{"id":3430,"date":"2023-05-26T23:09:07","date_gmt":"2023-05-26T20:09:07","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=3430"},"modified":"2023-05-26T23:09:07","modified_gmt":"2023-05-26T20:09:07","slug":"genel-oy-ve-secim","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/05\/26\/genel-oy-ve-secim\/","title":{"rendered":"GENEL OY VE SE\u00c7\u0130M"},"content":{"rendered":"

Mustafa Yal\u00e7\u0131ner<\/strong><\/p>\n

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T\u00fcrkiye tarihinin en \u00f6nemli se\u00e7imlerinden birine yakla\u015f\u0131yoruz. Bu se\u00e7imler i\u00e7in Erdo\u011fan 14 May\u0131s tarihini dillendirmi\u015fti. Hen\u00fcz resmi bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yap\u0131lmasa da \u00fclke en az iki y\u0131ld\u0131r se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecindeydi ve neredeyse her geli\u015fme se\u00e7imlerle ilgisi kurularak ele al\u0131n\u0131p konu\u015fuluyordu ki, \u00fclkenin g\u00fcneydo\u011fusundaki on ilinde y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 iki deprem oldu. Se\u00e7imin konu\u015fulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 on-on be\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan AKP\u2019nin se\u00e7imi erteleme giri\u015fimlerine tan\u0131k olunuyor.<\/p>\n

Biz, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki g\u00fcncel se\u00e7im ve se\u00e7im takti\u011fi ile ilgilenmeden, bu makalede genel olarak se\u00e7imleri ele alaca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

K\u0131sa tarih\u00e7e<\/strong><\/p>\n

Genel oya ba\u015fvurularak se\u00e7im yap\u0131lmas\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye ve d\u00fcnyada yeni icat edilen bir \u015fey de\u011fil. Toplumlar y\u00f6neticilerini belirlerken tarih \u00f6ncesinden ba\u015flayarak se\u00e7ime de ba\u015fvurdu.<\/p>\n

\u0130lk olarak, insan topluluklar\u0131n\u0131n en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve en sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 olanlar\u0131 se\u00e7ilmekle birlikte, genellikle a\u00e7\u0131k oylamayla, topluluk \u00fcyeleri, r\u0131zalar\u0131n\u0131 belirttikleri ki\u015fileri daha \u00e7ok belirgin askeri yanlar\u0131yla \u015fef se\u00e7ti. \u0130\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ve m\u00fclkiyet farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n u\u00e7 vermeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilkel kom\u00fcnalden k\u00f6lecili\u011fe ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcrecinde, \u00f6nce kan ba\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nem kazan\u0131p \u015feflik babadan o\u011fula aktar\u0131ld\u0131. Ard\u0131ndan k\u00f6lecilikte k\u00f6leler siyaset-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131n\u0131rken, iki t\u00fcr uygulamaya tan\u0131k olundu. \u0130lkinde, \u00fclke, se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr yurtta\u015flarla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 oldu\u011fu se\u00e7imlerle belirlenen senato taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilirken, di\u011ferinde senatonun g\u00f6revlendirdi\u011fi kons\u00fcller ya da sonra imparatorlar taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi. K\u00f6leci demokraside, se\u00e7im genel oya dayal\u0131 olmadan uyguland\u0131.<\/p>\n

Feodal toplum, topra\u011fa ba\u011fl\u0131 serflerin ayn\u0131 zamanda toprak sahiplerine ki\u015fisel olarak da ba\u011fl\u0131 olduklar\u0131 aristokrasinin egemenli\u011fine dayal\u0131yd\u0131 ve se\u00e7imle gelmeyen prenslerle \u201ce\u015fitler i\u00e7inde birinci<\/em>\u201d olan krallar taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi. Mutlak krall\u0131k ya da imparatorluk, \u00f6nce feodal aristokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 kral\u0131 destekleyen, ama giderek halk\u0131 pe\u015finden s\u00fcr\u00fckleyerek burjuvazinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu parlamentoyla yerini me\u015fruti krall\u0131\u011fa b\u0131rakarak d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011frad\u0131. Ve giderek kapitalizmin geli\u015fmesine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak kurulan burjuva demokrasilerinde se\u00e7imlerle belirlenen parlamentolara tan\u0131k olundu.<\/p>\n

1568\u2019de ba\u015flayan Hollanda devrimi ve 1640 \u0130ngiliz devrimiyle, Hollanda\u2019da 1648 ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019de 1649\u2019da parlamentolara dayal\u0131 egemenlikler kuruldu ve parlamenter sistem \u2013tabii ki do\u011fum sanc\u0131lar\u0131yla\u2013 tarih sahnesine girdi.<\/p>\n

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\u0130ngiltere \u00f6rne\u011fi<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Kral I. Charles\u2019in yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 Cromwell kuvvetleri taraf\u0131ndan ihanetten yarg\u0131lanmas\u0131na itiraz eden \u201cuzun Parlamento<\/em>\u201dda yap\u0131lan \u201ctemizlik<\/em>\u201din ard\u0131ndan, \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin bir cumhuriyet oldu\u011funu ilan ederek yarg\u0131lamay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren \u201cbakiye parlamento<\/em>\u201d da (Rump Parliament), kendisini \u201ckoruyucu lord<\/em>\u201d ilan eden Cromwell taraf\u0131ndan birka\u00e7 y\u0131l sonra feshedildi. Ard\u0131ndan Cromwell iki parlamento daha toplasa da, art\u0131k as\u0131l yetki, \u00e7o\u011fu \u00fcyesi general olan \u201cdevlet konseyi<\/em>\u201dndeydi, Cromwell de \u201ckoruyucu lord<\/em>\u201d olarak ba\u015f\u0131ndayd\u0131. O\u011flu Richard\u2019\u0131n koruyucu lordlu\u011fuysa 7 ay s\u00fcrebildi ve II. Charles\u2019le yeniden krall\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fcld\u00fc. Cromwell\u2019in koruyuculu\u011fu kadar liberal kurtulu\u015f\u00e7ular olan e\u015fitlik\u00e7i \u201cd\u00fczleyiciler<\/em>\u201dle m\u00fclkiyet kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 \u201ckaz\u0131c\u0131lar<\/em>\u201d\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131, cumhuriyet yanl\u0131s\u0131 burjuvazinin \u00fcrk\u00fcp kendisini aristokrasinin kuca\u011f\u0131na atarak krall\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fclmesinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca nedeni oldu.<\/p>\n

