{"id":3482,"date":"2023-08-14T23:57:36","date_gmt":"2023-08-14T20:57:36","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=3482"},"modified":"2023-08-14T23:57:36","modified_gmt":"2023-08-14T20:57:36","slug":"2023-secimleri-ve-siyaset-biliminin-krizi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/08\/14\/2023-secimleri-ve-siyaset-biliminin-krizi\/","title":{"rendered":"2023 se\u00e7imleri ve siyaset biliminin krizi"},"content":{"rendered":"

| Sinan Birdal<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cKat\u0131 olan her \u015fey buharla\u015f\u0131yor.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels, Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto (1848)<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cNesneler par\u00e7alan\u0131r, merkez tutamaz\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

William Butler Yeats, \u0130kinci Geli\u015f (1919)<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n

2023 se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan en \u00e7ok konu\u015fulacak ba\u015fl\u0131klar k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131, kimlik siyaseti ve kutupla\u015fma olacak. A\u011f\u0131rla\u015fan ge\u00e7im ko\u015fullar\u0131na, yoksulla\u015fmaya ve kamu hizmetlerindeki i\u015flevsizliklere ra\u011fmen, Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n taban\u0131n\u0131 bir arada tutabilmesi, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin siyaseti a\u00e7\u0131klamaktaki yetersizli\u011fine kan\u0131t kabul edilecek. Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131, halihaz\u0131rda siyaset bilimciler, gazeteciler, k\u00f6\u015fe yazarlar\u0131, siyasi dan\u0131\u015fmanlar, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce kurulu\u015flar\u0131, kamuoyu yoklamalar\u0131, siyaset yorumcular\u0131 ve siyaset\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilen, t\u00fcketilen ve dola\u015f\u0131ma sokulan hakim tezi ele\u015ftirerek, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l siyasi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 haline gelece\u011fine dair tezler geli\u015ftirmek. Bunun i\u00e7in \u00f6ncelikle sosyal bilimlerdeki hakim paradigman\u0131n tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131yla ba\u015flayaca\u011f\u0131m. Bu egzersizin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyaset\u00e7ilerine siyasal s\u00f6yleme m\u00fcdahale i\u00e7in katk\u0131 sa\u011flayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 umuyorum.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Merkez-\u00e7evreden k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131na <\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00d6nde gelen siyaset bilimcilerden Profes\u00f6r Ersin Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu 2018 se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye dair \u015fu tespitte bulunuyor:<\/p>\n

\u201cMerkez-\u00e7evre aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve iktidar kavgas\u0131 bitti ancak de\u011fer y\u00f6nelimleri, ya\u015fam tarz\u0131 farklar\u0131 ve kimli\u011fe atfedilen de\u011fer hala T\u00fcrk se\u00e7menin oy verme davran\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki temel belirleyenleri olu\u015fturuyor.<\/em>\u201d[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019na g\u00f6re, 16 Nisan 2017 referandumuyla beraber geleneksel, dinsel ve etnik-milliyet\u00e7i se\u00e7ilmi\u015f siyaset\u00e7ilerden olu\u015fan \u00e7evre, laik, modernle\u015ftirici, ak\u0131lc\u0131 siyasi ve b\u00fcrokratik elitlerden olu\u015fan merkezi yendi. Se\u00e7im siyasetiyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen elit de\u011fi\u015fimi eski merkezi yok etti, ancak yeni bir merkez yaratmad\u0131. B\u00f6ylece merkez-\u00e7evre \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 s\u00f6n\u00fcmlenerek bir k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131na (Kulturkampf<\/em>) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun tezi ilgin\u00e7 bir dizi soruyu g\u00fcndeme getiriyor: K\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00f6mr\u00fc siyasal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmadan daha uzun olabilir mi? K\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fim siyasal de\u011fi\u015fimden daha yava\u015f m\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fiyor? K\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma siyasetten ne kadar \u00f6zerk? Siyasal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bitmesine ra\u011fmen siyasal davran\u0131\u015f\u0131 belirlemeye devam eden k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma tezinin bir siyaset bilimci taraf\u0131ndan ortaya at\u0131lmas\u0131 kendi ba\u015f\u0131na dikkate de\u011fer. Sosyal bilimlerde her disiplinin kendi kurumsal varolu\u015funu, ele ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konunun \u00f6zerkli\u011fi iddias\u0131na dayand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcrse, Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun siyasetin \u00f6zerkli\u011finden k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn \u00f6zerkli\u011fine, siyaset bilimci \u015eerif Mardin\u2019den antropolog Nur Yalman\u2019a do\u011fru y\u00f6nelen bu teorik m\u00fcdahalesini nas\u0131l yorumlamal\u0131?<\/p>\n

