclkeler, \u00f6yle san\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi s\u00f6m\u00fcrge veya yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ya da g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kapitalist devletlerin kurban\u0131 de\u011fildir. Bu \u00fclkelerde tekeller bulunmakta ve tekelci burjuvazi de kendi \u00e7ap\u0131nda ve yerine g\u00f6re tepedeki devletlerle birlikte kendi hesab\u0131na \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmakta, ba\u015fta kendi b\u00f6lgelerine olmak \u00fczere d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerine sermaye ihrac\u0131nda bulunmaktad\u0131rlar. \u00d6rne\u011fin: \u201cBoyunduruk ve i\u015fgalden s\u00f6z edenler, Yunanistan\u2019dan yap\u0131lan sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131 (ki emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131ndaki kapitalizmin karakteristik bir \u00f6zelli\u011fidir) g\u00f6rmemektedirler\u2026 Sermaye ihrac\u0131 di\u011fer \u00fclkelerde \u00fcretken yat\u0131r\u0131mlar i\u00e7in ve elbette Avrupal\u0131 bankalara yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[17]<\/sup><\/a> Ayn\u0131 hususu i\u015fleyen ba\u015fka bir metinden aktaral\u0131m: \u201cAs\u0131l olan, sermayenin birikimi ve yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n uzun y\u0131llardan bu yana, emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131ndaki kapitalizminin \u00e7ekirde\u011fini te\u015fkil eden tekellerin olu\u015fmas\u0131na ve geli\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r\u2026 Tam da bu geli\u015fme, KKE\u2019nin, kendi stratejisi ve oradan t\u00fcreyen takti\u011fini geli\u015ftirirken, tahlilinin temelini olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. 19. Parti Kongresince onaylanan parti program\u0131 \u015fu konular\u0131n alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmektedir: Yunanistan burjuvazisi, Balkan \u00fclkelerindeki kar\u015f\u0131-devrimci iktidar de\u011fi\u015fiminden ve onlar\u0131n AB\u2019ye girmesinden ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7larda faydalanmaktayd\u0131. Yunanistan burjuvazisi, \u00f6nemli bir sermaye birikimine ula\u015ft\u0131 ve do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla Yunan \u015firketlerinin ve tekellerinin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine katk\u0131 yapan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir sermaye ihrac\u0131 kaydetti\u2026 Sosyalizmin maddi \u00f6n ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n daha da olgunla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ifade eden bu geli\u015fme<\/em>[18]<\/strong><\/sup><\/em><\/a>, yaln\u0131zca Yunanistan\u2019la s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fil, aksine kapitalist \u00fclkelerin t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc kapsamaktad\u0131r. Tekelci kapitalizmin son on y\u0131llardaki geli\u015fimi tam da bunu teyit etmektedir.<\/em>\u201d[19]<\/sup><\/a> 2022 y\u0131l\u0131nda K\u00fcba\u2019da d\u00fczenlenen uluslararas\u0131 bir toplant\u0131da konu\u015fan KKE Politb\u00fcro \u00fcyesi G. Marinos da, Lenin\u2019in emperyalizmi \u00f6zetlerken s\u0131ralad\u0131\u011f\u0131 5 \u00f6zelli\u011fin piramidin tepesindeki \u00fclkelerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ele al\u0131nmamas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini vurgulamaktayd\u0131: \u201cBu \u00f6zellikler yaln\u0131zca emperyalist piramidin tepesindeki devletlere \u00f6zg\u00fc de\u011fil, aksine b\u00fct\u00fcnseldir, daha az ya da daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmak \u00fczere t\u00fcm devletlere \u00f6zg\u00fcd\u00fcr, zira kapitalizmin tekelci ve gerici \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 bir b\u00fct\u00fcnd\u00fcr.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

G\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki, emperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda d\u00f6n\u00fcp dola\u015f\u0131p ayn\u0131 yere geliyoruz. Emperyalizmin Lenin taraf\u0131ndan saptanan \u00f6zelliklerini bug\u00fcn ele al\u0131rken beliren kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131na\u2026<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Lenin\u2019in be\u015f maddesine yakla\u015f\u0131m<\/strong><\/p>\n

Yukarda DKP ve baz\u0131 sol \u00e7evrelerdeki ak\u0131l tutulmas\u0131n\u0131n KKE\u2019de s\u00f6z konusu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret edildi. Bununla birlikte g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz ki, emperyalizmin Lenin taraf\u0131ndan 5 maddede ifade edilen \u00f6zelliklerinin ele al\u0131n\u0131\u015f\u0131nda iki partinin yolu bir \u015fekilde \u00e7ak\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. DKP bu 5 maddeye dayanarak \u00c7in ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n emperyalist olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrerken, KKE yine bu 5 maddeyi referans g\u00f6stererek t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkelerin emperyalist olduklar\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyor! Ba\u015ftan belirtelim ki, bu \u00e7ak\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan, modern revizyonist gelene\u011fin adeta ruhuna i\u015fleyen pozitivizmdir.<\/p>\n

Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan DKP\u2019ye getirdi\u011fimiz ele\u015ftiri[20]<\/sup><\/a> esas itibar\u0131yla KKE i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Pozitivist okuma, Lenin\u2019in \u00f6zetledi\u011fi 5 maddedeki olgusal olan\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyor yaln\u0131zca, yani tekel, mali sermaye, sermaye ihrac\u0131 vb. Oysa bu maddelere bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, emperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ayn\u0131 derece \u00f6nem arz eden, olgusal olan\u0131n ba\u011flam\u0131, varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 itibar\u0131yla etkisi ve nelere yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin tekelin ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 de\u011fil tek ba\u015f\u0131na, as\u0131l olan, (tekel, \u00f6nceleri de vard\u0131), tayin edici olan, kapitalizmin bu a\u015famas\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan tekelin \u201cekonomik ya\u015famda belirleyici bir rol oynamas\u0131\u201d<\/em>d\u0131r. Ya da banka sermayesi ile sanayi sermayesinin \u015fu ya da bu ekonomik giri\u015fim esnas\u0131nda kayna\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n tekil \u00f6rnekleri \u00f6nceleri de \u015fu ya da bu kapitalist \u00fclkede m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilmi\u015ftir, ama kapitalizmin Lenin taraf\u0131ndan tahlil edilen a\u015famas\u0131nda as\u0131l olan, bu kayna\u015fmayla olu\u015fan \u201cmali sermayenin temelinde bir mali oligar\u015finin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r. Veya uluslararas\u0131 tekelci sermaye birlikleri; bunlar da serbest rekabet\u00e7i d\u00f6nemde \u015fu ya da bu tekil yat\u0131r\u0131mlarda kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kabilir ama, emperyalizm bak\u0131m\u0131ndan esas olan, bu birliklerin \u201cd\u00fcnyay\u0131 kendi aralar\u0131nda payla\u015fa<\/em>\u201dbilmeleridir<\/em>. Ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, d\u00fcnya tarihinde belirli g\u00fc\u00e7ler belirli b\u00f6lgeleri kendi aralar\u0131nda payla\u015fm\u0131\u015flar\u0131d\u0131r, ancak Lenin\u2019in tahlil etti\u011fi emperyalizmde as\u0131l olan \u201ct\u00fcm d\u00fcnyan\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u201d<\/em> ve bunun \u201ctamamlanm\u0131\u015f\u201d <\/em>olmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131, emperyalizmle birlikte yeni olan, kapitalizmin serbest rekabet\u00e7i d\u00f6neminin \u00e7eli\u015fkili bir bi\u00e7imde geride b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131na dayanan (tekel, rekabeti bo\u011far ama ortadan kald\u0131ramaz) bir egemenlik, tahakk\u00fcm ve g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkisinin<\/em> do\u011fmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkisinin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi zemin elbette tekel olgusudur. Ancak, olgular; olu\u015fumu ve s\u0131fatlar\u0131yla birlikte do\u011fru anla\u015f\u0131labilir: Tekeller evet, ancak ekonomik ya\u015famda art\u0131k belirleyici rol oynayan tekeller. Mali sermaye evet, ancak mali oligar\u015fiye tekab\u00fcl eden bir mali sermaye vb. As\u0131l olan \u015fu ya da bu kapitalist \u00fclkede tekelin, mali sermayenin ve sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n olup olmamas\u0131 de\u011fil, bunlar\u0131n egemenlik ili\u015fkisi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler ve tekeller kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki konumu, pazar pay\u0131, yapt\u0131r\u0131m kapasitesidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, emperyalizmin Lenin taraf\u0131ndan saptanan \u015fu ya da bu \u00f6zelli\u011fine tek ba\u015f\u0131na bak\u0131larak bir \u00fclkenin emperyalist olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 saptanamaz, aksine bunun i\u00e7in, bu \u00f6zelliklerin b\u00fct\u00fcnselli\u011fini, tekab\u00fcl ettikleri egemenlik ili\u015fkisinde aramak ve bu maddi ili\u015fkinin o \u00fclkenin ekonomik ve politik ya\u015fam\u0131nda ve d\u0131\u015f ili\u015fkilerinde bask\u0131n olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na bakmak laz\u0131m. Bu yap\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, emperyalizmin \u00f6zelliklerinin b\u00fct\u00fcnselli\u011fi bo\u015f bir ifadeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n bir gere\u011fi olarak; serbest rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizmden onun geli\u015fiminin i\u00e7 yasalar\u0131 sonucu tekelci kapitalizme evrilen emperyalist kapitalist \u00fclkeler ile, emperyalizmin d\u00fcnyaya h\u00fckmetti\u011fi, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n emperyalist tekel ve devletlerce payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7oktan tamamland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cileri<\/em>\u201d tarihi ko\u015fullarda emperyalist a\u015famaya ge\u00e7i\u015f yapan \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda \u00f6nemsiz olmayan bir fark vard\u0131r. \u0130kincilerinin kendi \u00fclkelerindeki kapitalist geli\u015fmesi, birincilerin ekonomide, pazar paylar\u0131nda, n\u00fcfuz alanlar\u0131nda, teknolojide h\u00fckmetti\u011fi ko\u015fullarda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmektedir. D\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde egemen olan tekellerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda de\u011fil, aksine onlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra ve \u00e7o\u011fu kez de onlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla geli\u015fmektedirler. Ancak bu geli\u015fmelerinin belirli bir noktas\u0131nda, yani d\u00fcnyaya h\u00fckmeden emperyalist tekeller ve devletlerden ayr\u0131\u015fabilecek bir sermaye birikimi, pazar pay\u0131 ve teknolojik avantaj\/\u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck elde edebildi\u011fi bir noktadan itibaren emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak etkinlik g\u00f6sterebilirler. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle, kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131nda duran emperyalist tekeli belirli bu d\u00fczey ve alanda yar\u0131p a\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 oranda emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilirler. Meselenin p\u00fcf noktas\u0131, \u00e7e\u015fitli sekt\u00f6r, alan ve konuda h\u00fckmeden mevcut tekelin\/tekelle\u015fmenin yar\u0131lmas\u0131\/a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyine ula\u015fmayan kapitalist bir \u00fclkenin, \u015fu ya da bu sekt\u00f6rdeki \u015firketinin tekel olmas\u0131, mali sermayesinin bulunmas\u0131 ya da i\u015fte sermaye ihra\u00e7 etmesi otomatikman o \u00fclkeyi emperyalist yapmaz. Aksini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmek, Lenin\u2019in emperyalizm teorisine pozitivist bir anlay\u0131\u015fla yakla\u015fmak, emperyalizmin ortaya \u00e7\u0131karken geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u00f6zelliklerinin i\u00e7 b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc yads\u0131mak, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn kapitalist \u00fclkelerin geli\u015fmesinin emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fullar\u0131nda cereyan etti\u011fini unutmak, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla geli\u015fme h\u0131zlar\u0131n\u0131 ve bi\u00e7imlerini emperyalizmin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve e\u011filimlerinden soyutlamak, k\u0131sacas\u0131 i\u015fin esprisini atlamak demektir.<\/p>\n

