{"id":3554,"date":"2023-11-27T21:25:28","date_gmt":"2023-11-27T18:25:28","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=3554"},"modified":"2023-11-27T21:25:28","modified_gmt":"2023-11-27T18:25:28","slug":"makbul-yurttasin-olanaksizligi-ya-da-sinifli-imtiyazli-kaynasmamis-bir-kitle","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/11\/27\/makbul-yurttasin-olanaksizligi-ya-da-sinifli-imtiyazli-kaynasmamis-bir-kitle\/","title":{"rendered":"‘Makbul yurtta\u015f’\u0131n olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131, imtiyazl\u0131, kayna\u015fmam\u0131\u015f bir kitle"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nuray Sancar<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Miras<\/strong><\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet, 2. Mahmut\u2019un Osmanl\u0131 \u2018reformlar\u0131\u2019na kadar uzat\u0131labilecek, 2. Me\u015frutiyet d\u00f6nemine do\u011fru da keskinle\u015fen \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 bakiye alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, Anadolu\u2019da vergilere ve bask\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 halk hareketleri[1]<\/a>, K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgelerinde isyanlar, ekmek isyanlar\u0131, 1822\u2019de Girit ayaklanmas\u0131yla ba\u015flayan ulusal-ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 hareketler imparatorlu\u011fun sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru teb\u2019an\u0131n ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011funun boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyordu. Bu tablo d\u00fcnya kapitalizmiyle ili\u015fki i\u00e7inde ba\u015flayan Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizmini saltanat kabu\u011funa s\u0131\u011fd\u0131rabilmek i\u00e7in at\u0131lan her ad\u0131m\u0131n, bir sonrakini gerektirdi\u011fi ve gidi\u015fat\u0131n nihayet kesin bir k\u0131r\u0131lmayla sonu\u00e7land\u0131\u011f\u0131 Cumhuriyet\u2019ten az \u00f6ncesine aittir.<\/p>\n

Abd\u00fclhamit 1876 y\u0131l\u0131nda tahta \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ise Osmanl\u0131 ekonomisi 1873 y\u0131l\u0131nda ba\u015flayan genel iktisadi bunal\u0131m\u0131n etkisindeydi. K\u0131r\u0131m Sava\u015f\u0131 bor\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6demesi zorla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, Osmanl\u0131 ticareti zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f, fiyatlar d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f, tar\u0131m gerilemi\u015f durumdayd\u0131. Uluslararas\u0131 sermayeye tan\u0131nan imtiyazlar ekonomik krizin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 Avrupa\u2019daki kadar olmasa da \u00e7o\u011faltm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun ekonomisinin nas\u0131l d\u00fczelece\u011fine ili\u015fkin kalem oynatan ayd\u0131nlar aras\u0131ndaki Ahmet Mithat Efendi serbest ekonomiyi, yabanc\u0131 mallara ili\u015fkin r\u00fcsumun art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, Avrupa\u2019dan gelen yat\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131lara belirli s\u00fcre ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmak kayd\u0131yla \u00e7e\u015fitli imtiyazlar verilmesini \u00f6neriyordu. Onun serbestlik \u00f6nerisine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00c7ar Petro gibi dirayetli bir liderin kontrol\u00fcnde sanayile\u015fmeyi \u00f6neren, ekonomik i\u015flerin padi\u015fahta merkezile\u015fmesini savunan b\u00fcrokratlar da vard\u0131. Bundan sonra Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nda ekonominin nas\u0131l d\u00fczelece\u011fine ili\u015fkin her karar imparatorluk s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7indeki ticaret sermayesini ve onu besleyen yerli i\u015fletmeleri geli\u015ftirirken meta \u00fcretimini de \u00e7e\u015fitlendirmekteydi.<\/p>\n

1851-1873 y\u0131llar\u0131nda fabrika kuracak \u00f6zel te\u015febb\u00fcs mensuplar\u0131na ba\u015fta g\u00fcmr\u00fck ve vergi muafiyetleri olmak \u00fczere birtak\u0131m kolayl\u0131klar sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Abd\u00fclhamit d\u00f6neminde, 1888\u2019de ise bu fabrika in\u015fas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli malzemelerin vergiden muaf tutulmas\u0131 getirildi. Bay\u0131nd\u0131rl\u0131k, ula\u015ft\u0131rma, sanayi tesisi ve madencilik alan\u0131nda uygulanan imtiyaz sistemi bir b\u00f6lgede ayn\u0131 t\u00fcrden ikinci bir fabrikan\u0131n kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 yasaklayarak \u2018tekelle\u015fmeyi\u2019 de te\u015fvik etti. G\u00fcmr\u00fck vergisi muafiyeti giderek yabanc\u0131 sermaye i\u00e7in t\u00fcm imtiyazlarda i\u015fletildi. Fabrika kurulumu i\u00e7in devlet arazileri bedava tahsis edildi. Gerekli hammaddenin temininde, \u00fcretilen metan\u0131n sat\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tekel hakk\u0131 tan\u0131nd\u0131. \u00dcr\u00fcnlerin devlet taraf\u0131ndan sat\u0131n al\u0131naca\u011f\u0131 garanti alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130mtiyazlar, tahsisler, muafiyetler ile Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131ndaki sermaye hareketi ayn\u0131 zamanda yerli burjuvazinin de baz\u0131 sekt\u00f6rlere yat\u0131r\u0131m yapmas\u0131n\u0131 tetikledi. Kapitalizm, saltanat\u0131n mezar kaz\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi yeni s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n mezar kaz\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 proletaryan\u0131n da \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc, Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n geni\u015f topraklar\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inde a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f oluyordu; ekonomik bak\u0131mdan \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fcnt\u00fcy\u00fc derinle\u015ftiren ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri sermaye transferini, yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ve kapitalist pazar\u0131 geni\u015fleterek yeni bir evreye ge\u00e7erken uyru\u011fu T\u00fcrk olan bir burjuvazi de yer yer tar\u0131m \u00fcr\u00fcnlerinin tedarik\u00e7isi, giderek manifakt\u00fcrel \u00fcretimin sahibi olarak belirmekteydi.<\/p>\n

Ne var ki bu reformlar bile Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019nu kurtaramad\u0131. \u0130mparatorlu\u011fun par\u00e7alar\u0131 i\u00e7indeki milliyetlerin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k m\u00fccadeleleri, Anadolu\u2019daki halk hareketleri ve 1908 Devrimi ile \u00a0hemen ard\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131kan grevler yepyeni sosyal sorunlar ortaya \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 1908 devriminin hemen ertesinde patlayan yayg\u0131n grevlerle proletarya i\u015f saatlerinin k\u0131salt\u0131lmas\u0131, hafta sonu tatili, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczeltilmesi, alacaklar\u0131n \u00f6denmesi gibi taleplerle yol almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor, dayan\u0131\u015fma dernekleri kuruyor, bir yandan da sosyalizm fikri bir se\u00e7enek olarak kimi Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda itibar g\u00f6rmeye ba\u015fl\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Bu geli\u015fmeler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u0130ttihat Terakki\u2019deki iki e\u011filimden biri i\u015f\u00e7i kesimini do\u011fru yola sevk etmek i\u00e7in sendikalar\u0131n kurulmas\u0131yd\u0131. B\u00f6ylece i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u201cmant\u0131ktan yoksun istekleri sendikalar yoluyla denetlenebilirdi<\/em>.\u201d Fakat \u201cher t\u00fcrl\u00fc sosyalist emellerden ka\u00e7\u0131nmak kat\u2019iyyetle laz\u0131md\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[3]<\/a><\/p>\n

Meclisi Mebusan\u2019da Tatil-i E\u015fgal Kanunu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcl\u00fcrken h\u00fck\u00fcmet ad\u0131na konu\u015fan Adliye Naz\u0131r Vekili Ali Bey \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu: \u201cBen amele tan\u0131mam, sermayedar tan\u0131mam. Yaln\u0131z vatan\u0131n menfaatini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcr\u00fcm\u2026 Bizim sendika te\u015fkilinin yasaklanmas\u0131 hakk\u0131nda kanun \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 teklif etmemiz sadece amaleyi himaye maksad\u0131ylad\u0131r. Yoksa sermayeyi himaye maksad\u0131yla de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sendikalar\u0131n elinde amele emin olunuz ki esir olacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[4]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130ttihat Terakki d\u00f6neminde \u2018b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n\u2019\u00a0 mesleki b\u00f6l\u00fcmler halinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine y\u00f6nelik ad\u0131mlar at\u0131ld\u0131. \u0130\u015fverenlerin i\u015f\u00e7ileriyle ayn\u0131 \u2018te\u015fkilata\u2019 dahil edildi\u011fi bu yap\u0131lar\u0131n, meslek gruplar\u0131n\u0131n birli\u011fine (tevhidine) dayal\u0131 ekonomik bir ahenk ortaya \u00e7\u0131karaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Bu, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n tevhidi fikri Cumhuriyet d\u00f6neminin kurulu\u015f d\u00f6nemini y\u00f6neten kadrolar\u0131n da en \u00f6nemli hedefi haline geldi.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerinin ve di\u011fer sosyal tabakalar\u0131n \u2018mant\u0131ktan yoksun\u2019 taleplerini[5]<\/a> ferdi menfaatten milletin ortak \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na ba\u011flamak ve bu kesimlere daha ulvi ve y\u00fcksek emeller g\u00f6stermek, kaderde k\u0131van\u00e7ta devletle birlikte hareket edebilmelerini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in o y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda izlenen y\u00f6ntemler, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin dinamiklerini anlamak bak\u0131m\u0131ndan da \u00f6nemlidir. T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizminin yaratmak istedi\u011fi, ancak bunu \u00a0her f\u0131rsatta bozguna u\u011fratmaya haz\u0131r \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin kanunla ya da zor yoluyla bast\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na e\u015flik eden, burjuvazinin kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 ve hedeflerini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rma ve s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 yurtta\u015f ferdiyetinde \u00e7\u00f6zerek modernle\u015ftirme hamlesi uzun tarihin resmi g\u00fcndemi haline geldi.<\/p>\n

1923\u2019e gelinceye kadar Balkan-Kuzey Afrika- Ortado\u011fu\u2019daki topraklar Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan kopmu\u015ftu ancak kalan co\u011frafyada kendi i\u00e7 evrimini ge\u00e7irmeye devam eden bu sosyal g\u00fc\u00e7lere; Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019na padi\u015fahl\u0131k d\u00f6nemindeki imtiyazlar\u0131n\u0131 korumak, Sultanl\u0131k rejimini kurtarmak i\u00e7in kat\u0131lan muhafazak\u00e2r kesimlerin, yerel \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n pe\u015findeki konformist e\u015fraf\u0131n, etnik kimliklerin birbiriyle uyumsuz beklentileri de dahil oldu. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkili sosyal tabloya, d\u00fczenli ordula\u015fmaya ve devlet \u015femsiyesi alt\u0131na girip \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan silahl\u0131 milislerin direncini, mandac\u0131l\u0131ktan yana olanlar\u0131, daha Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda, liderin merkezi otoritesine \u015fu veya bu nedenle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan \u2018silah arkada\u015flar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tepkilerini de eklemek gerekir. Bunlar\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131 daha Cumhuriyet arifesinde, bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ise Cumhuriyet\u2019ten hemen sonra tasfiye edilecek, eski rejim kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 yeralt\u0131na \u00e7ekilerek g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc beklemek zorunda kalacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Feodal toprak a\u011falar\u0131yla ittifak halinde iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7iren T\u00fcrk burjuvazisi, e\u011femenli\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmek ve sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rabilmek i\u00e7in rejimin ideolojik hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131kmak ve bu hegemonyan\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 insan unsurunu bertaraf etmek, kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve ideolojsini egemen kolmak zorundayd\u0131. Bu nedenle eski rejimin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131na ve \u2018tehlikeli\u2019 yeni sosyal g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f a\u00e7makta gecikmedi.<\/p>\n

Kemalist iktidar Misak\u0131 Milli i\u00e7indeki par\u00e7al\u0131 yap\u0131y\u0131 duyguda\u015f bir millet halinde in\u015fa edebilmek ve devlet n\u00fcfuzunu tesis edebilmek i\u00e7in ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu me\u015fruiyet zeminini geni\u015fletmek amac\u0131yla bir \u00e7ok y\u00f6nteme ba\u015fvurdu. Bu y\u00f6ntemler aras\u0131nda tasfiyelerden toplumsal hareketlerin yasaklanmas\u0131na kadar bir dizi \u015fiddetin uygulanmas\u0131yla birlikte zihniyet d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fczenlenmesi vard\u0131. Bu ikincisinin ba\u011flam\u0131nda Taha Parla\u2019n\u0131n deyimiyle \u201ctoplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n her alan\u0131nda, sa\u011fduyu eseri ve kamuya yararl\u0131 say\u0131lan tutumlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin ve a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n bir parametresi ve gerek\u00e7esi h\u00fckm\u00fcnde<\/em>\u201dki ilkelerin form\u00fclle\u015ftirilmesi yer al\u0131yordu.[6]<\/a> Ne var ki bu form\u00fcller g\u00f6kten zembille inmemi\u015fti; feodal \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinde belirli bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeyi tetikleyen, Avrupal\u0131 kapitalistlerle pazar-ticaret-meta \u00fcretimi-bor\u00e7land\u0131rma gibi \u00e7ok boyutlu ekonomik ili\u015fkiler ile birlikte bunlara e\u015flik eden k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011ferler, daha Cumhuriyet\u2019ten \u00e7ok \u00f6nce imparatorlu\u011fun belli ba\u015fl\u0131 merkezlerinde etkisini yaymaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