Mesele sadece teorik de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda metodolojik. Nitekim Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 niceliksel metotlar, sanayile\u015fmi\u015f modern toplumlara uygun olduklar\u0131n\u0131 iddia edegeldiler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla modernlik \u00f6ncesi, \u201cilkel toplumlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d yorumlamaya y\u00f6nelik geli\u015ftirilen antropolojik metotlar (\u00f6rne\u011fin etnografi, kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 g\u00f6zlem, s\u00f6zl\u00fc tarih ya da saha bilgisi olarak \u00f6zetleyebilece\u011fimiz g\u00fcndelik deneyimler) Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun tercih etti\u011fi metodoloji taraf\u0131ndan modern kitle toplumunu a\u00e7\u0131klamakta yetersiz say\u0131lmaktayd\u0131. Oysa Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun Kulturkampf<\/em> tezi, tam da niteliksel metotlar\u0131n uzmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na giren k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011ferler ve ya\u015fam tarz\u0131 gibi konular\u0131n \u00f6nemini vurguluyor.<\/p>\n

Kamuoyu ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n ve bunlara dayanan siyasi dan\u0131\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n basiretinin ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde siyaset biliminde de bir kriz ya\u015fanmamas\u0131 \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 olurdu. Siyasal akt\u00f6rlere yukar\u0131dan ku\u015f bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 bakan bir sistem analizinden, (akt\u00f6rlerin g\u00f6z\u00fcnden olmasa bile) akt\u00f6rlerle ayn\u0131 g\u00f6z seviyesinde bakan bir sosyal analize ge\u00e7mek ku\u015fkusuz yeni g\u00f6zlemler yapma ve yeni tezler geli\u015ftirmeye f\u0131rsat sunabilir, ancak siyaset bilimindeki teorik ve metodolojik sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmeyecektir.<\/p>\n

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12 Mart tezleri<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun Amerikan Sanatlar ve Bilimler Akademisi\u2019nin prestijli dergisi Daedalus\u2019un 1973 tarihli ve \u201cGeleneksel-Sonras\u0131 Toplumlar<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 say\u0131s\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan iki makaleye at\u0131f yapmas\u0131 dikkat \u00e7ekici. Bunlardan birincisi, me\u015fhur merkez-\u00e7evre tezinin ilk form\u00fcle edildi\u011fi siyaset bilimci \u015eerif Mardin\u2019in (1973) \u201cMerkez-\u00c7evre \u0130li\u015fkileri: T\u00fcrk Siyaseti \u0130\u00e7in Bir Anahtar<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesi; ikincisi ise, antropolog Nur Yalman\u2019\u0131n (1973) \u201c\u0130slam\u2019da Laiklik \u00dczerine Baz\u0131 G\u00f6zlemler: T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de K\u00fclt\u00fcr Devrimi<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesi. Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun (2022) ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 Yalman\u2019\u0131n tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kulturkampf kavram\u0131na Mardin\u2019in anahtar kavram stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc veriyor: \u201cKulturkampf ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de Oy Verme Davran\u0131\u015f\u0131: T\u00fcrk Parti Siyaseti \u0130\u00e7in Bir Anahtar?<\/em>\u201d Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun izledi\u011fi ve siyaset bilimine hakim olan pozitivist epistemoloji maalesef merkez-\u00e7evre ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131 kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n siyasal d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler tarihi i\u00e7inde ele\u015ftirel bir \u015fekilde ele al\u0131nmas\u0131na ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla teorik bir ele\u015ftiriye tabi tutulmas\u0131na f\u0131rsat vermiyor. Halbuki eldeki teorilerin a\u00e7\u0131klayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumlarda, pozitivist epistemoloji dahi teorik ele\u015ftirinin gereklili\u011fini vurguluyor. Buna g\u00f6re, teorilerin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki siyaseti d\u00fczenli ve devaml\u0131 olarak bir anomali, bir istisna olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 ve bunun teorilere getirilen eklerle a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131 (bazen yeni de\u011fi\u015fkenler, yeni ko\u015fullar, d\u0131\u015f etkenler ya da yeni parametreler) bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma gelene\u011fini dejenere eder. B\u00f6ylece teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eve farkl\u0131 ve yeni durumlara \u00f6zg\u00fc ge\u00e7ici ek a\u00e7\u0131klamalarla muhafaza edilir ve tutars\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 has\u0131r alt\u0131 edilir. Teorik dejenerasyona \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm bir paradigma de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fidir, yani teorinin hem a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 hem de a\u00e7\u0131klayamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 olgular\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayabilen yeni bir paradigman\u0131n in\u015fas\u0131d\u0131r.[2]<\/a> Bug\u00fcn siyaset biliminde kamuoyu ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n\u0131n ve kamuoyundaki siyasi tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n temelini olu\u015fturan paradigma 12 Mart darbesi ertesinde belirginle\u015fti. Bu bir tesad\u00fcf de\u011fil. Asl\u0131nda bug\u00fcnk\u00fc siyasal ayr\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n (cleavages<\/em>) t\u00fcm\u00fc, 12 Mart darbesine giden s\u00fcre\u00e7te, darbe s\u0131ras\u0131nda ve darbe sonras\u0131nda al\u0131nan siyasal tav\u0131rlar ve bu tav\u0131rlar\u0131n ideolojik olarak gerek\u00e7elendirilmesine geri g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclebilir. Dahas\u0131, kontrgerilla ayg\u0131t\u0131ndan sosyalist partilere kadar her siyasal akt\u00f6rde \u00f6rg\u00fct ve kadro d\u00fczeyinde s\u00fcreklilik g\u00f6zlemlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. 12 Mart, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz siyasetinin ufkunu \u00e7izen kurucu and\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Merkez-\u00e7evre tezinin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131n\u0131 B\u00fclent Tan\u00f6r\u2019\u00fcn \u201cpop\u00fclist anayasa geli\u015fme tezleri<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir pozisyon olu\u015fturur. Tan\u00f6r\u2019e g\u00f6re, bu ortak tezin k\u00f6keni Demokrat Parti (DP) hareketine ve \u00e7evresine dayanmaktad\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re, 27 May\u0131s 1960\u2019ta iktidar t\u0131pk\u0131 Osmanl\u0131\u2019daki gibi Yeni\u00e7eri (ordu), medrese ve ulema (\u00fcniversite ve yarg\u0131) taraf\u0131ndan gasp edilmi\u015ftir. \u201cBu tezlerin birle\u015ftirici noktas\u0131 siyasal ve anayasal geli\u015fmelerimizi, \u2018b\u00fcrokrasi\u2019 ad\u0131n\u0131 verdikleri bir tabaka ya da \u2018s\u0131n\u0131f\u2019 ile \u2018halk\u2019 ad\u0131n\u0131 verdikleri kesim aras\u0131ndaki \u2018\u00e7eli\u015fki\u2019yle a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu \u015femada, \u2018egemen\u2019 ve \u2018ezen\u2019 rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynayan \u2018b\u00fcrokrasi\u2019dir.<\/em>\u201d [T\u0131rnaklar yazara ait].[3]<\/a> Osmanl\u0131\u2019n\u0131n cumhuriyete \u00f6zg\u00fcn miras\u0131, siyasal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131flar de\u011fil, devlet b\u00fcrokrasisi ve halk kitleleri aras\u0131nda olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu tez, 12 Mart sonras\u0131nda CHP\u2019nin Ortan\u0131n Solu\u2019nun askeri darbe kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tavra da ilham kayna\u011f\u0131 olmu\u015f ve Ecevit Halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ideolojik bel kemi\u011fini olu\u015fturmu\u015ftur. 1973\u2019te yay\u0131mlanan Mardin\u2019in merkez-\u00e7evre ve Yalman\u2019\u0131n k\u00fclt\u00fcr devrimi teorilerini bu siyasal ba\u011flamda yorumlamak gerekir.<\/p>\n