Emperyalizm adl\u0131 eserinde Lenin, Alman iktisat\u00e7\u0131 Kestner\u2019in kartellerin do\u011fu\u015funun sonucuyla ilgili s\u00f6zlerini aktar\u0131rken, onun kartellerin sadece y\u00fcksek k\u00e2rlar sa\u011flamad\u0131\u011f\u0131, ayn\u0131 zamanda, \u201cserbest rekabet d\u00f6neminde var olmayan bir egemenlik de kurduk<\/em>\u201dlar\u0131na dair s\u00f6zlerinin ard\u0131ndan \u015funu der: \u201cBu alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izdi\u011fimiz s\u00f6zc\u00fck [egemenlik], burjuva iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok seyrek olarak ve b\u00fcy\u00fck bir g\u00f6n\u00fcls\u00fczl\u00fck i\u00e7inde kabule yana\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131, ba\u015fta Kautsky olmak \u00fczere oport\u00fcnizmin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki savunucular\u0131n\u0131n savsaklamaya ve reddetmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 sorunun \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc<\/strong> ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Egemenlik ili\u015fkileri<\/strong> ve<\/strong> onlarla birlikte ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u015fiddet<\/strong>, \u2018kapitalist geli\u015fmenin en son a\u015famas\u0131nda\u2019 rastlanan tipik belirtilerdir; ve bu, mutlak egemenlik sahibi ekonomik tekellerin<\/strong> kurulmas\u0131yla zorunlu olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gereken ve ger\u00e7ekte de ortada olan sonu\u00e7lard\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[21]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Bundand\u0131r ki, Lenin i\u00e7in \u201cemperyalizm tekelci kapitalizmdir<\/em>\u201d ve asla tekellerin de oldu\u011fu kapitalizm de\u011fildir! Ve yine bu nedenle, liberal iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar bug\u00fcn tekellerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil, onlar\u0131n serbest rekabeti ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 inkar etmektedirler! Ve yine ayn\u0131 nedenlerle, rekabetten ve kapitalist \u00fcretimdeki anar\u015fiden kaynaklanan kapitalizmin e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmesi, emperyalizmle birlikte s\u0131\u00e7ramal\u0131 bir geli\u015fme \u00f6zelli\u011fini kazan\u0131r. Zira tekel hakimiyeti ve onun \u00fczerinden y\u00fckselen egemenlik ili\u015fkilerinin rekabet \u00fczerine yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bask\u0131, bu hakimiyetin ba\u015fta teknoloji olmak \u00fczere stratejik sekt\u00f6rlerde bir \u015fekilde k\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir. Ve bu genellikle \u00f6zel, mesela b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik krizde veya uluslararas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck politik d\u00f6neme\u00e7ler gibi ko\u015fullarda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fir. Tersinden s\u00f6yleyecek olursak, s\u0131\u00e7ramal\u0131 geli\u015fmeyi ko\u015fulland\u0131ran da, zorunlu k\u0131lan da verili tekel hakimiyeti ve egemenlik ili\u015fkileridir. \u00c7in\u2019in emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline geli\u015f \u015feklinin \u00f6zellikleri, burada vurgulananlar\u0131n \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir \u00f6rne\u011fidir.[22]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Pozitivist bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131 ise, hem tarihsel olan\u0131, hem de olan\u0131n tarihselli\u011fini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmektedir. Lenin\u2019in emperyalizm tahlilini basit bir olgu saptamas\u0131 derekesine indirgemektedir: Tekeller var, mali sermaye var, sermaye ihrac\u0131 var. \u00d6yleyse pek \u00e7ok kapitalist \u00fclke \u201cemperyalist bir a\u015famada<\/em>\u201d diyerek i\u015fin i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r! Bir kere bu \u00f6zellikler, serbest rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizmin tekelci kapitalizme evrilmesinin \u00f6zellikleridir. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle, k\u0131yas noktas\u0131ndan, yani serbest rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizmden ayr\u0131\u015fan, \u00e7eli\u015fen ve farkl\u0131la\u015fan \u00f6zellikleri ifade ederler. \u0130kincisi; emperyalizmin, tekelci kapitalizmin ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ona m\u00fcnhas\u0131r \u00f6zellik ve e\u011filimlerin y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n bir s\u00fcredir etkide oldu\u011fu bir d\u00fcnya kapitalizmi ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, bahsi ge\u00e7en \u00f6zelliklerin \u015fu ya da bu kapitalist \u00fclkede belirmesi, anla\u015f\u0131labilir bir geli\u015fme oldu\u011fu kadar, emperyalizmin e\u011filimlerine de ayk\u0131r\u0131 de\u011fildir. Dikkat \u00e7ekilen kapitalist geli\u015fme, bu nedenlerle de bu \u00fclkeleri do\u011frudan emperyalist yapmaz.<\/p>\n

Neden? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc o \u00fclkelerdeki tekeller, mali sermaye vb. serbest rekabet\u00e7i bir d\u00fcnya kapitalizmi ko\u015fullar\u0131nda olu\u015fmu\u015f olmuyorlar. Aksine, bu \u00fclkelerdeki tekeller ve mali sermaye; ekonomik ve mali g\u00fcc\u00fcn, d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n, n\u00fcfuz alanlar\u0131n\u0131n ve teknolojik imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist tekeller ve devletleri taraf\u0131ndan payla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, somut ve belirli bir g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesinin g\u00f6receli olarak h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc verili bir d\u00fcnya ekonomisi ko\u015fullar\u0131nda olu\u015fuyor ve etkinlik g\u00f6stermeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Bu husus niye \u00f6nemli? \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, bu \u00fclkelerdeki tekeller vb. b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist tekeller ve mali sermayeye ra\u011fmen olu\u015fmuyorlar, aksine, istisnalar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, onlarla i\u015fbirli\u011fi i\u00e7erisinde, onlara yaslanarak, onlar\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ortaklar\u0131 olarak hayata g\u00f6zlerini a\u00e7\u0131yorlar ve b\u00fcy\u00fcmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yorlar. Sermaye birikim s\u00fcre\u00e7leri b\u00f6ylesine ko\u015fullanm\u0131\u015f ve ba\u015ftan dezavantajl\u0131 \u00fclkelerde \u015fu ya da bu mali sermaye grubu, \u015fu ya da bu tekel, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00e7apl\u0131 da olsa, kendine g\u00f6re bir pazar avantaj\u0131 yakalayamaz m\u0131? Kapitalizmin d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde geni\u015flemesine yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tarihi s\u00fcre\u00e7te bu gibi istisnai imkan ve f\u0131rsatlar elbette \u00e7\u0131kabilir, \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r da. Ancak, istisnalar kaideyi do\u011frular. K\u0131sacas\u0131, emperyalizmin Lenin taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6zetlenen be\u015f \u00f6zelli\u011fi, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn emperyalist kapitalizminin verili maddi ili\u015fkileri ve g\u00fc\u00e7 dengesinden soyutlayarak ele almak, emperyalizm teorisinin pozitivist bir okumas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u2018K\u00fcresel g\u00fcney\u2019 ve \u2018kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k\u2019<\/strong><\/p>\n