Ger\u00e7ekte parlamento, \u201cuzun parlamento<\/em>\u201d \u00f6ncesinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Daha binli y\u0131llarda Norman i\u015fgali \u00f6ncesinde Anglo-Sakson krallar\u0131n\u0131n lordlar\u0131na dan\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 Witenagemot adl\u0131 bir \u201cdan\u0131\u015fma meclisi<\/em>\u201d vard\u0131. Normanlar, asilzadelerin yan\u0131na feodal beylerle din adamlar\u0131n\u0131 katarak, bu meclisi \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Konsey<\/em>\u201de (\u201cMagnum Concilium<\/em>\u201da) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc. Yine dan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7erikliydi, ancak art\u0131k krallar\u0131n verecekleri \u00f6nemli kararlar \u00f6ncesi toplanmas\u0131 zorunlu say\u0131l\u0131r olmu\u015ftu. Taht kavgalar\u0131yla lord ve baronlarla krallar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eki\u015fme bu \u201cmeclis<\/em>\u201din \u00f6nemini art\u0131rmaktayd\u0131. 1215\u2019te kral Yurtsuz John\u2019la aristokrasi aras\u0131nda imzalanan Magna Carta ile, \u00fc\u00e7 yerle\u015fik feodal vergi d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, kral\u0131n \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Konsey<\/em>\u201din onay\u0131n\u0131 almadan vergi toplayamayaca\u011f\u0131 karar alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131. \u00d6nemi artan B\u00fcy\u00fck Konsey\u2019in toplant\u0131lar\u0131na, 1230\u2019da ilk kez \u201cparlamento<\/em>\u201d denilir oldu.<\/p>\n

III. Henry\u2019yi yenen Montfort, 1265\u2019te, baronlar, kontlar ve ruhban\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, Magnum <\/em>Concilium<\/em>\u2019u, her kontluktan iki \u015f\u00f6valye ve her kentten iki temsilciyle geni\u015fletirken III. Henry\u2019nin yerini alan I. Edward da bunu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc, hatta 1295\u2019te yanlar\u0131na k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck rahiplerin temsilcilerini de ekleyerek, daha geni\u015f temsile dayanan bir konsey toplad\u0131. 49 lordla 292 temsilcinin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu geni\u015f meclise \u201cModel Parlamento<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131 verildi. Hala dan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7erikliydi, ancak bu tarihten itibaren parlamentonun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcreklilik kazand\u0131.<\/p>\n

Giderek, yeni vergi onay\u0131 i\u00e7in kral\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na gerek olmaks\u0131z\u0131n, sava\u015f bollu\u011fu ve s\u0131k vergi koyma ihtiyac\u0131yla her y\u0131l toplan\u0131r olan parlamentonun, lordlar ve halk temsilcileri olarak iki meclis olarak toplanmas\u0131na, ve en son, kanun \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00f6nerisi yapmas\u0131ndan haz\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kanun tasar\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n kral\u0131n onay\u0131na sunulmas\u0131na ge\u00e7ildi.<\/p>\n

Cromwell ve II. Charles\u2019le mutlak krall\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fclmesinin ard\u0131ndan ya\u015fananlar 1688\u2019de burjuvaziyle feodal aristokrasi ve kral aras\u0131nda \u201c\u015eanl\u0131 Devrim<\/em>\u201d denen bir uzla\u015fmaya g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc ve art\u0131k b\u00fct\u00e7eyi kararla\u015ft\u0131rma da dahil kanun yapan parlamentonun \u201cdan\u0131\u015fma<\/em>\u201d kurulu olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p me\u015fruti monar\u015fiye ge\u00e7ilmesiyle g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze kadar gelindi.<\/p>\n

\u0130ngiltere \u00f6rne\u011finde parlamentonun izledi\u011fi seyir; 1) parlamentonun dan\u0131\u015fma organ\u0131 olarak ilk ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak tamamen \u00f6nemsiz olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, 2) belirli farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n uzla\u015fma organ\u0131 olarak rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve 3) sahip oldu\u011fu rol ve i\u015flevin ona kral ya da ba\u015fkalar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6n\u00fcll\u00fc olarak verilmedi\u011fi, ama g\u00fc\u00e7le al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Bunlar, bi\u00e7im farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131sa da, parlamentonun tarih sahnesine ad\u0131m at\u0131p i\u015flevsel oldu\u011fu ba\u015fka \u00fclkeler i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir.<\/p>\n

Dan\u0131\u015fma organ\u0131 oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemlerde bile parlamento, asillerin g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanm\u0131\u015f ve vergileri halka kabul ettirme ihtiyac\u0131 i\u00e7indeki kral\u0131 frenleyerek dengelemi\u015ftir. \u00d6nce aristokrasi ile burjuvazinin ve giderek burjuvazinin \u00e7e\u015fitli hiziplerinin \u00fczerinde uzla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temsilcileri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla halka kabul ettirmenin organ\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Ve rol\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00fcce dayal\u0131 olarak oynayabilmi\u015ftir: ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta krala kar\u015f\u0131 asillerin g\u00fcc\u00fcne, sonra krall\u0131\u011fa son veren Cromwell\u2019in ordular\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcne ve en son halka kar\u015f\u0131 uzla\u015fan aristokrasi ile burjuvazinin ekonomik, mali, siyasal ve askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcne.<\/p>\n

Burjuvazinin s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fine en uygun sistem olan parlamenter demokrasi ve dayana\u011f\u0131 olarak parlamento, genellikle halk\u0131 pe\u015fine takarak \u2013Fransa\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi Jakobenlik yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ya da \u0130ngiltere\u2019de oldu\u011fu gibi uzla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2013 feodal aristokrasi ile \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli fraksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n kendi aralar\u0131ndaki dala\u015fmas\u0131nda da burjuvazinin bir siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme organ\u0131 olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

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Se\u00e7imler ve genel oya ge\u00e7i\u015f<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

\u0130ngiltere ve ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerde parlamentolar ilk ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda hemen genel oya dayal\u0131 se\u00e7imlerle olu\u015fmad\u0131. Genel oy hakk\u0131, uzun ve zorlu bir m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrecinde belirli u\u011fraklardan ge\u00e7ilerek elde edilebildi.<\/p>\n

Magna Carta\u2019n\u0131n kararla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 asillerle feodal bey ve rahiplerin temsilcileriyle toplanan \u201cmeclis<\/em>\u201din olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in se\u00e7im yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u201cModel Parlamento<\/em>\u201dda asillerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra kentler ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck rahiplerin 300\u2019e yak\u0131n temsilcisi vard\u0131, ancak hen\u00fcz hi\u00e7biri b\u00fct\u00fcn halk\u0131n oy kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir se\u00e7imle belirlenmemi\u015fti, bir se\u00e7im sistemi yoktu. \u201c\u015eanl\u0131 Devrim<\/em>\u201d parlamentosu da b\u00fct\u00fcn halk\u0131n oylar\u0131yla se\u00e7ilmemi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