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K\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131 ve kontrgerilla<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ecevit\u2019in kasketinde simgele\u015fen pop\u00fclizminin 1973 se\u00e7imlerinde y\u00fczde 33, 1977 se\u00e7imlerinde y\u00fczde 41\u2019le sand\u0131kta elde etti\u011fi zaferler bug\u00fcn\u00fcn CHP\u2019si i\u00e7in de bir model olu\u015fturuyor. Ancak CHP\u2019nin halk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k hamlesinin ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n temel ko\u015fulunun 12 Mart\u2019tan sonra b\u00fcy\u00fcmeye devam eden toplumsal hareketler oldu\u011funu unutmamal\u0131. \u00d6zellikle Ortan\u0131n Solu kadrolar\u0131n\u0131n D\u0130SK\u2019le kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkinin CHP\u2019nin y\u00fckseli\u015findeki rol\u00fcn\u00fcn alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmeli. Nitekim, Ecevit\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcndeki temel neden bu ili\u015fkinin bozulmas\u0131 oldu. 12 Mart\u2019\u0131 Ortan\u0131n Solu\u2019na kar\u015f\u0131 bir hareket olarak yorumlayan Ecevit\u2019in, 12 Mart operasyonlar\u0131nda ve i\u015fkencehanelerinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan kontrgerilla konusunda geri ad\u0131m atmas\u0131 ve 1 May\u0131s 1977\u2019deki kontra sald\u0131r\u0131dan iki sene sonra 1979\u2019da 1 May\u0131s\u2019\u0131 yasaklamas\u0131, CHP\u2019yi 12 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019den \u00f6nce siyasi bir hortla\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Da\u011fa ta\u015fa ad\u0131 yaz\u0131lan Ecevit ve D\u0130SK b\u00f6ylece Evren cuntas\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan kolayca tasfiye edilebildi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, Ortan\u0131n Solu\u2019nun 12 Mart\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 tavr\u0131 do\u011fru, lakin devlet ve toplum analizi yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Parlamentoda Orgeneral G\u00fcrler\u2019e \u00c7ankaya yolunu kapatabildi, ama kontrgerillan\u0131n toplumsal hareketlere, se\u00e7menine ve kendisine y\u00f6nelik harekat\u0131n\u0131 engelleyemedi. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131 da d\u00f6nemin ajitasyon ve provokasyonlar\u0131nda n\u00fcvelendi. \u201cLGBTci<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6yleminin atas\u0131 \u201c\u015fapkas\u0131n\u0131 kap\u0131ya asan kom\u00fcnistler<\/em>\u201d, \u201cmum s\u00f6nd\u00fc<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemleriydi.<\/p>\n