S\u0131n\u0131f analizlerini bile resmi ideolojik perspektiften yapan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz entelekt\u00fcelleri, d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc, gelece\u011fi \u00f6nceden g\u00f6ren yazarlar\u0131n erkenden parlayan fikirlerinin etkisi olarak a\u00e7\u0131klarlar. Bu ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n ileri halkas\u0131nda ise Mustafa Kemal bulunmaktad\u0131r. Gelgelelim Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan yeni T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye miras kalan sadece bu parlak fikirler de\u011fil; bu topraklarda Bat\u0131 mali sermayesinin kompradoru olarak faaliyet g\u00f6steren a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ticarete dayanan T\u00fcrkiye burjuvazisinin bir sermaye ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr birikiminin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Nihayet imparatorlu\u011fun ayakta kalmak i\u00e7in uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 reformlarla yetinemeyecek d\u00fczeye gelen Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrk burjuvazisi, ayakta kal\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 uzatmak i\u00e7in bor\u00e7land\u0131k\u00e7a bor\u00e7lanan, reayadan giderek daha fazla art\u0131 \u00fcr\u00fcn ve vergi talep eden, i\u015fgal g\u00fc\u00e7leriyle i\u015fbirli\u011fi halindeki saltanata kar\u015f\u0131, halk ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011funu da arkas\u0131na alarak mevcut siyasi kabu\u011fu k\u0131rmaya haz\u0131rd\u0131. O halde ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 saltanat rejmiine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmaya zorlayan durum iktisadi ve sosyal hayattaki e\u011fi\u015fime ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizminin yolunu a\u00e7acak fikirler uzun bir m\u00fccadelenin birikimi olarak geli\u015fti.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n da son derece hareketli oldu\u011fu 1908-1910 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Selanik, \u0130stanbul, \u0130zmir, Bursa ve daha az olmak \u00fczere di\u011fer kentlerde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan grevlerle beliren \u2018amele taifesi\u2019nin huzursuzlu\u011fu Cumhuriyet\u2019e miras kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

1908 Devrimi\u2019yle iktidara gelen \u0130ttihat Terakki; t\u00fct\u00fcn rejisi, liman hal\u0131 fabrikas\u0131, incir, cam, f\u0131r\u0131n, demiryolu, matbaa, tu\u011fla fabrikas\u0131, tabakhane, tramvay, feshane-i Amire, k\u00f6m\u00fcr-bak\u0131r madenleri, sabunhane- zeytinya\u011f\u0131, gaz kumpanyas\u0131, \u015eirketi Hayriye gibi i\u015fletmelerde ard\u0131 ard\u0131na s\u00f6k\u00fcn eden grevleri Tatil-i E\u015fgal Yasas\u0131\u2019yla kar\u015f\u0131layarak yasaklama yolunu se\u00e7mi\u015fti. Cumhuriyet rejimi ise yasaklamalar\u0131n, hapis tehdidinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 reddetmeyi tercih etti. \u00d6yle ki yeni devletin resm\u00ee ideolojisini \u00f6zetleyen \u2018s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z \u0130mtiyazs\u0131z kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir kitle\u2019 i\u00e7inde eritmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 her milliyetten ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fclkenin kalk\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in Mustafa Kemal\u2019in deyimiyle \u2018laz\u0131m\u0131 ve melzumu\u2019 olan bir meslek grubuna indirgenerek pohpohlan\u0131rken aba alt\u0131ndan sopa g\u00f6sterilmeye devam edildi.<\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet ile birlikte iktidara gelen Kemalist burjuvazi hen\u00fcz feodal ili\u015fkilerin tasfiye edilmedi\u011fi, n\u00fcfusun b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun ge\u00e7imlik tar\u0131mla ge\u00e7indi\u011fi k\u0131r\u2019daki \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin tasfiyesinden \u00e7ok, \u00fcretimin modernizasyonu ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc kitlelerin Cumhuriyet ilkelerine kazan\u0131lmas\u0131na \u00f6nem vermi\u015fti. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yoksul k\u00f6yl\u00fclerin hayat\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131racak, feodal a\u011falar\u0131n n\u00fcfuzunu k\u0131racak bir toprak reformu hi\u00e7bir zaman yap\u0131lamad\u0131; feodal toprak ili\u015fkilerinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesine ili\u015fkin \u00e7aba g\u00f6stermedi. \u00dcst yap\u0131da modernizasyonla yetindi.<\/p>\n

Tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin teknolojik bak\u0131mdan yenilenmesi, k\u00f6yl\u00fcn\u00fcn hurafeler ve gerici fikirlerle \u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc zihniyetinin rejime kazan\u0131lmas\u0131, dini taassubun etkisinin k\u0131r\u0131larak devlet dini ekseninde hareket eden bir topluluk haline gelebilmesi i\u00e7in Taha Parla\u2019n\u0131n s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi form\u00fclle\u015ftirmeler haz\u0131rlanmaya ba\u015fland\u0131.<\/p>\n

Cumhuriyetin hemen ard\u0131ndan ba\u015flayan ink\u0131laplar bu dolays\u0131z form\u00fclle\u015ftirmenin en g\u00f6ze \u00e7arpan\u0131yd\u0131. Ancak bunlardan ibaret de\u011fildi. Cumhuriyet T\u00fcrkiye kapitalizminin yeni,g\u00fcncel ve uzun vadeli ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na uygun bir in\u015fa faaliyetine derhal ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Edebiyattan sanata, mimariden kentle\u015fmeye, rit\u00fcellerden e\u011fitime kadar her yeri ku\u015fatan ve her ad\u0131m\u0131n parametresi olan, bug\u00fcn dahi \u015fu veya bu \u015fekilde etkisini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren cumhuriyet ideolojisi, ge\u00e7mi\u015fle hesapla\u015farak, onunla tart\u0131\u015farak, yeni bir ge\u00e7mi\u015f kurgulayarak \u015fekillenmi\u015ftir. Bu durum, ulusal birli\u011fin normlar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmak y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle y\u00fcz y\u00fcze kalm\u0131\u015f ulus devletle\u015fme yolundaki her topluluk i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erlidir. Ve asl\u0131nda her yerde, mayas\u0131 siyasal iktidar\u0131n kurulu\u015fundan \u00e7ok \u00f6nce hem zihinsel olarak hem de pratik m\u00fccadeleler i\u00e7inde haz\u0131rlanmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 18. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n Ayd\u0131nlanmac\u0131lar\u0131, Frans\u0131z ve Alman felsefecileri, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n romantik edebiyat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131, siyaset\u00e7ilerden \u00e7ok daha \u00f6nce eski d\u00fczeni ele\u015ftirip yeni bir d\u00fczenin zihinsel ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturdular.<\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet; Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan devrald\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00fczde 80\u2019i k\u00f6yl\u00fclerden, y\u00fczde 20\u2019si kentlilerden olu\u015fan n\u00fcfusu talim ve terbiye edebilmek i\u00e7in kitlesel e\u011fitim kurumlar\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131, yeni simgeler yaratt\u0131. Devlet y\u00f6netme prati\u011fi i\u00e7inden \u2018zor\u2019u devralmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc reddi miras etti\u011fi Osmanl\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015fine bir s\u00fcnger \u00e7ekti. T\u00fcrk milleti i\u00e7in farkl\u0131 ve resmi bir s\u00fcreklilik kurgulayarak resmi tarih yaz\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fvik etti ve bir gelecek vizyonu haz\u0131rlad\u0131. Bu da, uluslararas\u0131 kapitalizmin seviyesine yeti\u015fmek ve rekabet edebilmek i\u00e7in g\u00fcndelik ya\u015fam al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n, simgelerin, rit\u00fcellerin, davran\u0131\u015f ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme kal\u0131plar\u0131n\u0131n milli bir \u00e7er\u00e7evede yeniden harmanlanmas\u0131ndan olu\u015fan bir Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma uhdesiydi. Bu uhdenin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in \u201c400 y\u0131l bekleyecek zaman\u0131m\u0131z yok<\/em>\u201d[7]<\/a> diyen Mustafa Kemal ve kurmaylar\u0131n\u0131n toplumun zihniyetini d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek \u00a0ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrl\u00fc bir kitle yaratmak i\u00e7in acelesi vard\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc rejimin hegemonik \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn \u015fart\u0131, ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131 kolunlar\u0131ndan kolonlar\u0131ndan biri de \u2018be\u015feri sermaye\u2019 (insan g\u00fcc\u00fc) olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Eldeki be\u015feri sermayenin kapitalizmin disiplinli emek rejimine nas\u0131l uyarlanaca\u011f\u0131, bir aya\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6yde proletaryan\u0131n sermaye birikim s\u00fcrecine amade bir kitleye nas\u0131l d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclece\u011fi; gayr\u0131 m\u00fcslim tebaan\u0131n nas\u0131l siyasi iktidar\u0131n hedeflerine ba\u011flanaca\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6keni eskilere dayanan bir tart\u0131\u015fmad\u0131r. Parametreleri de Bat\u0131 kapitalizminde haz\u0131r bulunmu\u015f ve T\u00fcrkiye ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, ideolojik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel restorasyonla yol almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Milletin \u00f6z\u00fcndeki medeniyet<\/strong><\/p>\n

1839 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131nlanan Tanzimat ferman\u0131 ile 1876\u2019daki 1. Me\u015frutiyet aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nemde, kendileri de Avrupa\u2019da bulunmu\u015f ve oradaki devlet olu\u015fumlar\u0131yla sosyal hayat\u0131 incelemi\u015f olan Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131, Nam\u0131k Kemal ve Ziya Pa\u015fa ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere anayasal bir monar\u015fi ve Padi\u015fah yetkilerinin Meclis t\u00fcr\u00fc bir heyete da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda yay\u0131nlar \u00e7\u0131karmakta, yaz\u0131lar yazmaktayd\u0131. 1789 Frans\u0131z Devriminden ilham al\u0131nan demokratik tahayy\u00fcl, ilerleme, evrim kavramlar\u0131 bu yazarlar\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir yer edinmeye ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, \u0130mparatorluktan ayr\u0131lmak isteyen uluslar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi de vatan kavram\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fu\u015funa ilham vermi\u015fti. Vatan\u2019\u0131n, Nam\u0131k Kemal ile entelekt\u00fcel tart\u0131\u015fmalara dahil olmas\u0131yla birlikte, toplumdaki yeri mahalli kimli\u011fiyle sabitlenen, feodal ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7indeki n\u00fcfusun bu topra\u011fa yeni ba\u011flanma bi\u00e7iminin ne olaca\u011f\u0131 sorusu da g\u00fcndeme gelecekti. Eldeki haz\u0131r model, yani Avrupa\u2019daki geli\u015fim d\u00fczeyi, k\u0131rsal b\u00f6lgelerinde neredeyse Orta\u00e7a\u011f ili\u015fkilerinin h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ba\u015fkenti gerilikten mustarip bir \u00fclke i\u00e7in taklit edilebilir bulunuyordu.<\/p>\n

Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma bir hedef olarak Tanzimat ayd\u0131n\u0131yla ama daha \u00e7ok Me\u015frutiyet \u00f6ncesindeki Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcndemine girdi. Bunun Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131ndaki kapitalist yay\u0131lma ve burjuvala\u015fmayla dolays\u0131z ilgisi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Bu ayd\u0131nlar toplumun Bat\u0131daki kurumlar\u0131n benzerlerinin T\u00fcrk \u2018vatan\u2019\u0131nda da kurulmas\u0131yla ilerleyece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Bu durum ise onlar\u0131n Osmanl\u0131 toplumundaki de\u011fi\u015fimlerin sosyo ekonomik nedenlerine ili\u015fkin s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir analiz yetisine sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fimlerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fcleriyle ilgilendiklerini g\u00f6sterir. Bunda elbette ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 zaman ba\u011flam\u0131ndaki meta \u00fcretiminin d\u00fczeyi belirleyiciydi. Geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitaist \u00fclkelerin d\u00fczeyine birtak\u0131m davran\u0131\u015f modellerinin ithaliyle ge\u00e7ilebilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmekteydiler.<\/p>\n

Gelgelelim Avrupa\u2019da y\u00fczlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k birikimin, 200 y\u0131ll\u0131k m\u00fccadelelerinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan yasal d\u00fczen ve sosyal yap\u0131 bir \u00e7\u0131rp\u0131da, 600 y\u0131ll\u0131k eski bir bedene bir elbise gibi hemen ge\u00e7irilebilecek bir \u015fey olam\u0131yordu. N\u00fcfusun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu M\u00fcsl\u00fcman olan ve toplumsal hayatta kad\u0131nla erkek aras\u0131nda ka\u00e7 g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131, bat\u0131l inan\u00e7lar\u0131n h\u00e2kim oldu\u011fu bir \u00fclkede Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli yorumlar\u0131 ancak parodi olabilirdi.<\/p>\n