1830\u2019lara kadar sadece i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler de\u011fil, temsilcileri aday olamayan sanayi ve ticaret burjuvazi de hen\u00fcz se\u00e7men bile de\u011fildi. 19. yy ba\u015flar\u0131nda ba\u015flayan ve halk\u0131 arkas\u0131na alan burjuvazinin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi tepkilerin y\u00fckseli\u015fi, egemenli\u011fi ellerinde tutan feodal aristokrasiyle tefeci nitelikli mali sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6nelmi\u015fti ve onlar\u0131 reforma zorlad\u0131. 1832\u2019de bir reform tasar\u0131s\u0131 yasala\u015ft\u0131. N\u00fcfusu 24 milyon olan \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin en az 10 milyon se\u00e7meni olmas\u0131 gerekirdi, oysa onaylanan se\u00e7men say\u0131s\u0131 1 milyonu bile bulmuyordu. 1832 Yasas\u0131yla \u201cka\u00adsabalarda y\u0131lda asgari 10 \u0130ngiliz liras\u0131 geliri olup da bunun \u00fczerinden vergi verilen yerlerin kirac\u0131lar\u0131na da se\u00e7menlik hakk\u0131 tan\u0131nd\u0131<\/em>\u201d.[1]<\/a> Se\u00e7me hakk\u0131 verilmeyerek liberal burjuvazinin aldatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131yla k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi asl\u0131nda reform m\u00fccadelesinin temel g\u00fc\u00e7leriydi. Ancak yeni yasayla se\u00e7menlere, yaln\u0131zca yar\u0131m milyondan biraz fazla ki\u015fi eklenmi\u015fti ve emek\u00e7i halk h\u00e2l\u00e2 oy hakk\u0131na sahip de\u011fildi. Engels s\u00f6z konusu d\u00f6nemi \u015f\u00f6yle anlatt\u0131:<\/p>\n

\u201cS\u0131nai devrim\u2026 bir s\u0131nai i\u015f\u00e7iler s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ya\u00adratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u2026 kalabal\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131; ve g\u00fcc\u00fc de ay\u00adn\u0131 oranda artt\u0131. Bu g\u00fc\u00e7, direngen bir Parlamentoyu, i\u015f\u00e7i birliklerini yasaklayan yasalar\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131rmay\u0131 zor\u00adlayarak, daha 1824’te kendisini g\u00f6sterdi. Reform kar\u0131\u015f\u0131k\u00adl\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7iler, reform yanda\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n k\u00f6ktenci kana\u00add\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturdular; 1832\u2019de \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan yasa, kendilerini oy hak\u00adk\u0131ndan yoksun b\u0131rak\u0131nca, isteklerini Halk Buyrultusunda (People’s Charter) a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirdiler,\u2026 burjuva partisi\u00adnin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda modern \u00e7a\u011flar\u0131n ilk i\u015f\u00e7i partisi olan ba\u011f\u0131m\u00ads\u0131z bir partide, \u00c7artistler ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlendiler.<\/em>\u201d[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

Ba\u015fl\u0131ca talepleri se\u00e7men haklar\u0131yla ilgili olan \u00c7artist hareket \u00fclke \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde yay\u0131ld\u0131 ve dolays\u0131z kazan\u0131mlar elde edemese bile, \u00f6nemli talepleri s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde aristokrasi ve burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olarak hayata ge\u00e7ti. 1867\u2019deki 2. Se\u00e7im Reformu, se\u00e7menli\u011fin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fct\u00fc olan m\u00fclk sahipli\u011fini kald\u0131rmad\u0131, ancak m\u00fclkiyet baraj\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrd\u00fc: y\u0131lda 10 sterlin veya daha fazla kira \u00f6deyen kirac\u0131lar\u0131n yan\u0131na eklenen \u00e7ok az miktarda topra\u011f\u0131 olan tar\u0131m arazisi sahipleriyle il\u00e7elerdeki t\u00fcm ev sahipleri de se\u00e7menden say\u0131ld\u0131 ve se\u00e7men say\u0131s\u0131 kabaca ikiye katlanarak iki milyonu a\u015ft\u0131.[3]<\/a> 1872\u2019de oy say\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n gizlili\u011fi yasaya ba\u011fland\u0131. 1884\u2019teki 3. Se\u00e7im Reformu ile m\u00fclkiyet baraj\u0131 bir miktar daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc ve se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgeleri birbirine az \u00e7ok e\u015fitlendi.<\/p>\n

Engels, se\u00e7im yasalar\u0131ndaki bu de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri, yine \u201c\u00dctopik Sosyalizm ve Bilimsel Sosyalizm<\/em>\u201din \u201c1892 \u0130ngilizce Bask\u0131ya \u00d6zel Giri\u015f<\/em>\u201dinde \u015f\u00f6yle anlatt\u0131:<\/p>\n

\u201c\u2026 <\/em>i\u015f\u00e7ilerin oy hakk\u0131 istekleri giderek kar\u015f\u0131 konmaz oldu; Whig \u00f6nder\u00adleri \u2018ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131rken\u2019, Disraeli, Tory’leri f\u0131rsattan yararlanma\u00adya ve se\u00e7im \u00e7evrelerinin yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesiyle birlikte kentlerde aile ba\u015f\u0131na oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131maya zorlayarak \u00fcs\u00adt\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6sterdi. Bunu gizli oy izledi; sonra, 1884’te, aile ba\u015f\u0131na oy hakk\u0131 kapsam\u0131na il\u00e7eler de al\u0131nd\u0131 ve sandal\u00adyeler yeniden \u00fcle\u015ftirilerek se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgeleri belirli bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc\u00adde e\u015fitle\u015ftirildi. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00f6nlemler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n se\u00e7im g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde art\u0131rd\u0131.<\/em>\u201d[4]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00d6ncesinde erkeklerin %58\u2019i oy kullanma hakk\u0131na sahipti ve bunlardan 12 ay boyunca \u0130ngiltere\u2019de ikamet edenler oy kullanabiliyordu. 1918\u2019de \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan yasayla ise, i\u015f\u00e7i ya da kapitalist oldu\u011funa bak\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n, \u201cmobilyas\u0131z halde ve kendisi taraf\u0131ndan kiralanmas\u0131 durumunda<\/em>\u201d konut olarak bir oda ya da odalar kiralayan 21 ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcndeki herkes se\u00e7men say\u0131ld\u0131. Bu yasa, ayn\u0131 zamanda, ilk kez, \u201cm\u00fclk edinme \u015fartlar\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131ma<\/em>\u201d ko\u015fulu koymas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, yar\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00e7o\u011funu kapsayarak, 30 ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerindeki kad\u0131nlara da oy hakk\u0131 tan\u0131d\u0131. T\u00fcm kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy kullanabilmesiyse ancak 1928\u2019de m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olacakt\u0131.[5]<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Fransa \u00f6rne\u011fi<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