AKP\u2019yi mayalayan Milli G\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f hareketinin k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131n\u0131n ilk hamlesi, 1973 y\u0131l\u0131nda CHP-MSP koalisyonunun \u0130\u00e7i\u015fleri Bakan\u0131 O\u011fuzhan Asilt\u00fcrk\u2019\u00fcn, G\u00fcrdal Dayar\u2019\u0131n cumhuriyetin 50. y\u0131l\u0131 m\u00fcnasebetiyle \u00fcretti\u011fi \u201cG\u00fczel \u0130stanbul<\/em>\u201d heykelini m\u00fcstehcenlik gerek\u00e7esiyle Karak\u00f6y\u2019den kald\u0131rmas\u0131yd\u0131. Ancak d\u00f6neme damga vuran, 1978\u2019deki Malatya, Mara\u015f ve 1980\u2019deki \u00c7orum katliamlar\u0131yd\u0131. Anti-kom\u00fcnizm \u00e7izgisinde bulu\u015fan \u00dclk\u00fcc\u00fc ve Ak\u0131nc\u0131lar\u0131n Alevilere kar\u015f\u0131 giri\u015fti\u011fi katliamlar, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc k\u00fclt\u00fcr ve kimlik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n temel ekseni olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan etnik milliyet\u00e7ilik ve mezhep\u00e7ili\u011fin temelini att\u0131. Siyaset bilimindeki hakim paradigma din ve milliyet\u00e7ilik meselelerini soyut bir de\u011ferler ve kimlikler \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na indirgerken, k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131n\u0131n bir ayaklanma bast\u0131rma stratejisi olarak nas\u0131l i\u015fledi\u011fini g\u00f6zden ka\u00e7\u0131r\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Toplumsal ayr\u0131\u015fma ve siyasi ittifaklar<\/strong><\/p>\n

Hakim paradigma, Seymour Martin Lipset ve Stein Rokkan\u2019\u0131n toplumsal \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n siyasal sisteme nas\u0131l terc\u00fcme edildiklerini ele alan 1967 tarihli \u201cAyr\u0131\u015fma Yap\u0131lar\u0131, Parti Sistemleri ve Se\u00e7men \u0130ttifaklar\u0131: Bir Giri\u015f<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 makalesine dayan\u0131r. Bu \u00f6nemli makalenin ele\u015ftirisini burada sunmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayacak, ancak yay\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemin ba\u011flam\u0131na oturtmak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki merkez-\u00e7evre paradigmas\u0131n\u0131n ele\u015ftirisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan elzem. Nitekim makalenin yay\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 1967 y\u0131l\u0131nda, T\u00fcrkiye gibi, ABD\u2019de de teorinin \u00fcretildi\u011fi \u00fcniversite sistemine ve siyasal sisteme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenci seferberli\u011fi y\u00fckselmekteydi. Bu seferberlik, McCarthycilik sonras\u0131nda, 1950lerin ortas\u0131nda beliren \u201cuzla\u015fma d\u00f6neminde<\/em>\u201d ABD\u2019deki merkez sola hakim olan New Deal liberalleri i\u00e7in bir \u015foktu. Lipset ve Rokkan teorik \u00e7er\u00e7eve olarak So\u011fuk Sava\u015f\u2019\u0131n modernle\u015fme kuram\u0131n\u0131n temelini olu\u015fturan sosyolog Talcott Parsons\u2019\u0131n entegrasyon modelini esas al\u0131rken, 1962\u2019de Tom Hayden taraf\u0131ndan kaleme al\u0131nan ve Demokratik Bir Toplum \u0130\u00e7in \u00d6\u011frenciler<\/em> (Students for a Democratic Society<\/em>) \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn kurucu metni olan Port Huron bildirisi Parsons\u2019\u0131 sert bir \u015fekilde ele\u015ftiren C. Wright Mills\u2019e at\u0131f yapmaktayd\u0131.[4]<\/a> Parsons ve New Deal liberalleri i\u00e7in 1950\u2019lerin liberalizmi, ABD toplumundaki \u0131rk ve s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 siyasal topluma entegre edebilmekteydi. Mills\u2019e g\u00f6re ise, bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, ABD toplumunun bir iktidar elitinin, askeri-sanayi kompleksinin eline ge\u00e7mi\u015f oldu\u011funu gizlemekteydi.<\/p>\n