Nitekim d\u00f6nemin klasikleri aras\u0131na giren bir\u00e7ok edebiyat \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6zentiye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma hevesini yerdiler. Frans\u0131zca konu\u015fmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, Frans\u0131z romanlar\u0131 okuyan, hayat\u0131n\u0131 kazanmak i\u00e7in hi\u00e7bir \u015fey yapmas\u0131na gerek olmayacak kadar mirasyedi-tuzu kuru, bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 jestler, snopluk, kibar konu\u015fmak ve k\u0131l\u0131k k\u0131yafet olarak anlayan bir edebi tip alay konusu oluyordu.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu karikat\u00fcrle\u015ftirme bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131l\u0131rsa, aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n en \u00f6nemli faydas\u0131, toplumsal \u2018k\u0131ymet h\u00fck\u00fcmleri\u2019nin (de\u011fer yarg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n) de\u011fi\u015febilirli\u011fine ve zaman\u0131n\u0131n geldi\u011fine i\u015faret etmesiydi. Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma hevesinin kurulu Osmanl\u0131 d\u00fczeni i\u00e7in tehlikeli olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnerek gelene\u011fe sar\u0131lanlar ile Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki tart\u0131\u015fmalardan Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemindeki at\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131racak bir zihinsel birikim s\u00fcz\u00fclerek olu\u015ftu. Gen\u00e7 Cumhuriyetin elitleri, bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve fikri evren olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in kendilerinden \u00f6nceki ku\u015faklardan kalan haz\u0131r birikime sahiptiler.<\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet\u2019ten sonra ancak bir y\u0131l ya\u015fayabilmi\u015f olan Ziya G\u00f6kalp\u2019in \u2018mefkuresi\u2019 bu birikimi toparlayarak sadele\u015ftirmi\u015f; hars (k\u00fclt\u00fcr) ve medeniyet aras\u0131nda Cumhuriyet kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n da rehber edinece\u011fi ili\u015fkiyi gerek\u00e7eleriyle tarif etmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

\u201cHars\u0131n i\u00e7inde yer alan unsurlar, ancak cemiyetin b\u00fct\u00fcn fertlerinde duygu birli\u011fi meydana getiren, yani cemiyetin b\u00fct\u00fcn fertleri aras\u0131nda uyumu ve dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 sa\u011flayan kurumlard\u0131r. Bir milletin fertlerini duygu birli\u011finden yoksun b\u0131rakan ya da fertler aras\u0131ndaki i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc engelleyen kurumlar milli harsa zarar verir. Bizde Levanten ya da kozmopolit ad\u0131 verilen bir s\u0131n\u0131f vard\u0131r ki bu s\u0131n\u0131ftan olanlar Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n bilimsel metotlar\u0131 ve teknikleri yerine estetik, ahlak ve felsefe ile ilgili inan\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 ve genel adetlerini, g\u00f6steri\u015fli hayatlar\u0131n\u0131 ve huylar\u0131n\u0131 almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. Yani medeniyet ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda, ba\u015fka milletlerin milli harslar\u0131n\u0131 yalan yanl\u0131\u015f taklit etmeye kalkarlar\u2026 Bu insanlar\u0131n dili ortak olsa bile vicdan\u0131 ortak olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in aralar\u0131nda uyum sa\u011flanamaz.<\/em>\u201d[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

Ziya G\u00f6kalp \u2018hars\u2019\u0131n milli; ayn\u0131 geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyinde olan milletlerin toplumsal hayatlar\u0131n\u0131n ortak b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc olan medeniyetin ise milletler aras\u0131 oldu\u011funu ve medeniyete her milletin kendi hars\u0131yla kat\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini yazar. Ona g\u00f6re, Osmanl\u0131y\u0131 y\u00f6netenler bir s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 (milleti hakime), y\u00f6netilen T\u00fcrkler de (milleti mahk\u00fbme) di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olu\u015fturuyordu ve iki s\u0131n\u0131f da birbirini sevmiyordu. Osmanl\u0131 d\u00f6neminde halk\u0131n ve y\u00f6netenlerin iki ayr\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc ve dil vard\u0131. Bunun nedeni \u201ckozmopolit s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 milli \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde g\u00f6rmesi ve T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne ve hayat\u0131na zararl\u0131 olan emperyalizm alan\u0131na at\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/em>\u201d \u015eimdi \u00f6nce milli hars\u0131 bulmak, sonra medeniyete kat\u0131lmak gerekir. \u2018Hars\u2019\u0131 birle\u015ftirecek olan \u015fey ise siyasi birliktir.[10]<\/a><\/p>\n

G\u00f6kalp\u2019e g\u00f6re Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sa\u011flayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 milli birli\u011fin \u015fart\u0131, halk\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde apayr\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak duran saltanat ger\u00e7ekli\u011finin yerine par\u00e7al\u0131 halk kesimlerini devletin etraf\u0131nda toplayan birli\u011fin hedeflenmesidir. Ziya G\u00f6kalp bu siyasi birli\u011fi bozan unsurlar\u0131n Avrupa\u2019da da ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, vatan d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve asker d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde belirdi\u011fini s\u00f6yler. Oysa b\u00fct\u00fcn meslek mensuplar\u0131n\u0131n, kendi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131ndan do\u011facak ortak \u2018kamu menfaati\u2019 gerektirdi\u011finde kendi menfaatlerinden fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k etmeleri esast\u0131r.[11]<\/a> Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla T\u00fcrkler toplumun ahengini bozan d\u00fc\u015fmanca e\u011filimleri birlik lehine eriten k\u00fclt\u00fcrlerine dayanmal\u0131, toplumsal bar\u0131\u015f sa\u011flanmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Oysa toplum nesnel olarak kolektif \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131na b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00a0Bu kesimlerin, devletle olan \u00e7eli\u015fkisi, devlet eliyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecek ideolojik \u2018terbiye\u2019 ve tedrisatla nihayet bulacak gibi de\u011fildir. Her zaman oldu\u011fu gibi ideolojik n\u00fcfus m\u00fchendisli\u011fine \u015fiddet de e\u015flik edecektir. Bu \u015fiddet 1920\u2019de Mustafa Suphi ile birlikte 15 Kom\u00fcnistin \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesini takiben Osmanl\u0131 topraklar\u0131nda kurulu irili ufakl\u0131, sosyalizm y\u00f6nelimli \u00e7evreleri \u00fczerinde estirilen ter\u00f6rle devam s\u00fcrd\u00fc. 1921\u2019de i\u015fgal ko\u015fullar\u0131 alt\u0131nda izin verilmeyen ancak Sosyalist F\u0131rka\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla f\u0131rka binas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde bando e\u015fli\u011finde toplanarak yap\u0131lan, mavi i\u015f\u00e7i g\u00f6mle\u011fi giymi\u015f ve k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 boyun ba\u011f\u0131 ile k\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 rozet takm\u0131\u015f \u015eirketi Hayriye, Tramvay kumpanyas\u0131 ve Hali\u00e7 idaresi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, baz\u0131 i\u015fyerlerinde i\u015f b\u0131rakma eyleminin yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 1 May\u0131s etkinli\u011fi 1922\u2019de daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kutlanacakt\u0131.[12]<\/a> 1 May\u0131s mitingleri d\u00fczenleyen i\u015f\u00e7ilere 1923\u2019te art\u0131k izin verilmemi\u015ftir. 1925\u2019te gen\u00e7 Cumhuriyet\u2019in y\u00fcz y\u00fcze geldi\u011fi \u015eeyh Sait \u0130syan\u0131 ve Mustafa Kemal\u2019e \u0130zmir\u2019de suikast nedeniyle yap\u0131lan tahkikat ve takibat sonucu idamlar ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015f, bir\u00e7ok muhalif bu vesileyle cezaevine at\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Buna her t\u00fcrl\u00fc muhalefet eylemi ve kurulu\u015funun yasakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 Takrir-i S\u00fck\u00fbn kanununun \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 e\u015flik etti. \u0130ttihat Terakki d\u00f6nemindeki Ermeni mezalimi ve 1922\u2019deki Rum m\u00fcbadelesi de \u2018ne kom\u00fcnizme ne kapitalizme benzeyen T\u00fcrk tipi bir d\u00fczen\u2019in in\u015fas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli zemini yeni rejime sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

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Muas\u0131r medeniyet i\u00e7in kitle terbiyesi<\/strong><\/p>\n

600 y\u0131ll\u0131k bir imparatorlu\u011fun y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131ndan, ekonomisi bozuk, halk\u0131 yoksul bir \u00fclkenin devral\u0131nmas\u0131ndan sonra gen\u00e7 burjuvazi daha 1922 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki \u0130zmir \u0130ktisat Kongresinde rejimin y\u00f6nelimini belirlemi\u015fti. \u00d6zel kapitalist te\u015febb\u00fcs\u00fcn zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde bulundurularak sermaye birikiminin devlet rehberli\u011finde, merkezi yat\u0131r\u0131mlarla h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, \u00f6zel te\u015febb\u00fcs\u00fcn de desteklenmesi hedefleniyordu. Bunun T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi Avrupa kapitalizminden ay\u0131ran yepyeni bir yol oldu\u011fu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmekte, iddia edilmekteydi. Devlet, karar\u0131n kendisinde merkezile\u015fti\u011fi bir organ olarak sadece iktisadi geli\u015fmeyi denetlemekle kalmayacak, ayr\u0131ca \u2018be\u015feri sermaye\u2019yi de \u015fekillendirecekti.<\/p>\n

Bu, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce bu insan g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u015fekillendirilmesini de liderin \u015fahs\u0131nda merkeze ba\u011flamak anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Bu bak\u0131mdan hem Cumhur Reisi, Halk Partisi kurulduktan sonra parti ba\u015fkan\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 zamanda Millet Meclisi ba\u015fkan\u0131 olarak rejimin ba\u015f\u0131na ge\u00e7en mustafa Kemal\u2019in, daha kendi zaman\u0131nda, bir k\u00fclt olarak \u2018imal\u2019i kendisi sa\u011fken, kendisi ve ekibi taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi.<\/p>\n

350 ki\u015filik Meclis\u2019te 158 oyla cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilen Mustafa Kemal ve yak\u0131n arkada\u015flar\u0131 i\u00e7in 1925 olaylar\u0131 ve Takriri S\u00fckun\u2019a ra\u011fmen eski rejimin gerici kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin izleyece\u011fi yol konusunda gerici muhalifler, \u0130ttihat Terakki\u2019den gelenler, liberal burjuvazinin temsilcileri gibi Meclis\u2019te de yer alan kadrolar nezdindeki me\u015fruiyet sorununun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, yeni iktidar\u0131n etkisining \u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi gerekiyordu. \u0130nk\u0131laplar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildikten sonra 1927 y\u0131l\u0131nda aylar s\u00fcren yaz\u0131m a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131 takiben Atat\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn Millet Meclisi k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden be\u015f g\u00fcn boyunca okudu\u011fu Nutuk, hem Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 ve Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015funa ili\u015fkin at\u0131lan ad\u0131mlar\u0131n me\u015frulu\u011funu teyit alt\u0131na almaya hem yeni bir yol \u00e7izmeye y\u00f6neliktir.<\/p>\n

Mustafa Kemal Nutuk\u2019ta Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Kaz\u0131m Karabekir gibi kurmaylar\u0131n\u0131, liderlik konusunda hak ve pay sahibi olabilecek, kendisine biat etmekte teredd\u00fctl\u00fc kadrolar\u0131 ele\u015ftirir. \u00d6te yandan irtica do\u011frudan do\u011fruya hedef al\u0131n\u0131r. Mustafa Kemal Nutuk\u2019ta \u015f\u00f6yle diyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201cEfendiler! Milletimizin ba\u015f\u0131nda, cehil gaflet ve taassubun ve terakki ve temedd\u00fcn (ilerleme ve medeniyetin) d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n alameti farikas\u0131 gibi telakki olunan fesi atarak onun yerine b\u00fct\u00fcn medeni alemce serpu\u015f olarak kullan\u0131lan \u015fapkay\u0131 giymek ve bu suretle T\u00fcrk milletinin, medeni hayati i\u00e7timaiyeden (medeni sosyal hayat), zihniyet itibar\u0131yle de hi\u00e7bir fark\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek bir laz\u0131me idi. Bunu Takriri S\u00fckun Kanunu cari oldu\u011fu zamanda yapt\u0131k\u2026<\/em><\/p>\n