Fransa\u2019da da benzer geli\u015fme ya\u015fand\u0131. 18. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda \u00fclkede hazine, Fransa\u2019n\u0131n m\u00fcttefikleriyle Prusya-\u0130ngiltere ittifak\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc 7 Y\u0131l Sava\u015flar\u0131<\/em> ve \u0130ngiltere ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geldi\u011fi Amerikan Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndaki harcamalar nedeniyle neredeyse bo\u015falm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Soylulara vergi koymaktan ba\u015fka \u00e7are bulamayan kral IVX. Louis, 1614\u2019ten beri toplanmam\u0131\u015f E\u0301tat Ge\u0301ne\u0301raux\u2019yu toplad\u0131. Fransa\u2019da merkezi mutlak\u0131yet daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc ve kral vergi i\u00e7in dan\u0131\u015fmak dahil meclis t\u00fcr\u00fc organlara pek ba\u015fvurma ihtiyac\u0131nda olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

E\u0301tat Ge\u0301ne\u0301raux, kendi ayr\u0131 toplant\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yapan ruhban, soylular ve burjuvalarla i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcleri kapsayan halk\u0131n temsilcilerinden olu\u015fuyor; her birinin ayr\u0131 toplant\u0131da ald\u0131klar\u0131 kararlarla \u2013kral\u0131n onay\u0131na sunulacak\u2013 nihai karar oy \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fuyla belirleniyordu.<\/p>\n

1789\u2019da tamam\u0131 soylu 139 ki\u015fi olan piskoposlar, gelirleri aras\u0131nda u\u00e7urum olan ve say\u0131lar\u0131 50 bini bulan papaz ve papaz yard\u0131mc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00f6netip temsil ediyordu. E\u0301tat Ge\u0301ne\u0301raux\u2019nun karar s\u00fcrecinde soylularla birle\u015ferek halk kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda organ\u0131n karar\u0131n\u0131 belirliyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

1789\u2019a gelinirken de\u011fi\u015fiklik talep eden halk\u0131n bask\u0131s\u0131 E\u0301tat Ge\u0301ne\u0301raux\u2019ya da yans\u0131d\u0131 ve dan\u0131\u015fma nitelikli meclisin toplanma ve temsil bi\u00e7imine \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc grup<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7inde tepkinin \u00f6n\u00fc al\u0131namad\u0131. Halk\u0131n temsilci say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n ruhban ve soylular\u0131n temsilci say\u0131s\u0131na e\u015fit olmas\u0131 \u2013alt d\u00fczeydeki rahip ve soylulardan baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n deste\u011fini sa\u011flayabilme d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesiyle\u2013 toplant\u0131lar\u0131n tek bir toplant\u0131 olarak d\u00fczenlenmesi isteniyordu. Kral ikinci talebi kabul etmeyince halk temsilcileri direnerek ortak toplant\u0131n\u0131n yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 salondan ayr\u0131lmad\u0131. Ruhban temsilcileri sonunda \u00e7o\u011funluk oyuyla halk temsilcileriyle birle\u015fince, kral bu birli\u011fi ve karar\u0131 ge\u00e7ersiz ilan etti ve toplant\u0131y\u0131 zorla da\u011f\u0131tacakt\u0131 ki, devrimin aya\u011fa kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 halk\u0131n zorunu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda buldu ve cumhuriyet ilan edildi.[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

Engels, \u201cB\u00fcy\u00fck Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2026 din \u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc t\u00fcm\u00fcyle s\u0131y\u0131r\u0131p atan ilk ayak\u00adlanmayd\u0131, ve a\u00e7\u0131ktan a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa politik alanda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc; ve ge\u00adne, taraflardan birinin, aristokrasinin y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na ve \u00f6b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn, burjuvazinin kesin zaferine kadar s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f ilk ayaklanmayd\u0131\u2026 Fransa\u2019da devrim, ge\u00e7mi\u015fin geleneklerin\u00adde kapanmaz bir gedik a\u00e7t\u0131; feodalizmin son kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 silip s\u00fcp\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/em>\u201d[7]<\/a> diyordu. Ancak bu b\u00fcy\u00fck devrim bile, halk\u0131n a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na genel oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok g\u00f6rd\u00fc; 1791\u2019deki ilk devrim anayasas\u0131 vergiye dayal\u0131 oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 benimsedi, sadece 25 ya\u015f\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck vergi m\u00fckellefi erkeklere oy hakk\u0131 tan\u0131nd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sonras\u0131, \u201cburjuvazinin o \u00e7a\u011fda dev\u015firilecek ka\u00addar olgunla\u015fm\u0131\u015f olan bu zaferlerini bile g\u00fcvenlik alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in, devrimin -t\u0131pk\u0131 1793\u2019te Fransa\u2019da ve 1848\u2019de Al\u00admanya\u2019da oldu\u011fu gibi- epeyce ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fclmesi gerekmi\u015f\u00adti. Do\u011frusu, bu, burjuva toplumun evrim yasalar\u0131ndan biri gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor<\/em>\u201d[8]<\/a> diyen Engels\u2019in dedi\u011fi gibi oldu. Robespierre ile burjuvazinin alt katmanlar\u0131n\u0131n egemenli\u011finde de\u011fi\u015ftirilen 1793 Anayasas\u0131 genel oy ilkesini kabul etti, ancak uzun s\u00fcrmedi ve Direktuvar d\u00f6neminin 1795 Anayasas\u0131yla yeniden vergiye dayal\u0131 oy hakk\u0131na ge\u00e7ildi. Napeleon\u2019u \u00fc\u00e7 kons\u00fclden biri ilan eden 1799 Anayasas\u0131 ile s\u00f6zde yeniden erkeklerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olsa da genel oy ilkesine d\u00f6n\u00fcld\u00fc, ancak s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar ola\u011fan\u00fcst\u00fcyd\u00fc: 21 ya\u015f\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck ve ancak en az 1 y\u0131l ayn\u0131 yerde ikamet eden erkeklerin 1\/10\u2019u tamamen Napeleon\u2019a ba\u011fl\u0131 olan Senato taraf\u0131ndan \u201cg\u00fcven listesi<\/em>\u201dne konacak, bunlar\u0131n 1\/10\u2019u b\u00f6lgesel \u201cg\u00fcven listeleri<\/em>\u201dne al\u0131nacak ve onlar\u0131n da \u201culusal g\u00fcven listesi<\/em>\u201dnde yer alacak 1\/10\u2019u aras\u0131ndan Senato\u2019nun se\u00e7tikleri, bu \u201c\u00fc\u00e7 dereceli se\u00e7im<\/em>\u201dle yasama organ\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturacakt\u0131.[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