Asl\u0131nda 1968 hareketi, Lipset ve Rokkan\u2019\u0131n makalesini m\u00fcrekkebi kurumadan eskitmi\u015fti. Nitekim, bu makale, 1920\u2019lerde olu\u015fan parti sisteminin ve siyasal faylar\u0131n 1960\u2019larda da devam etti\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmekteydi. Amerikan r\u00fcyas\u0131na ula\u015f\u0131m\u0131 en kolay olan \u00fcniversite gen\u00e7li\u011finin y\u00fckseltti\u011fi \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck talebi, t\u0131pk\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki muadilleri gibi, ABD\u2019deki ana ak\u0131m siyaset bilimine de (bug\u00fcne kadar devam eden) ciddi bir meydan okumayd\u0131: Sistemin entegrasyonu i\u015flememekteydi. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgalar\u0131n\u0131n ana karakteri olan yeni muhafazakarl\u0131k, bu meydan okuma kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda New Deal liberalizmi ve 1930\u2019lar\u0131n Tro\u00e7kizminden muhafazakarl\u0131\u011fa g\u00f6\u00e7 eden ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n katk\u0131s\u0131yla olu\u015ftu. Nihat Erim, Do\u011fan Avc\u0131o\u011flu\u2019nun ofisinden Ta\u011fma\u00e7 ve Sunay\u2019a ipini kapt\u0131ran G\u00fcrler-Batur cuntas\u0131n\u0131n bah\u015fetti\u011fi Ba\u015fbakanl\u0131k ofisine ta\u015f\u0131n\u0131rken, Nixon da b\u00fcy\u00fck kentlerdeki toplumsal muhalefete kar\u015f\u0131 Demokrat Parti\u2019den kopan eski liberallere sosyal politika ve aile politikas\u0131 program\u0131 yazd\u0131rmaktayd\u0131.[5]<\/a> Bu siyasi ba\u011flamda Lipset ve Rokkan\u2019\u0131n ayr\u0131\u015fma teorisi, 1968\u2019in yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayr\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6remeyen bir model olarak belirdi ve \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden 1968\u2019i maddi ge\u00e7im sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fm\u0131\u015f m\u00fcreffeh bir toplumdaki yeni \u201cpost-materyalist<\/em>\u201d de\u011ferlerin ifadesi olarak yorumlayan Ronald Inglehart (1977) taraf\u0131ndan g\u00fcncellendi. G\u00fcncel kamuoyu ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131 hala Inglehart\u2019\u0131n de\u011ferler ara\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131 hipotezlerini ve \u00f6l\u00e7me y\u00f6ntemlerini kullanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

T\u00fcrk ideolojisi: Biz bize benzeriz<\/strong><\/p>\n

Lipset ve Rokkan modelinin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye uygulanmas\u0131 ise modelde ciddi \u00e7arp\u0131tmalarla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. Ergun \u00d6zbudun, modelin ele\u015ftirilerine hak vermekle beraber yine de T\u00fcrkiye siyasetine uydu\u011funu \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyor.[6]<\/a> Ancak \u015eerif Mardin\u2019in 1973 uyarlamas\u0131n\u0131 esas ald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u00d6zbudun, Lipset ve Rokkan\u2019\u0131n orijinal modelinden uzakla\u015f\u0131p, Tan\u00f6r\u2019\u00fcn pop\u00fclist anayasa tezi ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri tekrarl\u0131yor. Nitekim, Mardin\u2019e g\u00f6re, merkez-\u00e7evre Osmanl\u0131-T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6rne\u011finde, Lipset ve Rokkan\u2019daki gibi co\u011frafi de\u011fil, esasen k\u00fclt\u00fcrel bir olgu olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. \u00d6rne\u011fin, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck t\u00fcccar ve esnaf \u0130stanbul\u2019da ikamet etse de \u00e7evre olarak kabul edilir. \u00d6zbudun bunun co\u011frafi bir ayr\u0131ma denk d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc not edip \u0130stanbul ve ta\u015fra ayr\u0131m\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekse de[7]<\/a>, bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyi takip edip Mardin\u2019i ele\u015ftirmiyor. Tersine, Mardin\u2019in saray merkezli bak\u0131\u015f\u0131na paralel olarak, tarih\u00e7iler Gibb ve Bowen\u2019\u0131n 1950\u2019lerde geli\u015ftirdikleri ve Osmanl\u0131 tarih\u00e7ili\u011finde uzun zamand\u0131r a\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olan Oryantalist tezleri tespitler \u015feklinde sunuyor. B\u00f6ylece, pop\u00fclist tezlerdeki gibi, T\u00fcrkiye siyasetindeki ilk ve kal\u0131c\u0131 toplumsal ayr\u0131\u015fman\u0131n devlet ve reaya (halk) aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131m oldu\u011funu iddia ediyor.<\/p>\n