Hi\u00e7 \u015f\u00fcphesiz, son 40 y\u0131lda kapitalizm, bilhassa da \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d furyas\u0131 d\u00f6neminde, yani Bat\u0131l\u0131 mali sermayenin 1989\/91 d\u00f6nemeci sonras\u0131n\u0131n zafer sarho\u015flu\u011fuyla girmedik pazar b\u0131rakmamas\u0131 ve \u00fcretim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini d\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelere kayd\u0131rmas\u0131 itibar\u0131yla, ba\u015fta \u201ce\u015fikteki \u00fclkeler<\/em>\u201dde olmak \u00fczere, d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde geli\u015fti. Kapitalizmin ve kapitalist ili\u015fkilerin g\u00f6rece k\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede bu denli ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n hem bu \u00fclkeler hem de d\u00fcnya ekonomisi \u00fczerinde \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc etkileri oldu. Bunlar aras\u0131nda konumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan alt\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7izilmesini gerektiren husus, emperyalist olmayan \u00fclkelerdeki bu kapitalist geli\u015fmeyle birlikte bu \u00fclkelerde s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etmeye de\u011fer bir sanayile\u015fme ve sermaye birikiminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Birikimin d\u00fczeyine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak, bu \u00fclkelerdeki tekelci burjuvazi, bilindi\u011fi \u00fczere, ba\u015fta kom\u015fu \u00fclkeleri olmak \u00fczere, sermaye ihrac\u0131na y\u00f6nelmekte, \u015fu ya da bu sekt\u00f6rde yo\u011funla\u015fan yat\u0131r\u0131mlarda bulunmakta, pazar paylar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015flemesini vaat eden f\u0131rsatlarla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fmaktad\u0131r. T\u00dcS\u0130AD Y\u00f6netim Kurulu Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Orhan Turan\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6zleriyle ifade edilecek olursak: \u201cT\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada arz zincirleri de\u011fi\u015fiyor, \u00fcretim merkezleri kay\u0131yor. Bu s\u00fcreci do\u011fru okuyabilen ekonomiler i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli f\u0131rsatlar mevcut.<\/em>\u201d[23]<\/sup><\/a> \u00dcstelik, \u00c7in gibi yeni bir emperyalist g\u00fcc\u00fcn ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, bu \u00fclkelerdeki tekelci burjuvazinin se\u00e7eneklerini art\u0131rmakta, \u00f6zellikle Bat\u0131l\u0131 tekeller kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u00f6ncesinde olmayan bir pazarl\u0131k g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc yakalayabilmektedir.<\/p>\n

Nitekim bir s\u00fcreden beri, \u201ce\u015fikteki \u00fclkeler<\/em>\u201din; yani Brezilya, Hindistan, Meksika, G\u00fcney Afrika gibi \u00fclkelerin (kendine m\u00fcnhas\u0131r ba\u011flamlar\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye de bu t\u00fcr \u00fclkelerden biridir), b\u00fcy\u00fck devletlerin kap\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalistler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda daha \u00f6z g\u00fcvenli \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131 olabilmekte ve belli ba\u015fl\u0131 emperyalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin keskinle\u015fmesinden \u015fimdilik<\/em> faydalanabildikleri bir pozisyonda bulunmaktad\u0131rlar. Artan ekonomik ve politik i\u015fbirli\u011fi se\u00e7enekleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Hindistan somut bir \u00f6rnektir. Hindistan d\u00fcnyan\u0131n 6. b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomisidir. Kendisini \u015fu ya da bu b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist g\u00fcc\u00fcn pe\u015fine tak\u0131lmak zorunda hissetmemektedir. Her biriyle ayr\u0131 ve \u00f6zel ekonomik, politik ve askeri i\u015fbirliklerine y\u00f6nelmektedir.<\/p>\n

KKE\u2019nin nezdinde ise bu gibi durumlar, \u201cba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k fenomeni<\/em>\u201dnin g\u00f6stergeleridir. \u201cKar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d, bu \u00fclkelerden birinin, belirli bir emperyalist ittifak\u0131n mensubu olmas\u0131 durumunda da esasta de\u011fi\u015fmemektedir. Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n \u00f6rne\u011fin NATO ve AB\u2019ye \u00fcyeli\u011fi, \u201cYunan burjuvazisinin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z davranma kabiliyetini s\u0131n\u0131rlamakta<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r, ancak, \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d bu durumda da kalkmamakta, yaln\u0131zca \u201ce\u015fit olmayan kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkilerine<\/em>\u201d (!) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmektedirler.[24]<\/sup><\/a> Ve yine okuyoruz ki, \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d fenomeni klasik emperyalist devletler i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir: \u201cBir veya birka\u00e7 devlet, [piramidin] tepesinde olup kapitalist uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmada, pazarlar\u0131n yeniden payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda \u00f6nde olsa bile, ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerle kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 bir ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k rejimi i\u00e7inde var olmaya devam etmektedirler. Mesela Almanya, Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6nder g\u00fcc\u00fc olabilir ama, sermayesinin ve s\u0131nai \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin ihracat\u0131, Avrupa \u00fclkeleri ve \u00c7in\u2019in bunlar\u0131 alabilme kabiliyetine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[25]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Son al\u0131nt\u0131da s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7elim. Emperyalistler aras\u0131 ili\u015fkinin konusu olmas\u0131 bir yana, bu; d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131, ekonomisi ve ihracat\/ithalat ili\u015fkisi var oldu\u011fundan bu yana mevcut olan bir \u201cba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fcd\u00fcr. D\u00fcnya ekonomisinin i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015fli\u011finin bug\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u00fczeyinde bu t\u00fcrden kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u201cba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n<\/em>\u201d artm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 da do\u011fald\u0131r. Fakat burada bile, bu t\u00fcrden kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u201cba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131ktan<\/em>\u201d do\u011fan dezavantajlar\u0131 a\u015fma konusunda emperyalist devletler aras\u0131nda ciddi imkan farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur. Emperyalistler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkiler \u015fimdiye kadar i\u00e7inde hareket ettikleri bi\u00e7imleri par\u00e7alay\u0131p, \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin yeni keskinle\u015fme d\u00fczeyine tekab\u00fcl eden bir yeniden bi\u00e7imlenmeye gitti\u011finde (bug\u00fcn olmakta olan budur!) ve a\u00e7\u0131k kap\u0131\u015fmalar g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011finde, bu kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u201cba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d da tan\u0131nmaz hale gelecektir. Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalistlerin bug\u00fcnlerde dillerinden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmedikleri \u201cde-risking<\/em>\u201d laflar\u0131, yani stratejik alan ve sekt\u00f6rlerdeki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 azaltma hedefi, belirtti\u011fimiz de\u011fi\u015fimin s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak \u00e7oktan ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bir g\u00f6stergesidir.<\/p>\n