Napeleon\u2019un d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan Bourbonlar\u0131n restore etti\u011fi me\u015fruti krall\u0131kta, 1815\u2019te tekrar vergiye ba\u011fl\u0131 oya d\u00f6n\u00fcld\u00fc; Louis Phillipe\u2019le Orleans\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n iktidar oldu\u011fu 1830\u2019daki \u201cAnayasal S\u00f6zle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6zde \u201culusun egemenlik haklar\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131, ancak Luis Phillippe\u2019in Ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Guizot, se\u00e7im reformuyla ilgili \u00f6nerilere \u015f\u00f6y\u00adle kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verdi: \u201cZenginle\u015fin, siz de se\u00e7men olursunuz.<\/em>\u201d 1848 \u015eubat\u2019\u0131nda halk ayaklan\u0131p Louis Phillipe ve egemenli\u011fini ellerinde tutan toprak ve finans aristokrasisini devirerek genel oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 fiilen kulland\u0131, ancak Haziran\u2019da ayaklanan proletaryan\u0131n yenilgisinin ard\u0131ndan yenilenen 1848 Anayasa\u2019s\u0131yla oy hakk\u0131 tekrar k\u0131s\u0131tland\u0131 ve belirli bir yerde 6 ay oturma \u015fart\u0131na ba\u011fland\u0131. \u201cLouis Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n 18 Brumaire\u2019i<\/em>\u201dnde Marx, konumuz a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan 1830 ve 1848 Anayasalar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131 olarak \u015f\u00f6yle de\u011ferlendirdi:<\/p>\n

\u201cYeni Anayasa [Aral\u0131k 1848 Anayasas\u0131] asl\u0131nda, 1830 anayasal S\u00f6zle\u015fme\u2019nin cumhuriyet\u00e7ile\u015ftirilmi\u015f bask\u0131s\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildi. Bizzat burjuvazinin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc siyasal iktidar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda tutan Temmuz Monar\u015fisinin, dar, vergili-se\u00e7im sistemi, burjuva cumhuriyetinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile ba\u011fda\u015fmaz bir \u015feydi. \u015eubat Devrimi, derhal, bu vergili-se\u00e7im yerine, tek dereceli genel oy sistemini ilan etmi\u015fti. Bu olay\u0131 \u00f6nlemek burjuva cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerinin elinden gelmezdi. Ancak buna, se\u00e7im b\u00f6lgesinde alt\u0131 ay oturmu\u015f olmak k\u0131s\u0131tlay\u0131c\u0131 kayd\u0131n\u0131 eklemekle yetinmek zorunda kald\u0131lar.<\/em>\u201d[10]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu bile fazla s\u00fcrmedi ve genel oy sistemi 1850\u2019de yeniden kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Geli\u015fmeleri Marx\u2019tan \u015f\u00f6yle \u00f6zetleyebiliriz:<\/p>\n

\u201cVe d\u00fc\u00adzen partisi, son s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor: \u2018Bo\u011fucu legalitenin demir \u00e7emberini k\u0131rmak gerekir. Anayasal cumhuriyet olanak d\u0131\u015f\u0131\u00add\u0131r.<\/em>\u2019\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201cGenel oy, 24 May\u0131s 1848’de, 20 Aral\u0131k 1848’de, 13 Haziran 1849’da, 8 Temmuz 1849’da onlara hak vermi\u015fti. Genel oyun, 10 Mart 1850’de kendine zarar\u0131 dokundu. Genel <\/em>‘<\/em>oydan \u00e7\u0131kma ve genel oyun sonucu olarak, egemenli\u011fin sahibi hal\u00adk\u0131n iradesinin ifadesi olarak, burjuva egemenli\u011fi – i\u015fte bur\u00adjuva anayasas\u0131n\u0131n anlam\u0131 budur. Ama<\/em>… Burjuvazi \u015fimdiye kadar hep b\u00f6b\u00fcrlenmi\u015f oldu\u011fu ve b\u00fct\u00fcn g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kendisinden ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 genel oyu bir yana iterek, art\u0131k geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fe olanak b\u0131rakmayacak bir \u015fekilde \u015funu a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vuruyor: \u2018Zaferimiz \u015fimdiye kadar halk\u0131n iradesi ile tutundu, \u015fimdi ise, onu, halk\u0131n iradesine kar\u015f\u0131 sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak gerek.\u2019\u2026<\/em><\/p>\n

\u201cK\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burju\u00advazi\u2026 1852’de, yeni se\u00e7imlerde, genel oy ile Bay Ledru-Rollin’i cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 koltu\u011funa oturtmay\u0131 ve meclise de bir Montagnard \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu getirmeyi kesinlikle hesapl\u0131yordu\u2026 d\u00fczen partisi, iki se\u00e7im za\u00adferine, genel oyu kald\u0131ran se\u00e7im yasas\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verdi<\/em>\u2026 Bay Faucher 8 May\u0131sta, genel oy sistemini kald\u0131ran, se\u00e7menlere se\u00e7im yerinde \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131l oturmu\u015f olmak zorunlulu\u011funu y\u00fckleyen, b\u00f6ylece, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bu s\u00fcre i\u00e7inde oturdu\u011funu, i\u015fverenlerinin verecekleri belgeye ba\u011fl\u0131 k\u0131lan yasay\u0131 meclise sundu… 10 Mart\u00adta, genel oy a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a burjuvazinin egemenli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 belir\u00admi\u015fti. Burjuvazi buna genel se\u00e7im sistemini kald\u0131rarak kar\u00ad\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verdi. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, 31 May\u0131s yasas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n gereklerinden biriydi.<\/em>\u201d[11]<\/a><\/p>\n