Machiavelli ve Montesquieu\u2019ye uzanan ve Do\u011fu toplumlar\u0131nda tek-adam y\u00f6netimi gelene\u011fi oldu\u011funu iddia eden Oryantal Despotizm veya Sultanizm tezleri, Gen\u00e7 Osman\u2019\u0131n 1622\u2019de, I. Charles\u2019tan 27 y\u0131l \u00f6nce Yeni\u00e7eri ve ulema taraf\u0131ndan idam edildi\u011fini unutuyor.[8]<\/a> T\u0131pk\u0131 cumhur kavram\u0131n\u0131 ilk dile getirenlerin Yeni\u00e7eriler oldu\u011funu unuttu\u011fu gibi. Ayn\u0131 tarihyaz\u0131m\u0131, Bat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma ve yukar\u0131dan devrim ikonu olan II. Mahmud\u2019un Bekta\u015fi dergah\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 Yeni\u00e7erileri ezip, yeni kurdu\u011fu ordunun ad\u0131n\u0131 Muhammed\u2019in Askerleri koymas\u0131n\u0131 ve Selefizme yakla\u015fan bir ilmihali dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6rmezden geliyor. Halbuki, Celal Bayar\u2019\u0131n, Ahmet Hamdi Ba\u015far\u2019\u0131n Yeni\u00e7eriyi Milli Birlik Komitesi, ulemay\u0131 da 27 May\u0131s Anayasa Komisyonu olarak yorumu do\u011fruysa, halk egemenli\u011fini de sultan temsil ediyor. Bu \u00e7arp\u0131k tarihyaz\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n birtak\u0131m \u00f6n kabuller, \u00f6n ko\u015fullar veya ek de\u011fi\u015fkenlerle (halihaz\u0131rda sorunlu olan) Lipset ve Rokkan\u2019\u0131n modeline eklemlenmesi, sonunda, \u00e7evrenin merkezi ele ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi ama merkezle\u015fmedi\u011fi, t\u00fcm iktidar\u0131n tek bir adamda yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 ama merkezin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir manzaraya g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Merkezsiz Sultanizm nas\u0131l bir \u015fey ola ki? \u00c7evrenin merkezi i\u015fgal etti\u011fi, merkezi merkezden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131, ama yeni merkez haline de gelmedi\u011fi bir anda, merkez-\u00e7evre kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n herhangi bir anlam\u0131 kal\u0131yor mu? Y\u00f6n bile tarif edemeyen mekansal kavramlar\u0131 hala teorik bir a\u00e7\u0131klama i\u00e7in temel kabul etmek nas\u0131l a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir? Lipset ve Rokkan\u2019\u0131n iki ayr\u0131 co\u011frafi ve i\u015flevsel ayr\u0131\u015fma ekseni tarif eden orijinal modeli tarihsel, toplumsal verilere daha uygun a\u00e7\u0131klamalar sunabilirken, Mardin\u2019in k\u00fclt\u00fcrel \u00e7evre-merkez modelinde \u0131srar niye? San\u0131r\u0131m burada, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki hakim ideolojinin, yani devlet ideolojisinin akademik \u00fcretime etkisine bakmak gerekiyor. Nitekim, CHP hala Ortan\u0131n Solu\u2019nun \u00f6tesinde bir anayasal tez geli\u015ftirebilmi\u015f de\u011fil. Aksine, 2010 referandumunda AKP entelijansiyas\u0131n\u0131n talan etti\u011fi \u201cbiz bize benzerizci<\/em>\u201d pop\u00fclist anayasa tezlerini payla\u015f\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz: Soyuta Kar\u015f\u0131 Somut<\/strong><\/p>\n

Hakim paradigmaya rakip bir paradigma nas\u0131l \u00fcretilebilir? \u00d6ncelikle, alternatifi, Mills\u2019in \u201csoyutlanm\u0131\u015f ampirisizm<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdi\u011fi epistemoloji i\u00e7inde aramamal\u0131. Ekonomik de\u011fi\u015fkenlerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fkenleri koyan bir teorinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fkenlerin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na ekonomik de\u011fi\u015fkenleri koyan bir teori olamaz. Bunun yerine, ekonomi ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc birbirine d\u0131\u015fsal, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olgular olarak tan\u0131mlayan pozitivizmden ziyade, bunlar\u0131 birbiriyle i\u00e7sel ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 alanlar olarak tarif eden diyalektik bir bak\u0131\u015fa ihtiya\u00e7 var. \u0130kincisi, alternatifin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131 somut durumun somut tahlili olmal\u0131. Aile, mezhep, etnisite, akrabal\u0131k soyut de\u011ferler sistemi de\u011fil, toplumsal i\u015f b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rg\u00fctleyen kurumlar; k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131 ise, bu kurumlar\u0131 politik bir silah haline getiren bir kontrgerilla stratejisidir. \u00dc\u00e7, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc siyasal m\u00fccadelede kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lan somut olgular \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlamal\u0131. 68\u2019in \u00f6nderlerinden\u00a0H\u00fcseyin \u0130nan\u2019\u0131n idam\u0131 beklerken kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 12 Mart tespiti, merkez-\u00e7evre modelinin hal\u0131 alt\u0131na s\u00fcp\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc siyasi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 if\u015fa ederken somut durumu esas al\u0131r:<\/p>\n