Fakat as\u0131l noktaya gelecek olursak; \u00e7o\u011fu kez oldu\u011fu gibi, burada da i\u015fin s\u0131rr\u0131, \u00e7eli\u015fkidedir! Konumuz ve itiraz noktam\u0131z bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nem arz eden husus, tam da yukardaki \u00e7eli\u015fkili ifadede (\u201ce\u015fit olmayan kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri<\/em>\u201d) dile getirilmektedir. E\u011fer e\u015fit olmayan<\/em> bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k s\u00f6z konusuysa ve buradaki e\u015fitsizli\u011fi ko\u015fullayan ba\u015fka fakt\u00f6rler devredeyse, o zaman bu ili\u015fkide bir taraf ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131, di\u011fer taraf ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 de\u011fil demektir. \u201cKar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201dtaki as\u0131l fark\u0131 da tam bu e\u015fitsizlik olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. Bu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle buradaki \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d, bir taraf\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rtme i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir sadece.[26]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

Son bir noktaya daha de\u011finerek noktalayal\u0131m bu yaz\u0131y\u0131. Yeni ittifakla\u015fma \u00f6rneklerini kapsayan bu noktay\u0131, BRICS \u00fczerinden k\u0131saca ele alal\u0131m: Bilindi\u011fi \u00fczere, Hindistan, G\u00fcney Afrika ve Brezilya\u2019n\u0131n da \u00fcyesi oldu\u011fu BRICS \u00fclkeleri, d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun %40\u2019\u0131n\u0131, d\u00fcnya GYSMH\u2019n\u0131n %25\u2019ini, d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcmenin %50\u2019sini te\u015fkil etmektedir. Bir s\u00fcreden beri BRICS \u00fclkeleri, BM\u2019nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc ve IMF gibi esas olarak ABD ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 devletlerin etkin oldu\u011fu uluslararas\u0131 yap\u0131lar\u0131n reformdan ge\u00e7irilmesini talep etmektedir. Di\u011fer taraftan da, kendi uluslararas\u0131 yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlemektedir. Mesela, Yeni Kalk\u0131nma Bankas\u0131 (NDB) ve CRA adl\u0131 yeni bir rezerv fonunu kurdular (d\u00f6viz ve kredi geni\u015flemesinde birbirine yard\u0131mc\u0131 olmak, SWAP anla\u015fmalar\u0131yla nakit para havuzlar\u0131 olu\u015fturmak \u00fczere). BRICS i\u00e7inde, Bat\u0131ya alternatif bir para aktarma sistemi (SWIFT benzeri) \u00fczerinde de \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. \u00c7in ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n da dahil oldu\u011fu BRICS grubu \u015fu s\u0131ralar reva\u00e7ta, \u00fcyelik ba\u015fvuru listesi giderek uzamakta. Her ne kadar BRICS grubu kendi i\u00e7inde homojen bir birlik te\u015fkil etmese de (\u00f6rne\u011fin \u00c7in ve Hindistan aras\u0131ndaki gerginlik), hamleleri \u00f6zellikle de \u201cK\u00fcresel G\u00fcney<\/em>\u201d[27]<\/sup><\/a> i\u00e7in yeni bir \u00e7ekim merkezi olma bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemsiz g\u00f6r\u00fclmemelidir. Temmuz 2014\u2019de BRICS devletlerince NDB\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131 bu amaca hizmet eden bir ad\u0131md\u0131. Verilen, \u201cK\u00fcresel G\u00fcney<\/em>\u201d D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 (DB) ve IMF\u2019ye mahkum de\u011fildir mesaj\u0131yd\u0131! \u00d6zellikle \u00c7in 2000\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131nda IMF\u2019deki oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fcnya ekonomisindeki yeni g\u00fc\u00e7ler dengesine g\u00f6re yeniden belirlenmesi i\u00e7in giri\u015fimlerde bulundu, ancak ne ABD ne de AB buna yana\u015ft\u0131. Orada sa\u011flayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimi, yani d\u00fcnya mali politikalar\u0131 ve kaynaklar\u0131 konusunda daha etkin s\u00f6z sahibi olmay\u0131, \u015fimdi NDB \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor. Ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z da de\u011fil, BRICS devletler grubuyla sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla[28]<\/sup><\/a> kurulmas\u0131nda etkin rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 NDB\u2019ye Birle\u015fik<\/p>\n

Arap Emirlikleri ve Banglade\u015f 2021\u2019de, M\u0131s\u0131r da \u015eubat 2023\u2019de \u00fcye oldu. Ayr\u0131ca Suudi Arabistan, Zimbabwe, Arjantin ve Honduras\u2019\u0131n da \u00fcye olmalar\u0131 bekleniyor.<\/p>\n

\u00dczerinde son d\u00f6nemlerde en \u00e7ok spek\u00fclasyon yap\u0131lan hususlardan biri de, BRICS\u2019in \u2018alt\u0131n\u2019a ba\u011fl\u0131 yeni bir \u201cortak para birimine<\/em>\u201d ge\u00e7ip ge\u00e7meyece\u011fidir. A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki b\u00f6ylesine bir hamle, \u015fu anda s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 d\u00fczeyde ilerleyen \u201cdolars\u0131zla\u015fma\u201d (\u201cde-dolarisation\u201d) s\u00fcrecini (yani dolar\u0131n d\u00fcnya para birimi olarak geriletilmesini) h\u0131zland\u0131racakt\u0131r. Fakat bu konuda hemen yak\u0131n tarihlerde h\u0131zl\u0131 bir ilerlemenin g\u00fcndeme gelmesi zay\u0131f bir ihtimaldir. \u201cDolars\u0131zla\u015fma<\/em>\u201d \u015fimdilik, giderek daha \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00fclkenin kendi aralar\u0131ndaki ticarette dolar yerine kendi ulusal para birimlerini kullanmas\u0131yla g\u00fcndemdedir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Brezilya\u2019da kullan\u0131lan Yuan, Euro\u2019yu ge\u00e7ti, ancak Brezilya Merkez Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n d\u00f6viz rezervleri b\u00fcy\u00fck bir farkla hala dolardan olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. ABD\u2019nin \u00f6zellikle Ukrayna sava\u015f\u0131yla mali yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rmas\u0131, \u00f6rne\u011fin Rusya\u2019n\u0131n yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olan ve toplam d\u00f6viz rezervinin yar\u0131s\u0131na denk gelen bir miktardaki d\u00f6vizine el koymas\u0131, k\u0131sacas\u0131 dolar\u0131n d\u00fcnya paras\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 bir silah olarak kullanmay\u0131 agresif bir d\u00fczeyde devreye sokmas\u0131, pek \u00e7ok \u00fclkenin alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131rm\u0131\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r\u2026<\/p>\n