\u201cEfendiler, tekke ve zaviyelerle t\u00fcrbelerin seddi ve alelumum tarikatlerle \u015feyhlik, dervi\u015flik, m\u00fcritlik, \u00e7elebilik, falc\u0131l\u0131k, b\u00fcy\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck ve t\u00fcrbedarl\u0131k ila\u2026 birtak\u0131m unvanlar\u0131n men ve ilgas\u0131 (yasaklanmas\u0131 ve kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131) da Takriri S\u00fckun devrinde yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu husustaki icraat ve tatbikat heyeti i\u00e7tima\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n (toplumumuzun), hurafeperest, iptidai (ilkel) bir kavim olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek noktai nazar\u0131ndan, ne kadar elzem idi; bu takdir olunur.<\/em>\u201d[13]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cT\u00fcrk milletini medeni cihanda lay\u0131k oldu\u011fu mevkie y\u00fckseltmek<\/em>\u201d Mustafa Kemal\u2019in hem medenile\u015fme meziyetinin zaten ruhunda oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledi\u011fi T\u00fcrk milletinin bat\u0131l\u0131lardan hi\u00e7bir fark\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermek <\/strong>hem de ink\u0131laplar\u0131n felsefesini devam ettirmekle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131. \u00c7o\u011fu kez simgesel izlenimi veren ink\u0131laplar milli birli\u011fi temsil eden bir giysinin milletin bedenine mecburi bi\u00e7ilmesi anlam\u0131na geliyordu. Devlet kontroll\u00fc Tevhidi \u0130ktisadiye (ekonomik birlik) tevhidi Tedrisat (e\u011fitimin birli\u011fi), Tevhidi Meskulat (sikkelerin tekli\u011fi), dil ve alfabedeki de\u011fi\u015fim ve Medeni Kanun ile birlikte yurtta\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n g\u00f6rev ve haklar\u0131yla bi\u00e7imlendirilmesi ve bunlar\u0131n zaman al\u0131c\u0131, \u00f6ze ili\u015fkin de\u011fi\u015fmeden \u00f6nce g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrl\u00fck<\/strong> kazanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kararnamelerin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 d\u00f6nemin milli siyasetinin bir gere\u011fiydi. Milli irade, ve milli \u00fclk\u00fcn\u00fcn olu\u015fumu i\u00e7in ad\u0131mlar kesintisiz bir bi\u00e7imde at\u0131lacakt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Her tarikat\u0131 simgeleyen farkl\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n erkeklere f\u00f6tr \u015fapka, kad\u0131nlara d\u00f6piyes giydirme ko\u015fuluyla toplumsal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez<\/strong> olmas\u0131 bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin \u00fcstesinden gelindi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmez. Devlet ile, art\u0131k kendisine halk diye hitap edilen toplulu\u011fun kaderde ve k\u0131van\u00e7ta birle\u015fmesi gerekir.<\/p>\n

Mustafa Kemal 1931\u2019de yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konu\u015fmada \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti halk\u0131 ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan m\u00fcrekkep de\u011fil ve fakat ferdi ve i\u00e7timai hayat i\u00e7in i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc itibariyle mesai erbab\u0131na ayr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir camia telakki etmek esas prensiplerimizdir. \u00c7ift\u00e7iler, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck sanat erbab\u0131 ve esnaf, serbest meslek erbab\u0131, sanayi erbab\u0131, t\u00fcccar ve memurlar T\u00fcrk camias\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fkil eden ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma z\u00fcmreleridir\u2026 F\u0131rkam\u0131z\u0131n gayesi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi yerine i\u00e7timai intizam ve tesan\u00fct temin etmek menfaatlerde ahenk temin etmektir.<\/em>\u201d[14]<\/a><\/p>\n

Mustafa Kemal T\u00fcrk milleti aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131f kavgalar\u0131na izin verilmeyece\u011fini bir\u00e7ok kez ifade etmektedir. \u00d6yle ki, cumhuriyet devletini y\u00f6netenlerin bilin\u00e7 alt\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi korkusunun \u00f6nemli bir yer tuttu\u011funu, ahenkli bir toplumun \u00f6n ko\u015fulu olarak telaffuz edilen \u2018s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z imtiyazs\u0131z kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f<\/em>\u2019 bir kitle hedefi i\u00e7in \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 farkl\u0131 kesimlerin talep m\u00fccadelelerine y\u00f6nelmesini \u00a0engellemek, bunun yerine halka ortak bir \u00fclk\u00fc, \u00e7\u0131kar ve bi\u00e7im kazand\u0131rmak; T\u00fcrk milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fini ve T\u00fcrkl\u00fck bilincini zerk etmek gerekir.<\/p>\n

Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu\u2019ndaki y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ideolojisinin ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn reddi miras ilan edilmesinden sonra uzak k\u00f6kleri ara\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kurulan T\u00fcrk tarih ve dil kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n form\u00fcle etti\u011fi Orta Asya ge\u00e7mi\u015fi, T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, Avrupa\u2019dan farkl\u0131 bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel k\u00f6keninin oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131na bir zemin a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu k\u00f6ken, Nutuk\u2019ta Mustafa Kemal\u2019in uzun uzun kurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131, yak\u0131n tarihin resmi yaz\u0131m\u0131na ulan\u0131r. Mitolojik ge\u00e7mi\u015flerini Yunan medeniyetine kadar uzatarak, \u00e7a\u011flar \u00f6ncesindeki medeniyetle s\u00fcreklilik ili\u015fkisi kuran \u00a0Avrupa uluslar\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda T\u00fcrk ulusunun medeniyet y\u00fcklenici, di\u011ferlerinden \u00f6zg\u00fcn ve \u00f6zel kolonlar\u0131 Orta Asya\u2019dan ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. T\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn benzemezli\u011fi tarihinin de benzemezli\u011finden gelir. T\u00fcrk milletinin i\u00e7indeki ve tarihindeki medeniyet n\u00fcvesi ruhun ve \u00f6z\u00fcn derinliklerinden su y\u00fcz\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmal\u0131, \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin modern bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc T\u00fcrk ge\u00e7mi\u015fin izini takip ederek olu\u015fturulmal\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130lerleme Orta Asya\u2019dan Anadolu\u2019ya y\u00fcr\u00fcyen, say\u0131s\u0131z devlet kurmu\u015f T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn do\u011fas\u0131nda vard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Frans\u0131z Devrimi hi\u00e7bir \u015feyin yerinde kalmayaca\u011f\u0131, de\u011fi\u015fimin de\u011fi\u015fmeyen tek ger\u00e7ek oldu\u011fu ve her topumun ileri do\u011fru hareket etti\u011fi fikrini bir \u2018kamusal felsefe<\/em>\u2019 olarak yerle\u015ftirmi\u015fti. Eski barbar, g\u00f6\u00e7ebe kavimlerden imparatorluklara ve oradan bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sanayi toplumlar\u0131na do\u011fru geli\u015fim ayn\u0131 do\u011frusal ilerleme \u00e7izgisini izliyordu. T\u00fcrkiye Cumhuriyeti\u2019nin kuruldu\u011fu emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerin kalk\u0131nma retori\u011finde yer alan ilerleme; az geli\u015fmi\u015f ve geri kalm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelerin \u00e7ok \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak, bir g\u00fcn ileri kapitalist \u00fclkelerin d\u00fczeyine eri\u015filece\u011fi beklentisi Kemalist burjuvazinin de rehber edindi\u011fi bir kavramd\u0131; T\u00fcrkle\u015ftirilmi\u015fti. Pozitivist bilimin bu ba\u015fl\u0131ca anahtar kavram\u0131, Kemalist rejim i\u00e7in de ilerlemeyi Avrupa kapitalizmine eri\u015fmek, onunla rekabet etmek, az geli\u015fmi\u015fli\u011fin verdi\u011fi kompleksi alt edebilmek i\u00e7in elzem g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyordu.Bat\u0131da kendi gelecekteki suretini g\u00f6ren gen\u00e7 burjuvazi, toplumsal ba\u011flar\u0131 yeniden kurmak i\u00e7in, geleneksellik ile modernlik aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ayn\u0131 modernlik izlerinden ge\u00e7erek \u00e7\u00f6zmek gerekti\u011fine inanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Anahtar, devletin ve liderin elindeydi.<\/p>\n

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Demira\u011flarla \u00f6rd\u00fck\u2026 <\/strong><\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet y\u00f6netimi kendi \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ruhunu (zeitgeist) olu\u015ftururken, binalardan meydanlara, evlerden okullara kadar yay\u0131lan yeniden d\u00fczenleyici bir \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma \u00fclk\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6ylevler, yay\u0131nlar, gazeteler, sanat ve edebiyat yoluyla s\u00fcrekli ve istikrarl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde yeniden \u00fcretilen resmi ideolojisi ekseninde form\u00fclle\u015ftirdi.<\/p>\n

\u2018Anayurdu d\u00f6rt ba\u015ftan ku\u015fatan demir a\u011flar\u2019da hareket eden metalar ile birlikte Anadolu\u2019ya k\u00fclt\u00fcr el\u00e7ileri ve \u201ch\u00fck\u00fcm yarg\u0131lar\u0131<\/em>\u201d, ahlak ve toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin yeni normlar\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131yor; S\u00fcmer ve Hittiler\u2019de medeniyetin T\u00fcrkler\u2019e ait tarihsel izlerini ve k\u00f6klerini bulmak i\u00e7in arkeologlar, k\u00f6y okullar\u0131nda ve enstit\u00fclerinde T\u00fcrk ayd\u0131nlanmas\u0131n\u0131n tohumlar\u0131n\u0131 ekmek \u00fczere \u00f6\u011fretmenler, Cumhuriyet imamlar\u0131, ressamlar, halka d\u00f6nme projesinin ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 gidiyordu.<\/p>\n

Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015fkenti, \u0130stanbul\u2019un yerine Ulusal Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n komuta merkezinin yerle\u015fti\u011fi Ankara\u2019n\u0131n modern bir \u015fehir olarak imar\u0131 i\u00e7in yurt d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan mimarlar getirilmi\u015f, eskinin bezemeli, kubbeli mimarisi yerine \u2018betonarme \u00e7elik ve cam kullan\u0131m\u0131, k\u00fcbik formlar\u0131n, geometrik \u015fekillerin ve Kartezyen \u0131zgaralar\u0131n\u2019 kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 Le Corbusier mimarl\u0131\u011f\u0131na sad\u0131k binalar\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131na ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u201cBu modernist bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131na bi\u00e7im veren karma\u015f\u0131k sanayi toplumlar\u0131n\u0131n yeni ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131, ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ve teknolojileri, rasyonel bir ilerlemeden ge\u00e7mekte olan evrensel bir tarihin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131, ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ve teknolojileri olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu.<\/em>\u201d[15]<\/a><\/p>\n

Tanzimat\u2019tan beri Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n akl\u0131n\u0131 yoran Bat\u0131\u2019n\u0131n tekni\u011fi ile yerli k\u00fclt\u00fcr ikileminin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc \u2018ileri\u2019 \u00fclkelerden, \u00fclkede olmayan maddi ve zihinsel varl\u0131klar\u0131n ithali ve bunun T\u00fcrk benli\u011fine ve ya\u015fay\u0131\u015f\u0131na uygun k\u00fclt\u00fcrle sentezi \u015fimdi yeni devletin rehberli\u011finde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekteydi. Ankara\u2019n\u0131n Yeni\u015fehir topra\u011f\u0131na kazmalar Avrupal\u0131 mimar\u0131n ilmi, T\u00fcrk amelesinin i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ve T\u00fcrkl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn uhdesiyle inmekteydi. Ele g\u00fcne ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcye g\u00f6stermelik k\u00f6ylerin in\u015fas\u0131yla yeni ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131 pratik olarak \u00f6rneklendirilmekteydi. Kad\u0131n erkek, \u00e7oluk \u00e7ocuk ailece bo\u015f zaman etkinliklerinin yap\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k alanlar, parklar, yapay g\u00f6llerde olu\u015fturulan aile gazinolar\u0131 ka\u00e7 g\u00f6\u00e7s\u00fcz, kibar ve medeni ili\u015fkilerin, toplumsalla\u015fman\u0131n alanlar\u0131 olarak in\u015fa edildi.<\/p>\n