\u201cZaman zaman AP\u2019nin iktidardan \u00e7ekilmek i\u00e7in yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar, iktidar\u0131n farkl\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar gruplar\u0131ndan\u00a0i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i burjuvazinin\u00a0\u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temel almas\u0131 ve\u00a0toprak a\u011fas\u0131, tefeci, m\u00fctegallibeye\u00a0kar\u015f\u0131 tav\u0131r tak\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r\u2026 Gerici s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki,\u00a0toprak reformu\u00a0konusunda \u00f6nem kazanm\u0131\u015f ve neticede toprak reformundan vazge\u00e7ildi\u011fi gibi, iktidar de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fine gidilerek mesele kapanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fa\u015fist iktidar\u0131n politikas\u0131, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i burjuvazinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na \u00f6nem vermesine ra\u011fmen,\u00a0parlamento, iktidar\u0131n toprak a\u011falar\u0131, tefeci ve m\u00fctegallibe kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki k\u0131smi olumsuz tavr\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 bu gerici s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n tutucu yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 koruyacak g\u00fcce sahiptir.\u00a0Yani, h\u00fck\u00fcmet ve fa\u015fist asker\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7lerle parlamento aras\u0131nda gerici s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131\u00a0koruma a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan farkl\u0131l\u0131k\u00a0vard\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[9]<\/a> 481-482)<\/p>\n

\u0130nan\u2019\u0131n siyasal analizinde ne b\u00fcrokrasi, ne parlamento, ne de halk eksiktir. Bunlar\u0131n i\u00e7indeki ve aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler dinamik s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden a\u00e7\u0131kland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, hakim paradigman\u0131n kurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 merkez-\u00e7evre, devlet-halk gibi soyut ikiliklerin gizledi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkileri belirginle\u015fir. Politik safla\u015fmalar\u0131n, ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n somut analizi, y\u00f6ntem olarak niceliksel metodu d\u0131\u015flamamakla beraber niteliksel metoda hak etti\u011fi de\u011feri verir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, d\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc olarak, siyasal analizde kamuoyu ara\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131ndan elde edilen niceliksek veriler yan\u0131nda etnografik y\u00f6ntem vazge\u00e7ilmezdir, hatta i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz anda niteliksel ara\u015ft\u0131rma niceliksel ara\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n sorular\u0131n\u0131, konular\u0131n\u0131, y\u00f6ntemlerini belirleyen bir konumda olmal\u0131d\u0131r. Bu inceleme stratejisi siyasal m\u00fccadele a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan en uygun tercih olacakt\u0131r. Nitekim, siyasi partiler sahan\u0131n bilgisini i\u015fleyen toplu karar verme mekanizmalar\u0131, teori de sahan\u0131n bilgisini somutla\u015ft\u0131ran bir ara\u00e7t\u0131r. K\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131n\u0131n, kimlik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n, kutupla\u015fman\u0131n anahtar\u0131 soyut de\u011ferler de\u011fil, te\u015fkilatt\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve e\u015fitlik m\u00fccadelesini marjinalle\u015ftiren hayali merkezin buharla\u015fmas\u0131, merkezsizle\u015fme hakim paradigma i\u00e7in bir krizin, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in ise bir f\u0131rsat\u0131n i\u015faretidir. William Butler Yeats\u2019in dizeleriyle:<\/p>\n

\u201cKu\u015fkusuz ki bir vahiy arifesindeyiz;<\/em><\/p>\n

Ku\u015fkusuz ki \u0130kinci Geli\u015f arifesindeyiz.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Kaynaklar<\/strong><\/p>\n

Cooper, M. (2017) Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism<\/em>, Zone Books, New York.<\/p>\n

Hartman, A. (2015) A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars<\/em>, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.<\/p>\n

\u0130nan, H. (2013) \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Devriminin Yolu\u201d,\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye Sosyalist Solu Kitab\u0131 I: 20\u2019lerden 70\u2019lere Se\u00e7me Metinler<\/em>\u00a0i\u00e7inde, E. A. T\u00fcrkmen (der.), 481-482, Dipnot Yay\u0131nevi, Ankara.<\/p>\n

Inglehart, R. (1977) The Silent Revolution<\/em>, Princeton University Press, New Haven.<\/p>\n

Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu, E. (2022) \u201cKulturkampf and Voting Behavior in Turkey: A Key to Turkish Party Politics?\u201d, Elections and Public Opinion in Turkey: Through the Prism of the 2018 Elections <\/em>i\u00e7inde, A. \u00c7arko\u011flu ve E. Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu (Der), 122-132, Routledge, Oxon.<\/p>\n

Kuhn. T. S. (1970) \u201cLogic of Discovery or Psychology\u201d, Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge<\/em> i\u00e7inde, I. Lakatos ve A. Musgrave (der.), 1-24, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.<\/p>\n

Lakatos, I. (1970) \u201cFalsification and the Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes\u201d, Knowledge<\/em> i\u00e7inde, I. Lakatos ve A. Musgrave (der.), 91-196, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.<\/p>\n