Uzatmayal\u0131m, t\u00fcm sorun, bu geli\u015fmelerin nereye oturtulaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. BRICS grubuna yaln\u0131zca \u201cK\u00fcresel G\u00fcney<\/em>\u201d prizmas\u0131ndan bak\u0131lmamal\u0131d\u0131r. Orada \u00c7in ve Rusya hay\u0131rseverlik i\u00e7in yer almamaktad\u0131r. Bu iki emperyalistin BRICS angajman\u0131n\u0131n nedeni bellidir. Ba\u015fka \u015feylerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, \u201cK\u00fcresel G\u00fcney<\/em>\u201d \u00fclkelerini hammaddeden jeopoliti\u011fe kadar geni\u015f bir alanda yedeklemek suretiyle rakip emperyalist devletler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda elini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmektir. Bu alandaki rekabetin son y\u0131llarda artt\u0131\u011f\u0131na dair \u00e7ok \u00f6rnekler verilebilir. Bunun i\u00e7in, b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist devletlerin sadece son y\u0131llarda d\u00fczenledikleri uluslararas\u0131 zirve ve konferanslar\u0131n bile\u015fimine bak\u0131lmas\u0131 bile yeterlidir. Bu ba\u011flamda dikkat \u00e7eken bir di\u011fer husus, \u00c7in ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n bu \u00fclkelerdeki Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist devletlere kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilikten gelen hakl\u0131 tepkileri ba\u015far\u0131yla istismar edebilmeleri, Bat\u0131l\u0131lar gibi s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci olmad\u0131klar\u0131 imaj\u0131n\u0131 yaratmaya ve bunu da altyap\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 ya da BRICS grubu \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde sunulan imk\u00e2nlarla pratikte de g\u00f6stermeye \u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem vermeleridir. Bu sat\u0131rlar kaleme al\u0131n\u0131rken, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ev sahipli\u011finde St. Petersburg\u2019da d\u00fczenlenen Rusya-Afrika zirvesinin a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131nda; taraflar\u0131n ortakla\u015fa \u201cyeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fe<\/em>\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 duracaklar\u0131 ve Afrika\u2019daki s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesizle\u015ftirme s\u00fcrecinin tamamlanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015facaklar\u0131, ayr\u0131ca eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci devletlerce u\u011frat\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131 zararlar\u0131n\u0131n telafi edilmesi i\u00e7in \u00e7aba sarf edeceklerine dair ifadeler bunun g\u00fcncel bir \u00f6rne\u011fi idi sadece.<\/p>\n

Vurgulamam\u0131z gerekiyor ki, yukarda \u00f6zetledi\u011fimiz geli\u015fmeler, madalyonun yaln\u0131zca bir y\u00fcz\u00fcd\u00fcr. Di\u011fer y\u00fcz\u00fcnde, Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist \u00fclkelerin son 40 y\u0131lda kaydetti\u011fi geli\u015fme ve kazand\u0131klar\u0131 mevziler durmaktad\u0131r, yani; emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ucuz oldu\u011fu \u00fclkelerde ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc oranlar\u0131yla \u00fcretme, kendi \u00fclkelerindeki emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretiminin maliyetini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme, tekel fiyatlar\u0131n\u0131 dayatma, geli\u015fen kapitalist \u00fclkelerle k\u0131yaslanmayacak d\u00fczeyde bir sermaye birikimini elde etme, teknolojideki tekel konumunu yenileme vb. Netice itibar\u0131yla, klasik emperyalist \u00fclkelerdeki tekelle\u015fme, tekel hakimiyeti, birikim d\u00fczeyi, sermaye fazlal\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve finans sekt\u00f6r\u00fcndeki \u015fi\u015fme, Lenin d\u00f6nemiyle k\u0131yaslanamayacak boyutlar alm\u0131\u015f durumdad\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn \u00f6rne\u011fin tek ba\u015f\u0131na Apple tekelinin pek \u00e7ok \u00fclkenin GSMH\u2019dan b\u00fcy\u00fck bir mali g\u00fcc\u00fc bulunmaktad\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerindeki kapitalist geli\u015fmeye ve buralarda olu\u015fan tekel ve mali sermayeye dikkat \u00e7ekerken, beri taraftaki, yani emperyalist \u00fclkelerdeki sermayedeki merkezile\u015fme ve yo\u011funla\u015fman\u0131n ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fczeyi, bunun bu \u00fclkelere sundu\u011fu yeni olanaklar\u0131 atlamamak gerekir.<\/p>\n

Bu yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, emperyalist \u00fclkelerle ilgili s\u00f6ylenenlerin, \u201cK\u00fcresel G\u00fcney<\/em>\u201ddeki geli\u015fmeyi tam da tekel olgusu ve onun \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen egemenlik ili\u015fkileri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan g\u00f6recele\u015ftiren bir muhtevaya sahip oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. Elbette bu \u00fclkeler kendi ge\u00e7mi\u015f konumlar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00f6nemli bir kapitalist geli\u015fme kaydetmi\u015flerdir, ancak k\u0131yas noktas\u0131 olarak kendi ge\u00e7mi\u015f durumlar\u0131 de\u011fil de klasik emperyalist \u00fclkeler al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bunun g\u00f6recelili\u011fi kendili\u011finden anla\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131r. Ba\u015fta teknoloji olmak \u00fczere kilit ve stratejik sekt\u00f6rlerdeki tekelci konum, pazar hakimiyeti, sermaye birikimi ve rezervleri, askeri, mali, diplomatik yapt\u0131r\u0131m g\u00fcc\u00fc gibi kriterler bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, klasik emperyalist \u00fclkelerle son on y\u0131llarda geli\u015fen kapitalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki fark esasta de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015f de\u011fildir. Piramit metaforu, tepedekiler ve alt\u0131ndakiler ayr\u0131m\u0131yla bu fark\u0131 reddetmiyor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de, hepsini emperyalist olarak tan\u0131mlamak suretiyle, bu fark\u0131, nitel olarak ayn\u0131 olanlar\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki nicel bir farka d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Ger\u00e7ek hayatta ama, ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle d\u00fcnya kapitalizmindeki rekabetin \u00e7etin ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, bu fark\u0131n salt nicel bir fark olarak durmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, aksine, Hegel\u2019in tabiriyle nicelin bir nitelik de oldu\u011fu, yani tam da bu nicel fark\u0131n tekelin do\u011fas\u0131 olan hakimiyet ve egemenlik ili\u015fkisini dayatma bak\u0131m\u0131ndan nitel bir fark yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 her g\u00fcn yeniden ve yeniden deneyimlenmektedir.[29]<\/sup><\/a><\/p>\n