Ankara\u2019n\u0131n \u015fehirle\u015fmesi gen\u00e7 burjuvazinin Osmanl\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015finin miras\u0131n\u0131 reddederek a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir Tabula Rasa\u2019y\u0131 nas\u0131 doldurduklar\u0131n\u0131n simgesidir. Geni\u015f caddeleri ve modern binalar\u0131yla \u2018Avrupa art\u0131k Ankara\u2019dan ba\u015flamaktad\u0131r\u2019.[16]<\/a> Milli birlik de liderin \u00e7evresinden. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin daha Mustafa Kemal zaman\u0131nda yerle\u015ftirilmeye ba\u015flanan ve zamanla her meydana dikilecek Atat\u00fcrk heykelleri, her okula ve resmi kuruma yerle\u015ftirilen b\u00fcstler, liderin imgesinde milli birli\u011fin kay\u0131ts\u0131z \u015farts\u0131z birli\u011finin \u015fart\u0131na i\u015faret etmekteydi.<\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet \u0130kinci Mahmut d\u00f6neminde uygulanan rit\u00fcelleri de yeni bir i\u00e7erikle devralm\u0131\u015f, dini bayramlara paralel milli bayramlar ilan etmi\u015f; bunlar\u0131 \u00e7ocuklara, gen\u00e7lere, askere emanet etmi\u015fti. Okullardaki a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u015f ve kapan\u0131\u015f t\u00f6renleri, cumhuriyet bayram\u0131ndaki fener alaylar\u0131, devlet erkan\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 dansl\u0131 balolar bu rit\u00fceller aras\u0131nda say\u0131l\u0131r. Della Fave, bu rit\u00fcelleri \u201cinsanlar bir kez topland\u0131ktan sonra di\u011ferlerinin de kendi inan\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6rerek tahkim olurlar<\/em>\u201d diye a\u00e7\u0131klar. D\u2019Aquile ise t\u00f6rensel rit\u00fcellerin z\u0131t k\u00fclt\u00fcrel unsurlar\u0131n birli\u011fini simgeledi\u011fini not d\u00fc\u015fer.[17]<\/a> Nitekim bo\u015f zaman e\u011flencelerinden resm\u00ee t\u00f6renlere kadar insanlar\u0131n bir araya geldi\u011fi her ortam \u2018e\u015fitlik\u00e7i, kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131, hiyerar\u015fik olmayan, duyguda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 temal alan<\/em>\u2019[18]<\/a> i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc basit, y\u00f6netici-y\u00f6netilen ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 eski topluluklar\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015ften kalan al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131larak akt\u00fcele s\u00fcr\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla T\u00fcrk birli\u011finin simgesel olarak sahnelenme alanlar\u0131 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Ger\u00e7ekten de T\u00fcrkiye sonu\u00e7ta koca bir sahne haline geldi. T\u00fcrk kalk\u0131nmas\u0131na e\u015flik eden modernle\u015ftirmenin alameti farikalar\u0131 her f\u0131rsatta sahnelenip sergilenmekteydi.<\/p>\n

S\u00fcrekli de\u011fi\u015fim halindeki bir toplumu ortak hedeflere ba\u011flamak gibi bir gaye i\u00e7indeki Halk Partisi de g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131 yerelden ku\u015fatabilmek i\u00e7in kurdu\u011fu halkevlerinde seminerler, sergiler, e\u011fitim \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 d\u00fczenledi. K\u00f6y enstit\u00fclerinde modernizasyonu ve iktidar ideolojisini k\u00f6ye ta\u015f\u0131yacak gen\u00e7 ayd\u0131nlar-\u00f6g\u011fretmenler yeti\u015ftirilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131. Ger\u00e7ekte \u0130ttihat ve Terakki\u2019nin bir mensubunun, \u00e7ok \u00f6nceden i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00f6yledi\u011fi \u2018mant\u0131ks\u0131z istekleri<\/em>\u2019 rejimin ortak menfaat olarak belirledi\u011fi d\u00fczlemde \u015fekillendirebilmek, denetim alt\u0131na almak, halk\u0131n \u2018rasyonel olamayacak kararlar\u2019\u0131n\u0131 \u2018do\u011fru yola<\/em>\u2019 kanalize etmek i\u00e7in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen e\u011fitim ve terbiye kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n aras\u0131nda Halkevleri bu bak\u0131mdan \u00f6zel bir yer tutar.<\/p>\n

Ziya G\u00f6kalp\u2019ten bu yana, Bat\u0131daki kitlelerin toplumsal devrimler ve karga\u015fa d\u00f6nemlerinde oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rolden nas\u0131l sak\u0131nabilece\u011fine ve toplumun nas\u0131l bir d\u00fczen i\u00e7ine sokulaca\u011f\u0131 sorusuna \u2018kesintisiz terbiye<\/em>\u2019 yan\u0131t\u0131 verilmi\u015fti. Burjuva iktidar da bunun fark\u0131ndayd\u0131.[19]<\/a><\/p>\n

Art\u0131k zaten ya\u015famakta zorlanan kurumlar\u0131n ve al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n yerine yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131klar\u0131n ge\u00e7irilmesi te\u015fvik edilen milli bir n\u00fcfus olu\u015fturulurken; buna ra\u011fmen ve buna paralel olarak, ahenk i\u00e7inde ya\u015famaya zorlanan \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u00f6\u011feleri de ister istemez birikiyordu. 1927\u2019de \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan Sanayi Te\u015fvik kanunu ile kurulan \u015firket say\u0131s\u0131 be\u015f y\u0131lda 1473\u2019e, sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri ise 17 binden 62 bine \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Mustafa Kemal \u201chi\u00e7 milyonerimiz yok ama biraz paras\u0131 olana engel olacak de\u011filiz demekteydi. B\u00fcy\u00fck arazi sahiplerini de himaye edece\u011fiz.\u201d[20]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu tablo toplumun t\u00fcrde\u015fle\u015ftirilemeyece\u011fini; zenginle yoksul aras\u0131ndaki ya\u015fam farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n realite taraf\u0131ndan durmaks\u0131z\u0131n \u00fcretildi\u011fini ve devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7abalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen bu \u00e7atlaklar\u0131 s\u0131vayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir. Ama kendisini \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in hakem olarak tayin eden de ayn\u0131 devlettir.<\/p>\n

Devlet bu perspektifle eski saray k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn yerine modern sanat\u0131 geli\u015ftirmek, ayd\u0131nlarla halk aras\u0131ndaki kopuklu\u011fu ressam, m\u00fczisyen ve yazarlar\u0131 halk e\u011fitimine dahil etmek i\u00e7in daha kurulu\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131nda \u00f6zel seferberlik ilan etti. Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n son d\u00f6nem ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n fikriyat\u0131 Avrupa \u015fehirlerinde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f, oradan memleket zihniyetini etkileyebilmek i\u00e7in yay\u0131nlar \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Benzer hamleler yeni rejimden de geldi. 1924\u2019te Musiki Muallim Mektebi, Osmanl\u0131\u2019dan devral\u0131nan Dar-\u00fcl Elhan Belediye Konservatuar\u0131 ad\u0131n\u0131 ald\u0131ktan sonra do\u011fu musikisi e\u011fitimi kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, okulda 60 ki\u015filik orkestra ve seksen ki\u015filik koro olu\u015fturulmu\u015ftur. \u0130stanbul\u2019daki Saray Orkestras\u0131 ve Armoni M\u0131z\u0131kas\u0131 Ankara\u2019ya ta\u015f\u0131narak filarmoni orkestras\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Bir\u00e7ok m\u00fcze a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131.[21]<\/a> Bir\u00e7ok m\u00fczik insan\u0131 ve ressam Bat\u0131 sanat tekniklerini \u00f6\u011frenmeleri i\u00e7in Avrupa\u2019ya g\u00f6nderildi ve bunlar\u0131n eserlerinin sergilenmesi ve sahnelenmesi i\u00e7in devlet organizasyonlar\u0131 yap\u0131ld\u0131.[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

Mustafa Kemal Nutuk\u2019ta \u015f\u00f6yle s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu: \u201cT\u00fcrk milletinin tarihi bir vasf\u0131 da g\u00fczel sanatlar\u0131 sevmek ve onda y\u00fckselmektir. Bunun i\u00e7indir ki milletimizin y\u00fcksek karakterini yorulmaz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, f\u0131tri zekas\u0131n\u0131, ilme ba\u011fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, g\u00fczel sanatlara olan sevgisini, milli birlik duygusunu m\u00fctemadiyen ve her t\u00fcrl\u00fc vas\u0131ta ve tedbirlerle besleyerek inki\u015faf ettirmek milli \u00fclk\u00fcm\u00fczd\u00fcr.<\/em>\u201d[23]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu milli \u00fclk\u00fcye hizmet edecek milli bir sanat\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve icras\u0131 i\u00e7in Kurtulu\u015f Sava\u015f\u0131 konular\u0131n\u0131n, modernle\u015fme at\u0131l\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n, k\u00f6y realitesiyle yeni insan fig\u00fcrlerinin tuvale ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131 yetmeyece\u011fi i\u00e7in, daha uzun vadeli bir sanat zihniyetini milli temellerde olu\u015fturmaya y\u00f6nelik y\u00f6nlendirme ve organizasyon da devletin i\u015fiydi. Bu ihtiyac\u0131 gidermek i\u00e7in model al\u0131nan eylem Rus Narodnikleri\u2019nin \u2018halka do\u011fru<\/em>\u2019 slogan\u0131 ve Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ndeki halk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc derlemeye y\u00f6nelik foklorik ara\u015ft\u0131rmalard\u0131r. Halk m\u00fczi\u011fi \u00f6rneklerini toplamak \u00fczere T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131lan Bela Bartok, halk\u0131n ya\u015fay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 resmetmek i\u00e7in h\u00fck\u00fcmetin d\u00fczenledi\u011fi yurt gezilerine ressamlar\u0131n dahil edilmesi, halk\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fcndeki milli k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn \u00e7ekip al\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in\u00a0 yap\u0131lan bir t\u00fcr arkeoloji \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131yd\u0131. Mustafa Kemal\u2019in kendisi de gitti\u011fi gezilerde bu ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 yan\u0131nda g\u00f6t\u00fcrmekteydi.[24]<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

K\u00fclt\u00fcr sava\u015flar\u0131<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cG\u00fcya bizde farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar varm\u0131\u015f gibi kurulan f\u0131rkalar\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rd\u00fck<\/em>\u201d diyordu Mustafa Kemal. 1930\u2019da kurulan ve liberalizmi savunan Fethi Bey ve Ahmet A\u011fao\u011flu\u2019nun y\u00f6netimindeki Serbest Cumhuriyet F\u0131rkas\u0131 k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede kapat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Siyasi partilerin kurulmas\u0131na izin verilmeyen bir co\u011frafyada TKP de yeralt\u0131nda faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fctmekteydi. 1950\u2019lere kadar yeni bir yasal parti ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131. Bu, siyasi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin denemeler ve edebiyat \u00fcr\u00fcnleri olarak yay\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n da yolunu a\u00e7t\u0131.<\/p>\n

Vedat Nedim T\u00f6r ve \u015eevket S\u00fcreyya Aydemir gibi nedamet getirmi\u015f eski kom\u00fcnistlerin Yakup Kadri Karaosmano\u011flu ile birlikte kurdu\u011fu Kadro dergisinde rejimin icraat\u0131 ve hedefleri gerek\u00e7elendirilip derinle\u015ftirilirken, muhafazak\u00e2r-milliyet\u00e7i, liberal, halk\u00e7\u0131-demokratik yay\u0131nlar ve yazarlar\u0131 da giderek \u00e7o\u011falmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Burjuvazinin ku\u015fat\u0131c\u0131 resmi ideolojisine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin siyasi kanallar\u0131 bulunamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde k\u00fclt\u00fcrel alan bir kavga alan\u0131 haline gelmi\u015fti. 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llardan ba\u015flamak \u00fczere; aralar\u0131nda Sabahattin Ali, Beh\u00e7et Necatigil, R\u0131fat Ilgaz, Sait Faik, Sabiha Sertel, Aziz Nesin\u2019in de bulundu\u011fu edebiyat\u00e7\u0131lar toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 i\u015fledikleri eserlerle \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. Ne var ki bu ayk\u0131r\u0131 ses s\u0131k s\u0131k rejimin sert duvara \u00e7arpt\u0131. Sebahattin Ali faili me\u00e7hul bir cinayete kurban gitti. Kimileri tutukland\u0131, Naz\u0131m Hikmet y\u0131llarca cezaevinde tutuldu. D\u00f6nemin ilerici yazarlar\u0131n\u0131n yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Tan gazetesi milliyet\u00e7i bir g\u00fcruhun lin\u00e7ine u\u011frad\u0131.<\/p>\n

Zafer Toprak ge\u00e7i\u015f sorunsal\u0131n\u0131n bir su\u00e7 ve ceza \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fc oldu\u011funu yazar. \u201cYurtta\u015f yarg\u0131lan\u0131r hapse girer ama her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn yurtta\u015f\u0131n ya\u015fam alan\u0131 geni\u015fler<\/em>\u201d[25]<\/a> demi\u015ftir ve nitekim \u00f6yle olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Naz\u0131m Hikmet daha 1929 y\u0131l\u0131nda Sertel \u00e7iftinin y\u00f6netti\u011fi Resimli Ay dergisinde \u201cputlar\u0131 k\u0131r\u0131yoruz<\/em>\u201d kampanyas\u0131 ba\u015flatarak Mehmet Emin Yurdakul ile Yakup Kadri Karaosmano\u011flu\u2019nu hedef alm\u0131\u015f, Karaosmano\u011flu da Naz\u0131m\u2019\u0131 cevaben \u2018vatan haini kom\u00fcnist<\/em>\u2019 olarak hitap etmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