Vergiye ba\u011fl\u0131 oy hakk\u0131, a\u00e7\u0131k ki, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve geni\u015f halk kitlelerinin se\u00e7menlik hakk\u0131n\u0131 ve dolayl\u0131 yoldan da olsa siyasal ya\u015fama kat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 engelliyor; oy hakk\u0131 ve siyaseti sadece burjuvazinin kullan\u0131m\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131yordu. Belirli s\u00fcreyle ikamet ko\u015fulu da, Marx\u2019\u0131n dedi\u011fi gibi, ikamet kan\u0131t\u0131 olarak i\u015fyerlerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 kapitalistlerin onay\u0131n\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131larak, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 kapitalistlerin iznine ba\u011fl\u0131yordu. Sonu\u00e7; \u00f6yle ya da b\u00f6yle i\u015f\u00e7ilerin oy haklar\u0131n\u0131n ellerinden al\u0131nmas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye<\/em><\/strong><\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye ve \u00f6nceli Osmanl\u0131\u2019da, ge\u00e7ici olarak toplanan \u201cayan meclisi<\/em>\u201d ve padi\u015fah\u0131n yetkilerini s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131ran 1808 \u201cSenedi \u0130ttifak\u0131<\/em>\u201d say\u0131lmazsa, 1876 Me\u015frutiyeti ile kurulan \u201cMeclis<\/em>\u201d, ilk parlamento olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir. Abd\u00fclaziz\u2019in tahtan indirilip yerine V. Murat\u2019\u0131n ard\u0131ndan II. Abd\u00fclhamid\u2019in ge\u00e7irildi\u011fi ilk Me\u015frutiyet\u2019in 1876 Anayasas\u0131yla, padi\u015fah\u0131n atad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Ayan Meclisi\u2019nin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra halk\u0131n se\u00e7ece\u011fi bir Meclisi Mebusan kurulmas\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Ancak bir y\u0131l arayla yap\u0131lan \u201ciki dereceli<\/em>\u201d 1876 ve 77 se\u00e7imlerinde halk hi\u00e7 oy kullanmad\u0131; \u201czaman yetersizli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d ve bir \u201cse\u00e7im yasas\u0131 yap\u0131lamamas\u0131<\/em>\u201d nedeniyle, \u201cvilayet meclisleri \u00fcyeleri ikinci se\u00e7men say\u0131larak, mebuslar\u0131 bunlar\u0131n belirlemesi<\/em>\u201d kararla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131 ve \u201cilk meclisin \u00fcyeleri, vilayet, liva ve kazalar\u0131n idare meclisi \u00fcyeleri aras\u0131nda se\u00e7ildi<\/em>\u201d.[12]<\/a><\/p>\n

1876 Anayasas\u0131 ve bu anayasa do\u011frultusunda haz\u0131rlanan Talimat-\u0131 Muvakkate (Ge\u00e7ici Talimat) II. Me\u015frutiyetin 1908 ve 1912 Se\u00e7imlerinde de uyguland\u0131.[13]<\/a> 1908 Se\u00e7imleri, ilk se\u00e7imde uygulanmayan \u201c\u0130ntihab\u0131 Mebusan Kanunu<\/em>\u201d adl\u0131 se\u00e7im yasas\u0131na g\u00f6re yap\u0131ld\u0131; ancak bunlara g\u00f6re, 2 dereceli se\u00e7imlerde 2. se\u00e7menleri se\u00e7ecek 1. se\u00e7menlerin \u201caz \u00e7ok vergilerini veren, iflas etmemi\u015f<\/em>\u201d ki\u015filer olmas\u0131 \u015fartt\u0131.[14]<\/a><\/p>\n

Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemi se\u00e7imlerinde, 1923\u2019ten ba\u015flanarak, se\u00e7men olabilmek i\u00e7in vergi verme zorunlulu\u011fu kald\u0131r\u0131larak s\u00f6zde genel oy hakk\u0131 kabul edildi, ancak se\u00e7imler \u201ciki dereceli<\/em>\u201dydi ve oy verilecek ikinci bir parti yoktu. 25 ya\u015f\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck her erkek oy kullanabiliyordu, ama 1927 ve 31 Se\u00e7imleri CHF\u2019nin yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 aday listelerinin onaylanmas\u0131 olarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti.<\/p>\n

Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n oy hakk\u0131 elde etmeleri ise, t\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkelerde 20. y\u00fczy\u0131la kald\u0131. Kad\u0131nlar oy hakk\u0131n\u0131, Finlandiya\u2019da 1906\u2019da, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ve birlik \u00fclkelerinde 1917 Ekim Devrimi ile, Almanya\u2019da 1918, \u0130sve\u00e7\u2019te 1921, \u0130ngiltere\u2019de 1921, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 1934, Fransa\u2019da 1944, \u0130talya\u2019da 1946, \u0130svi\u00e7re\u2019de ise 1971\u2019de kazanabildi.<\/p>\n

Parlamentolar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve genel oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n uzun y\u0131llar i\u00e7inde elde edilebilmesi \u015funlar\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor: 1) Parlamentolar, krallar ya da burjuvazinin iste\u011fine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak de\u011fil, feodal aristokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrecinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve en ba\u015fta as\u0131l y\u00fck\u00fc s\u0131rtlanan halk\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. 2) Oy hakk\u0131na konulmu\u015f k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar ve bu k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar\u0131n vergi verme ve ikamet zorunlulu\u011fu olarak m\u00fclkiyete dayal\u0131 niteli\u011fi, parlamentonun burjuva karakterinin kan\u0131t\u0131d\u0131r. 3) Devlet giderleriyle l\u00fcks harcamalar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lama amac\u0131yla koyacaklar\u0131 vergileri halk\u0131n onaylamas\u0131 i\u00e7in toplamaktan ka\u00e7\u0131namad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir kurum olarak olu\u015fan parlamentoya, kral, aristokrasiyle birlikte, g\u00fc\u00e7lendik\u00e7e mali a\u00e7\u0131dan boyun e\u011fmekten ka\u00e7\u0131namad\u0131klar\u0131 burjuvazinin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 kabullenmek zorunda kald\u0131. 4) Nefesini ensesinde hissettik\u00e7e, feodal aristokrasiyle uzla\u015fmaya y\u00f6nelip g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i kitlelerin m\u00fccadelelerinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesmeye ve siyasal ya\u015famdan d\u0131\u015flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak ve genel oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne konan engelleri desteklemek burjuvazinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca y\u00f6nelimidir. Halk\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcp siyaset yapma ve genel oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 kazanma m\u00fccadelesini y\u00f6netti\u011finde bile, burjuvazi, oy hakk\u0131ndan yoksun kalmas\u0131 i\u00e7in emek\u00e7i halk\u0131 arkas\u0131ndan b\u0131\u00e7aklayarak ortada b\u0131rakt\u0131. 5) Genel oy hakk\u0131n\u0131n kabul\u00fc, en demokratik \u00fclkelerle egemenler taraf\u0131ndan silahland\u0131r\u0131lan halklar\u0131 sava\u015fmay\u0131 \u00f6\u011frenen s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeleri de kapsay\u0131p I. Emperyalist Sava\u015f sonras\u0131na sarkarak, art\u0131k halk\u0131n ekonomi-d\u0131\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6ntemlerle devlet i\u015flerinden d\u0131\u015flanmas\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez hale geldi\u011finde m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Burjuva demokrasisinin ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve haklar\u0131n sosyal-iktisadi engelleri<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kurulu\u015f s\u00fcrecinden ba\u015flayan burjuvazinin siyasal hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri kendisi i\u00e7in talep ederken i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerce kullan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesme ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, demokratizminin ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olarak, burjuva demokrasisi ko\u015fullar\u0131nda s\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iler \u00fczerinde diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck olan ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn devam\u0131n\u0131 garanti eden burjuva demokrasisi, \u201cherkes i\u00e7in<\/em>\u201d de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in hi\u00e7 de\u011fil, sadece burjuvazi i\u00e7in demokrasidir.<\/p>\n