D\u00fcne g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha fazla i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin dengeleri ve g\u00fc\u00e7 da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n bug\u00fcnk\u00fc tablosunun kal\u0131c\u0131 olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 unutmamak gerekir. Nas\u0131l ki, bu i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015flikten hareketle yap\u0131lan \u2018art\u0131k sava\u015flar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmayaca\u011f\u0131\u2019 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcs\u00fc bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131ysa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde bu i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015fli\u011fin bug\u00fcn sundu\u011fu f\u0131rsat ve geli\u015fme imkanlar\u0131n\u0131n da hep ayn\u0131 kalaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmemelidir. Evet, klasik emperyalist \u00fclkelerin pazar paylar\u0131 eskisi gibi artmamakta, aksine \u00e7e\u015fitli sekt\u00f6rler itibar\u0131yla gerileme belirtileri g\u00f6stermekte, d\u00fcnya ekonomisindeki eski konumlar\u0131 sars\u0131lmaya ba\u015flamakta, rekabeti s\u0131n\u0131rlama ve kendilerini dayatma kapasiteleri zay\u0131flamaktad\u0131r. Ancak bu gidi\u015fat ne tek y\u00f6nl\u00fc ne de kal\u0131c\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirilmelidir. Tersine, bu gidi\u015fat, irtifa kaybedenlerin gidi\u015fata kar\u015f\u0131 koymalar\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmas\u0131 suretiyle emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini de keskinle\u015ftirmektedir. Keskinle\u015fme belirli bir noktaya ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, yani g\u00fc\u00e7 dengelerinde de\u011fi\u015fim h\u0131zlan\u0131p \u015fu ya da bu emperyalist mihrak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kabul edilemez bir evreye geldi\u011finde, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc gidi\u015fat\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn k\u0131lan genel \u00e7er\u00e7eve h\u0131zla de\u011fi\u015fime u\u011frayacak ve sonu\u00e7ta t\u00fcm y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla g\u00fc\u00e7 ve \u015fiddetin diliyle konu\u015fulacakt\u0131r. Kimin emperyalist olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 en ge\u00e7 o zaman anla\u015f\u0131lacakt\u0131r!<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1]<\/sup><\/a> Goldberg, J. (2023) \u201cWeltordnung zwischen Globalisierung und Nationalstaaten\u201d, Z.<\/em>, 134, 18-27, sf. 21.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/sup><\/a> Aktaran Goldberg, agy, sf. 22.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/sup><\/a> Rusya\u2019n\u0131n emperyalist olup olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in bkz. Cengiz, A. (2022) \u201cEmperyalizm ve Rusya\u2019n\u0131n aynadaki sureti\u201d, Teori ve Eylem<\/em>, Say\u0131 56, 35-49.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/sup><\/a> DKP\u2019nin Uluslararas\u0131 \u0130li\u015fkiler Sekreteri G\u00fcnter Pohl, \u201cKom\u00fcnist ve \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partilerinin 20. Toplant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201dnda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 konu\u015fmada, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n Suriye ve Ukrayna\/Donbas\u2019ta izledi\u011fi d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n \u201cnesnel olarak anti-emperyalist<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc! Bkz.: http:\/\/solidnet.org\/article\/20-IMCWP-Written-Contribution-of-German-CP\/<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Bu t\u00fcr umutlanmalar\u0131n Almanya ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmay\u0131p, farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerde \u00e7e\u015fitli sol, hatta kendini Marksist olarak tan\u0131mlayan \u00e7evrelerde de mevcut oldu\u011funu belirtelim.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/sup><\/a> Parti Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Patrik K\u00f6bele\u2019nin 25. Parti Kongresi\u2019nde \u201cHangi \u00e7a\u011fda ya\u015f\u0131yoruz?<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 konu\u015fmas\u0131ndan. Bkz. K\u00f6bele, P. (2023) \u201cIn welcher Epoche leben wir?\u201d, https:\/\/www.unsere-zeit.de\/in-welcher-epoche-leben-wir-4778511\/#more-4778511<\/a><\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> K\u00f6bele, \u201cIn welcher Epoche leben wir?\u201d<\/p>\n

[8]<\/sup><\/a> K\u00f6bele, agy.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/sup><\/a> Daha a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da g\u00f6rece\u011fimiz \u00fczere buradaki g\u00f6nderme bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle KKE\u2019yi hedeflemektedir.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/sup><\/a> Nijer\u2019de darbe sonras\u0131 g\u00fcndeme gelen geli\u015fmeler, Afrika\u2019da yeni bir vekalet sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n her an patlak verece\u011fine i\u015faret etmektedir.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/sup><\/a> Bkz. Parti ba\u015fkan\u0131 Aleka Papariga\u2019n\u0131n konu\u015fmas\u0131: Papariga, A. (2013) \u201cOn Imperialism-The Imperialist Pyramid\u201d, https:\/\/inter.kke.gr\/de\/articles\/On-Imperialism-The-Imperialist-Pyramid\/<\/p>\n

[12]<\/sup><\/a> \u201cAra pozisyon\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131, alt-emperyalizm sav\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. Ama KKE t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkeleri emperyalist tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ondan sonu\u00e7ta ayr\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Alt-emperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 i\u00e7in bkz. Arg\u0131n, E. \u015e. ve D. Y\u0131lmaz (2021) \u201cAlt-emperyalizm: kuramsal bir ele\u015ftiri<\/a>\u201d, Teori ve Eylem<\/em>, Say\u0131: 52, 44-53.<\/p>\n

[13]<\/sup><\/a> Papariga, agy. Hemen hemen ayn\u0131 tan\u0131mlama KKE program\u0131nda da yer almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/sup><\/a> Papariga, agy.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/sup><\/a> Papariga, agy.<\/p>\n

[16]<\/sup><\/a> Papariga, agy.<\/p>\n

[17]<\/sup><\/a> Papariga, agy.<\/p>\n

[18]<\/sup><\/a> Olup bitenle ilgili yap\u0131lan tahlilin devrimin a\u015famas\u0131 ve yoluyla alakal\u0131 y\u00f6nleri yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n konusu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bu hususa de\u011finmiyoruz.<\/p>\n