Naz\u0131m Hikmet\u2019in muhafazak\u00e2r yazar Peyami Safa ile tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 da siyasi tezlerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir perspektifle tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 arenada geli\u015fir. 40 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ilerici-devrimci yazarlar\u0131 bir yandan Cumhuriyet rejimiyle halk\u0131n kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131karken, di\u011fer yandan da s\u0131n\u0131fsal yar\u0131lmaya i\u015faret etmekte, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin gelece\u011fine ili\u015fkin mevcut y\u00f6netimden farkl\u0131 \u00f6nerilerde bulunmaktayd\u0131lar. Onlar\u0131n \u00e7abalar\u0131 siyasi iktidar\u0131n tek tip yurtta\u015f yaratma \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n bo\u015funal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan engellenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Kemalist Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma ve \u00e7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fman\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 ahlaki d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn milli \u015fuurla kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkileri ele\u015ftiren Peyami Safa \u201cSon g\u00fcnlerde \u2018milli edebiyat yok, s\u0131n\u0131f edebiyat\u0131 vard\u0131r\u2019 gibi tekerlemelerin<\/em> baz\u0131 ne\u015friyat aras\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi bize bu sat\u0131rlar\u0131 yazd\u0131rd\u0131\u2026 T\u00fcrk diliyle kendini ifade eden bir edebiyat o dili konu\u015fanlar\u0131 birbirinden ay\u0131rmay\u0131 de\u011fil, ancak muas\u0131r b\u00fcy\u00fck milletlerin yekpareli\u011fine do\u011fru g\u00f6t\u00fcrecek birlikten do\u011fdu\u011fu g\u00fcn be\u015feri k\u0131ymetini bilecektir.<\/em>\u201d[26]<\/a> En \u00f6nemli eseri olan ve \u0130stanbul\u2019un biri yoksul di\u011feri zengin iki semtindeki ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imlerini kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ran Fatih Harbiye<\/em>\u2019de yazar\u0131n tercihi muhafazakar Fatih\u2019den yanad\u0131r. Harbiye-Ni\u015fanta\u015f\u0131 hatt\u0131 ise, T\u00fcrk \u015fuurunun, ahlak\u0131n\u0131n dejenere oldu\u011fu muhittir. Peyami Safa S\u00f6zde K\u0131zlar<\/em> adl\u0131 roman\u0131nda da Harbiye ile temsil edilen ona g\u00f6re yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f\u00a0 ya\u015fam tarz\u0131na \u00f6zenilmesinin kendince yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 felaketleri kurgular. Rejime ba\u011fl\u0131, T\u00fcrk geleneksel ahlak\u0131n\u0131n erdemlerine uzak duran, \u2018bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f dejenere\u2019 yazarlar kadar b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck yapt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sosyalist yazarlara da kar\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Peyami Safa elbette bu konuda yaln\u0131z de\u011fildir; bir\u00e7ok muhafazakar sanat\u00e7\u0131, devletin halk\u0131 sevk etti\u011fi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yolu, e\u011fitim kurumlar\u0131 ve talim terbiyenin m\u00fcfredat\u0131n\u0131 ayn\u0131 gerek\u00e7eyle ele\u015ftirirler.<\/p>\n

Peyami Safa\u2019ya g\u00f6re bu felaketlere yol a\u00e7an resmi m\u00fcfredat, daha \u00f6nceki yar\u0131m yenile\u015fme hareketlerini y\u00fcr\u00fcten yar\u0131m adamlar\u0131n milletin ba\u015f\u0131na sarm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu bir belayd\u0131. T\u00fcrk b\u00fcnyesi hem \u015fark ve garp hem de din ve milliyet aras\u0131nda yar\u0131m\u015far ve sakat iki par\u00e7aya b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Oysa ki Osmanl\u0131 garp\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, kangren olmu\u015f taraflar\u0131n\u0131 atmak \u015fart\u0131yla ya\u015fatmak kabildi.[27]<\/a><\/p>\n

Peyami Safa\u2019n\u0131n bug\u00fcn bile ya\u015fayan, hatta mevcut AKP iktidar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan resmi olarak savunulan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerinin temeli, cumhuriyetle birlikte serencam\u0131 yar\u0131m kalm\u0131\u015f, kitle imalat\u0131n\u0131 cumhuriyet elitlerinin fikriyat\u0131ndan daha farkl\u0131; dinsel-muhafazakar ve milliyet\u00e7i bir fikriyatla tasarlayan, hakim s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7er\u00e7evesinden d\u0131\u015flanm\u0131\u015f Osmanl\u0131 mirasyedisi \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n oldu\u011fu kadar, geleneksel g\u00fcndelik hayata h\u0131zla giren de\u011ferlerle kendisini tehdit alt\u0131nda hisseden toplumsal kesimlerin hissiyat\u0131ndan olu\u015fur.<\/p>\n

Peyami Safa\u2019n\u0131n \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 bir Cumhuriyet d\u00fczeltmesi olarak beliren itiraz\u0131na, T\u00fcrk \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n d\u00f6nemdeki temsilcisi Nihat Ats\u0131z ve benzerleri a\u00e7\u0131k kom\u00fcnizm d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile dahil oldular. Bu kesime g\u00f6re, otantik k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn ve gelene\u011fin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olan k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck \u015fehirlerde boy atan dejenerasyonun ilac\u0131yd\u0131: \u201cSenelerden beri \u0130stanbul sokaklar\u0131nda proletaryaya ilan\u0131 a\u015fk eden gen\u00e7ler, e\u011fer bu feryatlar\u0131nda samimi iseler Anadolu\u2019ya ko\u015fmal\u0131, orada k\u00f6yl\u00fc i\u00e7in b\u0131kmaz ve usanmaz bir a\u015fk ile \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131rlar\u2026 Yoksa \u015fehir sokaklar\u0131nda savrulan naralar, renkli salonlarda yap\u0131lan m\u00fcnaka\u015falar ve nihayet bir T\u00fcrk k\u00f6y\u00fcnden \u00e7ok daha konforlu hapishane odalar\u0131nda okunan kitaplar ve ancak mahkemelerde dile gelen tezlerle T\u00fcrk k\u00f6yl\u00fcs\u00fc kurtar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmaz.<\/em>\u201d[28]<\/a><\/p>\n

Birinin eski \u015fa\u015faal\u0131 ba\u015fkentin Fatih\u2019inde, di\u011ferinin de k\u00f6yde buldu\u011fu otantik k\u00fclt\u00fcr hazinesiyle, ahlaki direni\u015f mevzisini tahkim etmek i\u00e7in g\u00f6sterdikleri yaz\u0131nsal \u00e7aba, ajitasyon yo\u011funlu\u011fu artan bir siyasi gericilik i\u00e7inde harmanlanarak ilerleyen y\u0131llarda \u00e7e\u015fitli karga\u015falar\u0131n itici g\u00fcc\u00fc olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Cumhuriyetin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel kurulu\u015funun parametrelerine y\u00f6nelik tart\u0131\u015fmalar, toplumsal zihniyetin, egemen ideolojik ku\u015fatma alt\u0131nda bile par\u00e7al\u0131 oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterir. Milletin ana eksenden ayr\u0131lan par\u00e7alar\u0131n\u0131 \u2018birlik\u2019 alt\u0131nda bulu\u015fturmay\u0131 hedefleyen cumhuriyet rejiminin g\u00fcvenlik sorunu olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc irtica ve kom\u00fcnizm kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ve siyasi tezleriyle bu birlik kurgusuna meydan okumaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ama \u00f6te yandan 1930\u2019larda fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerin belirmesiyle ba\u015flayan d\u00fcnya iklimindeki de\u011fi\u015fiklikler, bu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckler ile ili\u015fkilerini geli\u015ftiren T\u00fcrkiye y\u00f6netimini de etkisi alt\u0131na alm\u0131\u015f; \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 turanc\u0131 fikirlerin, \u015fovenizmin yay\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda gerekli \u2018devlet te\u015fviki\u2019 yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bunda Avrupa devletlerinde y\u00fckselen Sovyet-ve kom\u00fcnizm nefretinin de etkisi vard\u0131r. Devlet mevzuat\u0131ndaki Alman etkisi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel iklimi de \u015fekillendirecektir. So\u011fuk sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi ile birlikte T\u00fcrkiye \u00fczerindeki Alman n\u00fcfuzunun yerini Amerikan kudreti ald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda anti kom\u00fcnizm dalgas\u0131n\u0131n kond\u00fckt\u00f6r b\u00f6lmesinde bir n\u00f6bet de\u011fi\u015fimi ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f olur. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de kom\u00fcnizm tehdidine kar\u015f\u0131 yukar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 gericile\u015ftirme, \u015fovenizm devlet eliyle \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmektedir.<\/p>\n

1950\u2019lerde Necip Faz\u0131l K\u0131sak\u00fcrek\u2019in B\u00fcy\u00fck Do\u011fu dergisine el alt\u0131ndan \u00f6denek ay\u0131ran Menderes\u2019in zaman\u0131nda bu muhafazak\u00e2r gericilik daha da palazlanacakt\u0131r. 1951\u2019deki TKP\u2019nin \u00f6nder ve ayd\u0131n kadrolar\u0131na yap\u0131lan operasyonlarla birlikte Menderes d\u00f6neminin \u2018her mahallede bir milyoner yaratma<\/em>\u2019 slogan\u0131yla keskinle\u015fen emperyalist ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri ve bir s\u00fcre sonra da s\u0131n\u0131fsal ayr\u0131\u015fman\u0131n alametleri a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclmeye ba\u015flayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Menderes iktidar\u0131n\u0131n bir darbeyle devrilmesine kadar varan egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u015fiddetlenmi\u015f, hem de kitle taban\u0131n\u0131 dini-muhafazak\u00e2r k\u00fclt\u00fcr ekseninde \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, 6-7 Eyl\u00fcl gibi bir toplumsal fecaatla zirvesine ula\u015fan milliyet\u00e7i \u015foven aksiyon, rejim yeni bir istikamete \u00e7ekilmek \u00fczere bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

ABD emperyalizminin a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cso\u011fuk sava\u015f<\/em>\u201d\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki yank\u0131s\u0131 anti kom\u00fcnist propagandan\u0131n yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 oldu. ABD\u2019nin Kemalist ulusalc\u0131l\u0131\u011fa ve devlet rejmine ili\u015fkin en gerici ak\u0131mlar\u0131 desteklemesi ve bug\u00fcnk\u00fc AKP\u2019nin hareket zeminini olu\u015fturan m\u00fcdahalelerinin de ortam\u0131 budur. Daha sonra Ye\u015fil Ku\u015fak, t\u00fcrk \u0130slam Sentezi gibi T\u00fcrk burjuvazisinin ABD politikalar\u0131na yedeklendi\u011fi siyasi \u2018a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131mlar\u2019\u0131n ipu\u00e7lar\u0131 da bu zamanda g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6neminde, McChartizmin solcu entelekt\u00fceller \u00fczerindeki ku\u015fatmas\u0131 i\u00e7eride edebiyat alan\u0131ndaki i\u00e7 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 da yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Politik ba\u011flant\u0131lar\u0131 olan muhalif sanat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n eserlerini, varolu\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 sorgulamaya a\u00e7an angaje sanat tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 bu d\u00f6nemde yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131. \u0130kinci Yeni \u015fairlerinin ilk eserlerini verdi\u011fi, yeni bi\u00e7im ve anlat\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerinin denendi\u011fi bu d\u00f6nemde sanat perspektifleri canlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Tanzimat\u2019tan bu yana h\u00e2kim olan edebiyat\u0131n (ve sanat\u0131n) toplumsal yarar sa\u011flamas\u0131 bir kenara b\u0131rak\u0131larak, estetik \u00f6zerkli\u011fi olan bir edebiyat paradigmas\u2019n\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131 i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan analizler, k\u00fclt\u00fcr insanlar\u0131ndan sadakat ve yanc\u0131l\u0131k bekleyen eski Kemalist ilkenin a\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, TKP\u2019nin etkisindeki sanat\u00e7\u0131lara da yeni bir m\u00fccadele alan\u0131 a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

Kemalist sol, kom\u00fcnist yazarlar ve 40 ku\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yazar ve \u015fairleriyle devamc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n her t\u00fcrl\u00fc sans\u00fcre, cezaland\u0131rmaya ra\u011fmen \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 devam etti. Toplumsal ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi yans\u0131tan bir dizi \u00fcr\u00fcn de yay\u0131nland\u0131. Mete Kaan Kaynar bu d\u00f6neme ili\u015fkin bir alg\u0131ya i\u015faret eder; \u201c\u2018\u0130kinci Yeni\u2019nin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar sonucu edebi kanonun \u015fiirdeki de\u011fi\u015fime odaklanmas\u0131 toplumcu kesimin 1960\u2019lara kadar i\u00e7ine kapand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u015fiir yazmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, yaz\u0131yorsa da yay\u0131mlamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir alg\u0131ya yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[29]<\/a> Oysa bu \u00e7ok do\u011fru de\u011fildir. K\u00f6y edebiyat\u0131 denen, Anadolu\u2019daki toplumsal \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7arp\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 yans\u0131tan, geleneksel ile m\u00fccadele eden veya kentteki sosyal hayat\u0131 konu edinen \u2018sosyal realist<\/em>\u2019 edebiyat, resim, sinema eserleri b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde 50\u2019ler tarihini ta\u015f\u0131r. Hapisten \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131ktan sonra yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131kmak zorunda kalan Naz\u0131m Hikmet \u015f\u00f6yle demektedir: \u201cSanatk\u00e2r t\u00fcrk\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc dinletmek i\u00e7in en<\/em> uygun \u015fekilleri durup dinlenmeden, \u00f6mr\u00fcn\u00fcn sonuna kadar aramak zorundad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Gelene\u011fin direni\u015fi<\/strong><\/p>\n