Burjuvazi, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendilerini ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z \u00e7\u0131karlara sahip bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak ortaya koyduklar\u0131 ilk g\u00fcnden ba\u015flayarak ve hen\u00fcz aristokrasi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u201ce\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe<\/em>\u201d ihtiya\u00e7 duyan bir orta s\u0131n\u0131fken bile, bunu sadece kendisi i\u00e7in istedi. Varolu\u015funun i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 art\u0131-de\u011fere el koymas\u0131na, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye dayal\u0131 ve bu ko\u015fulla olanakl\u0131 oldu\u011funu bilerek ve m\u00fccadelesinden \u00fcrkerek, pe\u015fine tak\u0131p g\u00fcc\u00fcnden yararlanmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmazken, ba\u015fta siyaset yapma ve ilk ad\u0131m\u0131 olarak \u201coy<\/em>\u201d yoluyla iradesini ortaya koyup \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesi olmak \u00fczere, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i kitlelerinin kendisi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 lehine olabilecek her \u015feyin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesip kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na dikildi. Burjuvazinin siyasal tutumu, emek\u00e7i kitleleri, kendi ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla siyasete m\u00fcdahale etmekten ve siyasal alandan d\u0131\u015flamakt\u0131r ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, bug\u00fcne kadar oldu\u011fu gibi, bunu ancak kendi g\u00fcc\u00fcyle k\u0131rabilir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi olan burjuva demokrasisi, \u201cherkes i\u00e7in demokrasi<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131ndad\u0131r ve bu, en alt tabakalar\u0131na var\u0131ncaya kadar burjuvazinin t\u00fcm s\u00f6zc\u00fclerince ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr. Burjuvazinin belirli durumlarda tamamen yok say\u0131c\u0131 i\u00e7eri\u011fiyle fa\u015fist bi\u00e7imler alabilen k\u0131s\u0131tlay\u0131c\u0131 siyasal tutumu bir yana, \u00f6yle gibi de g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr. Burjuva demokrasisinin \u201ckap\u0131s\u0131nda<\/em>\u201d, \u201cSen i\u015f\u00e7isin, siyaset yapamazs\u0131n<\/em>\u201d t\u00fcr\u00fcnden bir levha as\u0131l\u0131 de\u011fildir. Siyaset herkesin hakk\u0131 olarak tan\u0131n\u0131r, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme de \u00f6yle, toplanma ve g\u00f6steri yapma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de. G\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte herkes e\u015fit say\u0131l\u0131r. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki t\u00fcrden yarg\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fctmeye ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 haller bir yana, herkes \u201chukuk \u00f6n\u00fcnde e\u015fittir<\/em>\u201d. Burjuva demokrasisi, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte herkese t\u00fcm hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin tan\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ama e\u015fitlik yaln\u0131zca \u201chukuk \u00f6n\u00fcnde e\u015fitlik<\/em>\u201dken, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler de bi\u00e7imseldir ve yaln\u0131zca yararlanabilme olana\u011f\u0131 olanlar yararlanabilirler!..<\/p>\n

Sermaye sahibi ile i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcne kapitalist taraf\u0131ndan kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z el konulan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u00f6zde e\u015fittir ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme, toplanma ve bas\u0131n vb. \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerinden e\u015fit yararlanma hakk\u0131na sahiptir, ancak sadece bi\u00e7imsel olarak. Ger\u00e7ekte bu hak yaln\u0131zca hak olarak vard\u0131r ve pratikte hi\u00e7bir mahkeme kapitalistle i\u015f\u00e7iye e\u015fit davranmaz. Kapitalist milyarlarca liral\u0131k vergi ka\u00e7\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda soran olmaz, hatta te\u015fvikler al\u0131r ve vergi bor\u00e7lar\u0131 bile silinir, ama i\u015fsizlik belas\u0131yla y\u00fczle\u015fmeye terkedilmi\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i kokusuna dayanamay\u0131p \u00f6n\u00fcnden ge\u00e7ti\u011fi f\u0131r\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir somun ekme\u011fe elini uzatmaya g\u00f6rs\u00fcn, gasp su\u00e7lamas\u0131yla yarg\u0131lanmazsa \u015fansl\u0131d\u0131r!<\/p>\n