[19]<\/sup><\/a> KKE (t.y.) \u201cDer Diskurs soll mit Argumenten und nicht mit Verleumdungen durchgef\u00fchrt werden\u201d, https:\/\/inter.kke.gr\/de\/articles\/Der-Diskurs-soll-mit-Argumenten-und-nicht-mit-Verleumdungen-durchgefuehrt-werden\/<\/a><\/p>\n

[20]<\/sup><\/a> Cengiz, agy.<\/p>\n

[21]<\/sup><\/a> Lenin, V. I. (1979) Emperyalizm<\/em>, \u00e7ev. C. S\u00fcreyya, Yedinci Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 34.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/sup><\/a> S\u00f6z gelimi ABD\u2019nin \u00c7in ile rekabetinde \u00f6zellikle \u00e7ip teknolojisindeki hakimiyetini korumaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ve bu ama\u00e7la kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131 ve yapt\u0131r\u0131mlara \u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem vermesi bir tesad\u00fcf de\u011fildir. Bu dipnot yaz\u0131l\u0131rken, ABD Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Biden\u2019\u0131n yeni bir kararnamesinin \u00e7\u0131kaca\u011f\u0131 haberi verildi. Bu kararnameye g\u00f6re, ABD men\u015feili sermayenin \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczdeki d\u00f6nemde, belirli yar\u0131-iletkenler, kuantum bilgisayar\u0131 ve yapay zeka alan\u0131nda faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fcten \u00c7inli \u015firketlere (\u00c7in\u2019de faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fcten veya \u00c7in h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin denetiminde olan \u015firketlere) yat\u0131r\u0131m yapmalar\u0131 yasaklanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[23]<\/sup><\/a> Bloomberg (2022) \u201cTuran: \u00dcretim merkezleri kay\u0131yor, \u00f6nemli f\u0131rsatlar mevcut\u201d, https:\/\/www.bloomberght.com\/turan-uretim-merkezleri-kayiyor-onemli-firsatlar-mevcut-2315805<\/p>\n

[24]<\/sup><\/a> KKE, agy.<\/p>\n

[25]<\/sup><\/a> Papariga, agy.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/sup><\/a> Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00f6zeti i\u00e7in bkz. Ko\u015far, A. (2021) \u201cEmperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k partileri\u201d, Teori ve Eylem<\/em>, Say\u0131: 52, 86-98.<\/p>\n

[27]<\/sup><\/a> Bu yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131 ifadeyi t\u0131rnak i\u00e7inde kullan\u0131yoruz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu kavramla, ba\u015fka \u015feylerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, hem kastedilen \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki kapitalist geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan hem de politik y\u00f6nelimler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u00f6z konusu olan ciddi farkl\u0131l\u0131klar d\u00fczle\u015ftirilmektedir.<\/p>\n

[28]<\/sup><\/a> Merkezi \u015eangay\u2019da bulunan NDB\u2019n\u0131n yap\u0131sal \u00f6zelliklerinden birisi, kurucu be\u015f \u00fclkenin, aralar\u0131nda ekonomik bak\u0131mdan b\u00fcy\u00fck farkl\u0131l\u0131klar olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, e\u015fit pay ve oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Be\u015f \u00fclkenin hakim pozisyonu yeni \u00fcyelerin al\u0131nmas\u0131yla da de\u011fi\u015fmeyecek. T\u00fcz\u00fc\u011fe g\u00f6re, toplam oy haklar\u0131 %55\u2019in alt\u0131na d\u00fc\u015fmeyecek. Kalk\u0131nma Bankas\u0131 \u015fimdiye kadar BRICS \u00fcyesi \u00fclkelerindeki \u00e7e\u015fitli altyap\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 finanse etti, 32,8 milyar dolar ile 96 projenin maliyeti \u00fcstlenildi.<\/p>\n

[29]<\/sup><\/a> Belirtmeye bile gerek yok ki, buradaki nicel\/nitel ayr\u0131m\u0131m\u0131z, emperyalist olanlar\u0131n kapitalist olmad\u0131klar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmemektedir. Zira, emperyalizm kapitalizmin en y\u00fcksek a\u015famas\u0131ysa, emperyalist kapitalist \u00fclkelerin s\u0131radan kapitalist \u00fclkeler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, tam da bu en y\u00fcksek a\u015famaya ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkeler olarak, tekelci hakimiyet ve egemenlik ili\u015fkilerini kurma ve dayatma kapasitelerinden t\u00fcremektedir. Bu kapasitenin kapitalizmin en y\u00fcksek a\u015famas\u0131na ula\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131yla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve belirmesinin bu ko\u015fullulu\u011fu, onun yukarda belirtilen anlam\u0131yla nicel de\u011fil, niteliksel bir \u00f6zellik sergiledi\u011fine i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ahmet Cengiz   Bir zamanlar \u201ckolektif emperyalizm\u201d tezi vard\u0131. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d furyas\u0131n\u0131n her taraf\u0131 kavurdu\u011fu y\u0131llarda ortaya at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu teze g\u00f6re, t\u00fcm emperyalist devletler kolektif bir \u015fekilde di\u011fer \u00fclkelere h\u00fckmediyordu. Emperyalistler aras\u0131 sava\u015f da tarihe kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Almanya\u2019da \u00f6rne\u011fin bu tezi savunanlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda Alman Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin (DKP) bir kanad\u0131 geliyordu, s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc de Leo Mayer idi. 2008 d\u00fcnya ekonomik krizi, pek \u00e7ok \u015feyi […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3570,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[626,376,370,287],"tags":[654,650,651,652,653,559],"class_list":["post-3568","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-61-sayi-guz-2023","category-dunya","category-kuram","category-ahmet-cengiz","tag-emperyalist-piramit","tag-ahmet-cengiz","tag-uluslararasi","tag-cok-kutupluluk","tag-tek-kutupluluk","tag-emperyalizm"],"yoast_head":"\nEmperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda bitmeyen kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/11\/27\/emperyalizm-tartismalarinda-bitmeyen-kafa-karisikligi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Emperyalizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda bitmeyen kafa kar\u0131\u015f\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ahmet Cengiz   Bir zamanlar \u201ckolektif emperyalizm\u201d tezi vard\u0131. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d furyas\u0131n\u0131n her taraf\u0131 kavurdu\u011fu y\u0131llarda ortaya at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 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Bu teze g\u00f6re, t\u00fcm emperyalist devletler kolektif bir \u015fekilde di\u011fer \u00fclkelere h\u00fckmediyordu. Emperyalistler aras\u0131 sava\u015f da tarihe kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 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