Bu ara ba\u015fl\u0131k, T\u00fcrkiye, Zaman ve en son Karar gazetesinde yaz\u0131lar\u0131 yay\u0131nlanan, muhafazak\u00e2r yazar Be\u015fir Ayvazo\u011flu\u2019nun bir kitab\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r ayn\u0131 zamanda. Ayvazo\u011flu kitab\u0131na, iki y\u00fczy\u0131ld\u0131r halk\u0131 adam etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n devletin b\u00fct\u00fcn imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak halk\u0131 s\u00f6z\u00fcmona uygarla\u015ft\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece toplum hayat\u0131nda ne devam eden bir gelenek ne bir m\u00fcessese b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu iddia ederek ba\u015flar. Ona g\u00f6re, ge\u00e7mi\u015f birikimin kesintiye u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131yla bir ki\u015filik b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr buhran\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ve bu, Bat\u0131\u2019yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ktan sonra ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Oysa ge\u00e7mi\u015f kendisini otomatik olarak korumakta, en yenilik\u00e7i ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde bile sonuna kadar bir vicdan azab\u0131 gibi konu\u015farak beklenmedik zamanlarda beklenmedik yerlerden filizlenmektedir.[30]<\/a><\/p>\n

Eski tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n uzant\u0131s\u0131 olan bu iddialar, Cumhuriyetin \u2018muas\u0131r medeniyet\u2019e ula\u015fma hamlesi i\u00e7inde bat\u0131 kapitalizminin tekni\u011fini oldu\u011fu kadar zihniyet d\u00fcnyas\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7eren k\u00fclt\u00fcr hamleleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ister kazanan istemez bir usturup Osmanl\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn reddi miras\u0131na ili\u015fkin bir ele\u015ftiridir. Ayvazo\u011flu\u2019nun s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fi k\u00fclt\u00fcr buhran\u0131, yenilmi\u015f ve yeni rejimin bir bile\u015feni olmas\u0131 kurucu kadrolar taraf\u0131ndan engellenmi\u015f Osmanl\u0131 elitlerinin sonraki ku\u015faklar\u0131na ait siyasi iddialar\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olan bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel evrene ili\u015fkin hayalinin g\u00fcncel ve nostaljik i\u00e7 \u00e7ekmesidir. Ama bireysel de\u011fildir. 1923\u2019ten sonra uzun s\u00fcre geriye \u00e7ekilen ama bir dip ak\u0131nt\u0131 olarak yoluna devam eden muhafazak\u00e2r-dini talepleri g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lan alan Halk Partisi d\u00f6neminde de vard\u0131r, ancak bunu bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr ikili\u011fi olarak rejime siyaseten ikame eden Menderes olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Menderes ile birlikte \u015fiddetlenen egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u015fiddetli rekabeti ve bu rekabeti daha da \u015fiddetlendiren uluslararas\u0131 ekonomik ve siyasi ko\u015fullar, Cumhuriyet \u00f6ncesinden gelen bir k\u00fclt\u00fcrel devaml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 \u2018sa\u011fc\u0131 entelekt\u00fclleri\u2019 ve onlar\u0131 te\u015fvik eden siyasi partileri de \u00e7o\u011faltt\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn Menderes d\u00f6nemini k\u00f6ken olarak alan, Osmanl\u0131 dahil ge\u00e7mi\u015fin imitasyonlar\u0131n\u0131 kendi bedeninde de \u00fcretmekten geri kalmayan AKP iktidar\u0131 ile bu \u2018gelene\u011fin direni\u015f\u00e7i\u2019lerinin kurdu\u011fu k\u00fclt\u00fcr kanonu art\u0131k bir resmi k\u00fclt\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Bunun nedeni, sermaye birikim s\u00fcrecine her f\u0131rsatta bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve ma\u011fdur edilmi\u015f olduklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen kesimlerin dahil olmas\u0131n\u0131n yolunu a\u00e7an b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm d\u00fczenidir.<\/p>\n

AKP iktidar\u0131 i\u00e7in de k\u00fclt\u00fcr, bug\u00fcn bir padi\u015fah gibi sarayda oturan tek adam\u0131n rejiminin ihyas\u0131 ve me\u015fruiyetinin ko\u015fuludur. Tam da bu y\u00fczden Mustafa Kemal zaman\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi topluma yeni bir ya\u015fam bi\u00e7imi dayat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f AKP, \u00f6d\u00fcl-ceza sistemiyle sermaye dola\u015f\u0131m sistemine kat\u0131lan yeni unsurlar ile birlikte halk birli\u011fini kendi ekseninde olu\u015fturmak i\u00e7in mesai harcam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, harc\u0131yor da.<\/p>\n

Hurafeleri yeniden canland\u0131ran, dini kurumlar\u0131 \u00e7o\u011faltan, muhafazakar k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc maddi manevi destekleyen, \u015foven bir zihniyet ortam\u0131n\u0131 k\u00f6r\u00fckleyen ara\u00e7lara sahip iktidar kedi d\u00f6neminin milli birli\u011fini en gerici \u00e7\u0131tadan kurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Milli birli\u011fin din ve muhafazak\u00e2r k\u00fclt\u00fcr birli\u011fi ekseninde kurulaca\u011f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin ortak duyu\u015f ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f bi\u00e7iminin in\u015fa edilmesiyle \u00f6telenece\u011fi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin kendi s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n ancak iktidar\u0131n suyunda y\u00fcr\u00fcyerek \u2018kamu menfaati i\u00e7inde eritilebilece\u011fi<\/em>\u2019 inanc\u0131n\u0131n patenti do\u011fal olarak AKP\u2019ye rezerve say\u0131lamaz.<\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn tekelci burjuvazinin bir kesiminin iktisadi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 ve siyasi gericiliklerini temsil eden AKP iktidar\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrel yar\u0131lmay\u0131 \u00f6zellikle k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtm\u0131\u015f, Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi, her alanda iktidar olmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcrel iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irememi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

100 y\u0131ll\u0131k cumhuriyetin g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki miras\u0131 egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n i\u00e7 rekabetinin bir t\u00fcr yans\u0131mas\u0131 olan k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u015fizofreniden kaynaklanan gerilimlerdir. Ne var ki T\u00fcrkiye sadece bu \u015fizofrenik gerilimden ibaret de\u011fildir. Her iki ak\u0131m\u0131n boyun e\u011fdirmek i\u00e7in \u00f6zel bir \u00e7aba harcad\u0131klar\u0131 demokratik halk k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki muazzam birikimini miras edinen erken \u00f6rneklerinden itibaren her t\u00fcrl\u00fc gerici yapt\u0131r\u0131ma, bask\u0131ya, sans\u00fcre ra\u011fmen direnmeye devam ediyor. Buna on y\u0131llard\u0131r kendi dillerini konu\u015fmak, kendi \u015fark\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden ezilen K\u00fcrt ulusunun, Cumhuriyetin \u2018vatanda\u015f T\u00fcrk\u00e7e konu\u015f<\/em>\u2019 kampanyalar\u0131yla in\u015fa edilen tek\u00e7ili\u011fi ile sonraki iktidarlar d\u00f6nemindeki bask\u0131lara ve en \u00e7ok da 22 y\u0131ll\u0131k AKP y\u00f6netimine kar\u015f\u0131 direncini de eklemek gerekir.<\/p>\n

100 y\u0131ll\u0131k egemen s\u0131n\u0131f serencam\u0131ndaki k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u015fizofreniye reddi miras hakk\u0131 kapitalizmin mezar kaz\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131yla ezilenlere ge\u00e7mi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

KAYNAKLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ayvazo\u011flu, B. (1997) Gelene\u011fin Direni\u015fi<\/em>, \u00d6t\u00fcken Ne\u015friyat, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Balc\u0131, Y. (2002) T\u00fcrk Roman\u0131nda Ayd\u0131n Problemi (1908-1950)<\/em>, Birinci Bask\u0131, T.C. K\u00fclt\u00fcr Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara.<\/p>\n

Berkes, N. (2002) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u00c7a\u011fda\u015fla\u015fma<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, YKY, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Bostanc\u0131, N. (1990) Kadrocular ve Sosyo Ekonomik G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri<\/em>, Birinci Bas\u0131m, K\u00fclt\u00fcr Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara.<\/p>\n

Bozdo\u011fan, S. (2012) Modernizm ve Ulusun \u0130n\u015fas\u0131: Erken Cumhuriyet T\u00fcrkiyesi\u2019nde Mimari K\u00fclt\u00fcr<\/em>, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Bas\u0131m, Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Durna, T. (2009) Kemalist Modernle\u015fme ve Se\u00e7kincilik: Peyami Safa ve Falih R\u0131fk\u0131 Atay\u2019da Halk\u0131n \u0130n\u015fas\u0131<\/em>, Dipnot Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara.<\/p>\n

Eli\u00e7in, E. T. (1970) Kemalist Devrim \u0130deolojisi<\/em>, \u0130lk Yay\u0131n\u0131, Ant Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

G\u00f6kalp, Z. (1974) Yeni T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Hedefleri<\/em>, Baha Matbaas\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

G\u00f6kalp, Z. (1992) Terbiyenin Sosyal ve K\u00fclt\u00fcrel Temelleri, 1. Cilt<\/em>, Milli E\u011fitim Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

G\u00f6kalp, Z. (2012) Hars ve Medeniyet<\/em>, Toker Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Jusdanis, G. (1998) Gecikmi\u015f Modernlik ve Estetik K\u00fclt\u00fcr: Milli Edebiyat\u0131n \u0130cat Edili\u015fi<\/em>, Birinci Bas\u0131m, Metis, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Liakos, A. (2008), D\u00fcnyay\u0131 De\u011fi\u015ftirmek \u0130steyenler Ulusu Nas\u0131l Tasavvur Ettiler<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Kaplan, M. vd. (Haz.) (1981) Atat\u00fcrk Devri Fikir Hayat\u0131, Cilt 1 ve 2<\/em>, Birinci Bask\u0131, K\u00fclt\u00fcr Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara.<\/p>\n

Kars, H. Z. (1983) 1908 Devrimi\u2019nin Halk Dinami\u011fi<\/em>, \u0130kinci Bas\u0131m, Kaynak Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Kaynar, M. K. (2017) Tarihin \u0130n\u015fas\u0131 ve Siyaset 2. Cilt<\/em>, 3. Bask\u0131, Lambert Academic Publishing T\u00fcrk\u00e7e \u00d6zel Seri.<\/p>\n

Kaynar, M. K. (Haz.) (2019) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 50\u2019li Y\u0131llar\u0131<\/em>, 3. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Memi\u015f, \u015e. (2019) \u201cSultan 2. Abd\u00fclhamit D\u00f6neminde Yerli \u00dcretimi Te\u015fvik Politikas\u0131 Olarak \u0130mtiyazlar\u201d, Marmara \u00dcniversitesi \u0130ktisadi ve \u0130dari Bilimler Dergisi<\/em>, Cilt: 41, Say\u0131: 2.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zbudun, S. (1977) Ayinden T\u00f6rene<\/em>, Anahtar Kitaplar Yay\u0131nevi, Birinci Bas\u0131m, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Parla, T. (1991) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn Resmi Kaynaklar\u0131 Cilt 1 ve 2<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Sanat D\u00fcnyam\u0131z Dergisi (2003) Dosya: Ulus Sanatla Kurulur mu? Cumhuriyet 1923-1933, Say\u0131: 89, Yap\u0131 Kredi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Tanp\u0131nar, A. H. (2022) Ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m Gibi<\/em>, 14. Bask\u0131, Dergah yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Tekiner, A. (2010) Atat\u00fcrk Heykelleri: K\u00fclt, Estetik, Siyaset<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Toprak, Z. (1998) Bir Yurtta\u015f Yaratmak<\/em>, Yap\u0131 Kredi K\u00fclt\u00fcr Sanat Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Toprak, Z. (2016) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, <\/em>1908-1946<\/em>, Birinci Bas\u0131m, Tarih Vakf\u0131 Yurt Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Toprak, Z. (2017) Yeni Hayat: \u0130nk\u0131lap ve Travma 1908-1928<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, Do\u011fan Kitap, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

\u00dcstel, F. (2008) Makbul Vatanda\u015f\u0131n Pe\u015finde- II: Me\u015frutiyet\u2019ten Bug\u00fcne Vatanda\u015fl\u0131k E\u011fitimi<\/em>, 3. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