Lipset, S.M ve S. Rokkan (1967) \u201cCleavage Structures, Party Systems, and Voter Alignments: An Introduction<\/em>\u201d, Party Systems and Voter Alignments. Cross National Perspectives<\/em> i\u00e7inde, S. M. Lipset ve S. Rokkan (der.), 1-64. Macmillan, New York.<\/p>\n

Mardin, \u015e. (1973) \u201cCenter-Periphery Relations: A Key to Turkish Politics?\u201d, Daedalus,<\/em> 102(1): 169-190.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zbudun, E. (2013) Party Politics and Social Cleavages in Turkey<\/em>, Boulder, Lynne Rienner, Colorado.<\/p>\n

Tan\u00f6r, B. (2010) Anayasal Geli\u015fme Tezleri<\/em>, Yap\u0131 Kredi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul<\/p>\n

Tezcan, B. (2010) The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern World<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.<\/p>\n

Yalman, N.(1973) \u201cSome Observations on Secularism in Islam: The Cultural Revolution in Turkey\u201d, Daedalus<\/em> 102(1): 139-168.<\/p>\n

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 <\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu, E. (2022) \u201cKulturkampf and Voting Behavior in Turkey: A Key to Turkish Party Politics?\u201d, Elections and Public Opinion in Turkey: Through the Prism of the 2018 Elections <\/em>i\u00e7inde, A. \u00c7arko\u011flu ve E. Kalayc\u0131o\u011flu (Der), 122-132, Routledge, Oxon.<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> Kuhn. T. S. (1970) \u201cLogic of Discovery or Psychology\u201d, Criticism and the Growth of Knowledge<\/em> i\u00e7inde, I. Lakatos ve A. Musgrave (der.), 1-24, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge ve Lakatos, I. (1970) \u201cFalsification and the Methodology of Scientific Research Programmes\u201d, Knowledge<\/em> i\u00e7inde, I. Lakatos ve A. Musgrave (der.), 91-196, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Tan\u00f6r, B. (2010) Anayasal Geli\u015fme Tezleri<\/em>, Yap\u0131 Kredi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 107.<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Hartman, A. (2015) A War for the Soul of America: A History of the Culture Wars<\/em>, University of Chicago Press, Chicago.<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Cooper, M. (2017) Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism<\/em>, Zone Books, New York.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> \u00d6zbudun, E. (2013) Party Politics and Social Cleavages in Turkey<\/em>, Boulder, Lynne Rienner, Colorado, sf. 6.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> \u00d6zbudun, Party Politics and Social Cleavages in Turkey<\/em>, Boulder, sf. 14.<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Tezcan, B. (2010) The Second Ottoman Empire: Political and Social Transformation in the Early Modern World<\/em>, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> \u0130nan, H. (2013) \u201cT\u00fcrkiye Devriminin Yolu\u201d,\u00a0T\u00fcrkiye Sosyalist Solu Kitab\u0131 I: 20\u2019lerden 70\u2019lere Se\u00e7me Metinler<\/em>\u00a0i\u00e7inde, E. A. T\u00fcrkmen (der.), 481-482, Dipnot Yay\u0131nevi, Ankara, sf. 481-82.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

| Sinan Birdal \u00a0 \u201cKat\u0131 olan her \u015fey buharla\u015f\u0131yor.\u201d Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels, Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto (1848) \u00a0 \u201cNesneler par\u00e7alan\u0131r, merkez tutamaz\u201d William Butler Yeats, \u0130kinci Geli\u015f (1919) \u00a0 2023 se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan en \u00e7ok konu\u015fulacak ba\u015fl\u0131klar k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131, kimlik siyaseti ve kutupla\u015fma olacak. A\u011f\u0131rla\u015fan ge\u00e7im ko\u015fullar\u0131na, yoksulla\u015fmaya ve kamu hizmetlerindeki i\u015flevsizliklere ra\u011fmen, Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n taban\u0131n\u0131 bir arada tutabilmesi, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinin siyaseti […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3483,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[589,378,282],"tags":[597,575,576,461],"class_list":["post-3482","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-60-sayi-yaz-2023","category-ic-politika","category-sinan-birdal","tag-siyaset-bilimi","tag-14-mayis","tag-28-mayis","tag-secim"],"yoast_head":"\n2023 se\u00e7imleri ve siyaset biliminin krizi<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/08\/14\/2023-secimleri-ve-siyaset-biliminin-krizi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"2023 se\u00e7imleri ve siyaset biliminin krizi\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"| Sinan Birdal \u00a0 \u201cKat\u0131 olan her \u015fey buharla\u015f\u0131yor.\u201d Karl Marx ve Friedrich Engels, Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto (1848) \u00a0 \u201cNesneler par\u00e7alan\u0131r, merkez tutamaz\u201d William Butler Yeats, \u0130kinci Geli\u015f (1919) \u00a0 2023 se\u00e7imlerinin ard\u0131ndan en \u00e7ok konu\u015fulacak ba\u015fl\u0131klar k\u00fclt\u00fcr kavgas\u0131, kimlik siyaseti ve kutupla\u015fma olacak. 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