Ye\u015filkaya N. G. (2003) Halkevleri \u0130deoloji ve Mimarl\u0131k<\/em>, 2. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> 1906-1908 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda Anadolu\u2019daki eylemler Erzurum, Diyarbak\u0131r, Bitlis, Can, Kayseri, Sivas, Kastamonu, Ankara, \u0130stanbul, Trabzon ve Sinop\u2019ta ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u00c7o\u011fu \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz bu hareketler yerel idarecilerin g\u00f6revden al\u0131nmas\u0131, yolsuzluklar\u0131n son bulmas\u0131 ve a\u011f\u0131r vergilerin indirilmesi talebiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. Do\u011fu\u2019daki isyanlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011fu Hamidiye Alaylar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n k\u00f6yl\u00fcler \u00fczerie uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bask\u0131, ya\u011fma, talan ve zorbal\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131yd\u0131. Kars, H. Z. (1983) 1908 Devrimi\u2019nin Halk Dinami\u011fi<\/em>, \u0130kinci Bas\u0131m, Kaynak Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Memi\u015f, \u015e. (2019) \u201cSultan 2. Abd\u00fclhamit D\u00f6neminde Yerli \u00dcretimi Te\u015fvik Politikas\u0131 Olarak \u0130mtiyazlar\u201d, Marmara \u00dcniversitesi \u0130ktisadi ve \u0130dari Bilimler Dergisi<\/em>, Cilt: 41, Say\u0131: 2.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> \u0130ttihat Terakki gazetesinden al\u0131nt\u0131layan Toprak, Z. (2016) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, 1908-1946<\/em>, Birinci Bas\u0131m, Tarih Vakf\u0131 Yurt Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 37.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Toprak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131<\/em>, sf. 70-72.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Cumhuriyetin terbiye hedefinde talepler de vard\u0131r. Yurtta\u015flar\u0131n taleplerinin milli iktisata, milli k\u00fclt\u00fcre ve aileye uygun bi\u00e7imde \u015fekillenmesi i\u00e7in y\u00f6ntem \u00fcretir, yol g\u00f6sterir ve bi\u00e7imlenmi\u015f talebi sistemin dayana\u011f\u0131 haline getirir. \u00d6rne\u011fin bu bak\u0131mdan kad\u0131nlara \u00f6zel bir rol y\u00fcklenir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kad\u0131n talep demektir. Maarif Vekaleti Talim ve Terbiye Dairesi Reisi \u0130hsan Sungu\u2019nun sundu\u011fu, Ankara Radyosu\u2019nda yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015f nutuklar aras\u0131nda yer alan bir konu\u015fmada \u015f\u00f6yle bir ifade yer al\u0131r: \u201cT\u00fcrk kad\u0131n\u0131\u2026T\u00fcrk ekonomisinin istihsal cephesinde nas\u0131l m\u00fchim bir unsur olmakta ise istihlak cephesinde de o kadar etkili bir rol oynar. Kad\u0131n\u0131n evde yiyecek, giyecekleri ve kullan\u0131lacak maddeleri se\u00e7mekte olan h\u00e2kim ve naz\u0131m rol\u00fc, memleketin istihsali \u00fczerine de m\u00fcessir olur. Mesel\u00e2 T\u00fcrk fabrikalar\u0131 kuma\u015f \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131rken, ancak T\u00fcrk kad\u0131n\u0131n\u0131n be\u011fenebilece\u011fi kuma\u015flar\u0131 piyasaya atmak mevkiindedir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu i\u015fte T\u00fcrk kad\u0131n\u0131 ekonomik t\u00e2biriyle \u2018taleb\u2019i temsil etmektedir. Bunun i\u00e7indir ki yerli mallar\u0131m\u0131za ra\u011fbeti art\u0131racak, yerli mallar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u015fu veya bu sahada nefasetini y\u00fckseltecek en \u00f6nemli unsur, T\u00fcrk kad\u0131n\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d (Toprak, Z. (1998) Bir Yurtta\u015f yaratmak<\/em>, Yap\u0131 Kredi K\u00fclt\u00fcr Sanat Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130stanbul)<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Parla, T. (1991) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn Resmi Kaynaklar\u0131 Cilt 1 ve 2<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 15.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Mustafa Kemal\u2019in yabanc\u0131 bir gazateciyle m\u00fczik konusundaki bir diyalogundan:<\/p>\n

\u201c\u2026Atat\u00fcrk: Bunlar hep Bizans\u2019tan kalma \u015feylerdir: Bizim hakiki musikimiz Anadolu hak\u0131nda i\u015fitilebilir\u00a0 Gazeteci: Bu na\u011fmelerin \u0131slah\u0131yla terakki etttirilmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fil midir?<\/p>\n

Atat\u00fcrk: Garp musikicili\u011fi bu hale gelinceye kadar, ne kadar zaman ge\u00e7ti?<\/p>\n

Gazeteci: D\u00f6rt y\u00fcz sene kadar ge\u00e7ti.<\/p>\n

Atat\u00fcrk: Bizim bu kadar zaman beklemeye vaktimiz yoktur. Bunun i\u00e7in Garp musikisini almakta oldu\u011fumuzu g\u00f6r\u00fcyorsunuz.\u201d (Kato\u011flu, M. (2003) \u201cCumhuriyetin \u0130lk Y\u0131llar\u0131nda Sanat ve K\u00fclt\u00fcr Hayat\u0131n\u0131n Olu\u015fumunda Kamu Y\u00f6netiminin Rol\u00fc\u201d, Sanat D\u00fcnyam\u0131z Dergisi<\/em>, Say\u0131: 89, sf. 179)<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Recaizade Mahmut Ekrem\u2019in Araba Sevdas\u0131 ile Ahmet Mithat Efendi\u2019nin Felatun Bey ile Rak\u0131m Efendisi bu eserlerden ba\u015fl\u0131calar\u0131.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> G\u00f6kalp, Z. (2012) Hars ve Medeniyet<\/em>, Toker Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 16.<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> G\u00f6kalp, Hars ve Medeniyet<\/em>, sf. 34.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> G\u00f6kalp, agy, sf. 46.<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> \u201c1922 1 May\u0131s\u0131\u2019nda <\/em>T\u00fcrkiye sosyalist F\u0131rkas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Derne\u011fi, Beynelmilel \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler \u0130ttihad\u0131, Sosyal Demokrat F\u0131rkas\u0131; Ermeni Sosyal Demokrat\u00a0 F\u0131rkas\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve \u00c7ift\u00e7i Sosyalist partisi ve baz\u0131 esnaf komisyonlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla Sultanahmet\u2019te toplanarak Pangalt\u0131\u2019ya y\u00fcr\u00fcyen, \u00e7o\u011fu gayr\u0131m\u00fcslim i\u015f\u00e7iler konu\u015fmalar yapt\u0131lar, e\u011flenceler d\u00fczenlediler. Sonra \u015ei\u015fli\u2019deki, K\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 bayrak as\u0131l\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye Sosyalist F\u0131rkas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne gelerek bayramla\u015ft\u0131lar.<\/em>\u201d Toprak, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, <\/em>sf. 339-43.<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> T. Parla, T. (1991) T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Siyasal K\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn Resmi Kaynaklar\u0131 Cilt 2<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, s. 155-56.<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> Parla, agy, sf. 214.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> Bozdo\u011fan, S. (2012) Modernizm ve Ulusun \u0130n\u015fas\u0131: Erken Cumhuriyet T\u00fcrkiyesi\u2019nde Mimari K\u00fclt\u00fcr<\/em>, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Bas\u0131m, Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 16.<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> Bozdo\u011fan, agy, sf. 83.<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> \u00d6zbudun, S. (1977) Ayinden T\u00f6rene<\/em>, Anahtar Kitaplar Yay\u0131nevi, Birinci Bas\u0131m, \u0130stanbul, sf. 126.<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> Turner\u2019den aktaran \u00d6zbudun, agy.<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a> Recep Peker: \u201cLiberal devlet tipi i\u00e7inde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve patron s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, bunun daha geni\u015f manas\u0131yla proleter ve burjuva s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 iki d\u00fc\u015fman cephesi halinde \u00a0birbirine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7arp\u0131\u015f\u0131p dururlar. Bunlar; millet birli\u011fi gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck ve mukaddes davan\u0131n yan\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir k\u0131ymeti olmayan ve millet varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tahrip eden zehirli telkinler mahsul\u00fc suni bir heyecan\u0131n vecdi i\u00e7inde vuru\u015fup dururlar.<\/em>\u201d (Aktaran Toprak, Bir Yurtta\u015f Yaratmak,<\/em> sf. 29)<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a> Toprak, agy, sf. 11-12.<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> Kato\u011flu, \u201cCumhuriyetin \u0130lk Y\u0131llar\u0131nda\u2026\u201d, sf. 179.<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a> M. Kemal: \u201cBir milleti ya\u015fatmak i\u00e7in birtak\u0131m temeller laz\u0131md\u0131r ve bilirsiniz ki bu temellerin en m\u00fchimlerinden biri sanatt\u0131r. Bir millet sanattan ve sanatkardan mahrumsa tam bir hayata malik olamaz. B\u00f6yle bir millet bir aya\u011f\u0131 topal, bir kolu \u00e7olak, sakat ve alil bir kimse gibidir.\u201d (Aktaran \u00d6ndin, N. (2003) \u201cCumhuriyet’in K\u00fclt\u00fcr Politikas\u0131 ve Sanat\u201d, Sanat D\u00fcnyam\u0131z<\/em>, Say\u0131: 89, sf. 148)<\/p>\n

<\/a><\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> Ahmet Hamdi Tanp\u0131nar: \u201cBiz ink\u0131lab\u0131m\u0131zla, m\u00fcdahaleci ve otoriter bir kuvvet taraf\u0131ndan tarih ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na m\u00fcdahale ederek hamleler yapmak mecburiyetindeyiz. Bu otoriter ve ink\u0131lap\u00e7\u0131 kuvvet bizim nazar\u0131m\u0131zda devletten biratetir. Onun i\u00e7indir ki T\u00fcrk ink\u0131lab\u0131n\u0131n devlet\u00e7ilik prensibi, ink\u0131lab\u0131n kendisinde m\u00fcndemi\u00e7 en ileri vas\u0131ft\u0131r.\u201d (Aktaran \u00d6ndin, agy, sf. 157)<\/p>\n

[25]<\/a> Toprak, Bir Yurtta\u015f Yaratmak<\/em>, sf. 4.<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> Durna, T. (2009) Kemalist Modernle\u015fme ve Se\u00e7kincilik: Peyami Safa ve Falih R\u0131fk\u0131 Atay\u2019da Halk\u0131n \u0130n\u015fas\u0131<\/em>, Dipnot Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 58.<\/p>\n

[27]<\/a> Durna, agy, sf. 64.<\/p>\n

[28]<\/a> Aktaran Toprak, Bir Yurtta\u015f Yaratmak<\/em>, sf. 39.<\/p>\n

[29]<\/a> U\u00e7ar, A. (2019) \u201cEllili Y\u0131llarda Edebiyat Ortam\u0131\u201d, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 50\u2019li Y\u0131llar\u0131 <\/em>i\u00e7inde, M.K. Kaynar (ed.), 3. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 478.<\/p>\n

[30]<\/a> Ayvazo\u011flu, B. (1997) Gelene\u011fin Direni\u015fi<\/em>, \u00d6t\u00fcken Ne\u015friyat, \u0130stanbul, sf. 11-15.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Nuray Sancar   Miras Cumhuriyet, 2. Mahmut\u2019un Osmanl\u0131 \u2018reformlar\u0131\u2019na kadar uzat\u0131labilecek, 2. Me\u015frutiyet d\u00f6nemine do\u011fru da keskinle\u015fen \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 bakiye alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Osmanl\u0131 ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, Anadolu\u2019da vergilere ve bask\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 halk hareketleri[1], K\u00fcrt b\u00f6lgelerinde isyanlar, ekmek isyanlar\u0131, 1822\u2019de Girit ayaklanmas\u0131yla ba\u015flayan ulusal-ayr\u0131l\u0131k\u00e7\u0131 hareketler imparatorlu\u011fun sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru teb\u2019an\u0131n ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011funun boyutlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyordu. Bu tablo d\u00fcnya kapitalizmiyle ili\u015fki i\u00e7inde […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3556,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[626,627,338],"tags":[639,640,641,642,643,644,628],"class_list":["post-3554","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-61-sayi-guz-2023","category-100-yilin-bakiyesi","category-nuray-sancar","tag-cumhuriyetin-100-yili","tag-kultur-savasi","tag-nuray-sancar","tag-necip-fazil","tag-nazim-hikmet","tag-peyami-safa","tag-cumhuriyet"],"yoast_head":"\n'Makbul yurtta\u015f'\u0131n olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131, imtiyazl\u0131, kayna\u015fmam\u0131\u015f bir kitle<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/11\/27\/makbul-yurttasin-olanaksizligi-ya-da-sinifli-imtiyazli-kaynasmamis-bir-kitle\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"'Makbul yurtta\u015f'\u0131n olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131, imtiyazl\u0131, kayna\u015fmam\u0131\u015f bir kitle\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nuray Sancar   Miras Cumhuriyet, 2. 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