Marx ile Engels daha Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019da \u201c\u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ele ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi her yerde<\/em>\u201d \u201cinsan ile insan aras\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131plak \u00f6z-\u00e7\u0131kardan, kat\u0131 \u2018nakit \u00f6deme\u2019den ba\u015fka hi\u00e7bir ba\u011f b\u0131rakmad\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 belirttikleri burjuvazinin aristokratik ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n yerine \u201co insafs\u0131z \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc koydu<\/em>\u201d\u011funu s\u00f6ylemi\u015fti. Burjuvazinin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerden anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131, ger\u00e7ekte ticaret \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck<\/em>\u201d, sonradan Lenin\u2019in ekledi\u011fi gibi, kapitalistler i\u00e7in semirme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyken, i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u00e7inse, \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131p i\u015fg\u00fc\u00e7lerinin kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z olarak gasp edilmesini kabullenme ya da \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131p \u201ca\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6lme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>\u201dd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan kapitalist t\u00fcm \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerden yararlanma hakk\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme olana\u011f\u0131na sahipken, i\u015f\u00e7i bu olanaktan yoksundur. Burjuvazi fabrika ya da bankas\u0131n\u0131n reklam\u0131n\u0131 da yap\u0131p vergisinden d\u00fc\u015fece\u011fi gerekli yat\u0131r\u0131m ve harcamalar\u0131 kolayl\u0131kla yapabilirken, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de b\u00fcy\u00fck zorluklarla sahip olabildikleri TV kanal\u0131 ilk f\u0131rsatta yasaklan\u0131p kapat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. B\u00fcy\u00fck harcamalar gerektiren g\u00f6rsel ve yaz\u0131l\u0131 bas\u0131na sahip olmak ve izlenip okunabilme olana\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan frekans, link, anten, ka\u011f\u0131t, da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m ve sair giderleriyle g\u00fcnl\u00fck yay\u0131n yapmak imkans\u0131z gibidir. TV kanal\u0131 i\u00e7in \u015fart olan frekans ve uydudan yararlanabilme hem pahal\u0131d\u0131r hem de devlet tekelindedir ve izne ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Yaz\u0131l\u0131 bas\u0131n\u0131n olmazsa olmaz\u0131 olan ka\u011f\u0131t alt\u0131n de\u011ferindedir, \u00fcstelik g\u00fcnl\u00fck gazetelerin ilan hakk\u0131 ka\u011f\u0131t \u00fcst\u00fcndedir ve Bas\u0131n \u0130lan Kurumunca keyfi olarak iptal edilebilmektedir. Lenin, \u00f6rnek verdi\u011fi toplant\u0131 ve bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerinin bi\u00e7imsel olarak tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilme ve i\u015f\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan kullan\u0131labilme olana\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131yor:<\/p>\n

\u201c\u2026 i\u015f\u00e7iler, \u2018toplanma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>\u2019<\/em>n\u00fcn, hatta en demokratik burjuva demokrasisinde bile, bo\u015f bir s\u00f6z oldu\u011fu\u00adnu \u00e7ok iyi bilirler; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, kamusal ve \u00f6zel en g\u00fczel salonlar\u00adda toplanmak i\u00e7in yeterli bos\u0327 zamanlara zenginler sahiptir, ve burjuva iktidar ayg\u0131t\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f bulunan ko\u00adrunmadan onlar yararlan\u0131rlar. Kent ve k\u0131r proleterleri ile k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcler, yani n\u00fcfusun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu, bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7birine sahip de\u011fildir. Bu durum b\u00f6yle kald\u0131k\u00e7a, \u2018e\u015fitlik\u2019, yani \u2018saf demokrasi\u2019, bir yaland\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ek e\u015fitli\u011fi fethetmek i\u00e7in, emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in demokrasiyi sahiden ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in, i\u015fe, \u00f6zel ve kamusal b\u00fct\u00fcn \u015fatafatl\u0131 yap\u0131lar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc\u00adlerin elinden almakla ba\u015flamak gerekir… Toplant\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden, e\u015fitlikten, i\u015f\u00e7ilere, emek\u00e7ilere, yoksullara hakaret etmeksizin, ancak b\u00f6yle bir de\u011fi\u015fiklikten sonra s\u00f6z edilebilir.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

\u201c\u2018Bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u2019 de, \u2018saf demokrasi\u2019nin ba\u015fl\u0131ca bel\u00adgelerinden biridir. Bir kez daha, i\u015f\u00e7iler, en iyi bas\u0131mevleri ve b\u00fcy\u00fck ka\u011f\u0131t stoklar\u0131 kapitalistler taraf\u0131ndan kendi tekelleri\u00adne al\u0131nd\u0131klar\u0131 s\u00fcrece, demokrasi ve cumhuriyet\u00e7i rejim ne kadar <\/em>geli\u015fmi\u015fse, kendini b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada, \u00f6rne\u011fin, Ameri\u00adka’da o kadar kaba, edepsiz, utanmaz bir bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6steren, sermayenin bas\u0131n \u00fczerindeki iktidar\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fc\u00adrece, bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn bir yutturmaca oldu\u011funu bilirler… Ger\u00e7ek e\u015fitli\u011fin, ger\u00e7ek demokrasinin, emek\u00e7iler, i\u015f\u00e7iler ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler yarar\u0131na fethi i\u00e7in, ilkin sermayenin ya\u00adzarlara i\u015f vermesi, yay\u0131nevlerini sat\u0131n almas\u0131 ve bas\u0131n\u0131 boz\u00admas\u0131 engellenmelidir… Kapitalistler, zenginler i\u00e7in semirme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u00adne, i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u00e7in de a\u00e7l\u0131ktan \u00f6lme \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne, her zaman \u2018\u00f6z\u00adg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u2019 ad\u0131n\u0131 vermi\u015flerdir. Kapitalistler, zenginler i\u00e7in bas\u0131\u00adn\u0131 para ile tutma \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, zenginliklerinden kamuoyu denilen \u015feyi olu\u015fturmak ve de\u011fi\u015ftirmek i\u00e7in yararlanma \u00f6z\u00adg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olarak nitelerler\u2026 Ger\u00e7ek \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve ger\u00e7ek e\u015fitlik, kom\u00fcnistlerin kur\u00adduklar\u0131 ba\u015fkas\u0131 zarar\u0131na zenginle\u015fmenin olanaks\u0131z olaca\u011f\u0131, bas\u0131n\u0131, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya ya da dolayl\u0131 olarak, para iktidar\u0131\u00adna ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 k\u0131lma nesnel olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131n bulunmayaca\u011f\u0131, emek\u00e7i\u00adleri\u2026 toplumun elinde olan bas\u0131mevleri ve ka\u011f\u0131d\u0131 kullanma hakk\u0131ndan tam bir e\u015fitlik i\u00e7inde yararlanmaktan hi\u00e7bir \u015fe\u00adyin engelleyemeyece\u011fi rejimde egemen olacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[15]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan, burjuva demokrasisinde demokratik hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler, bu \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri kullanma olanaklar\u0131na sahip olmayan i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iler bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ka\u011f\u0131t \u00fcst\u00fcnde kalmalar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131nda kolayl\u0131kla k\u0131s\u0131tlan\u0131p iptal edilirler.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de tekelci burjuvazi her s\u0131k\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ordu imdad\u0131na ko\u015fmu\u015f, darbeyle y\u00f6netime el koydu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk bildirisiyle demokratik hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri \u201cge\u00e7ici bir s\u00fcreyle<\/em>\u201d y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fckten kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, muhalif parti ve kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini kapatm\u0131\u015f ya da s\u0131n\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve halklar\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz b\u0131rak\u0131p m\u00fccadelelerini bast\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7 edinen darbecilerin yine ilk i\u015flerinden biri s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim ilan\u0131 olmu\u015f, kurulan s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim mahkemeleri demokratik hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckleri kullanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r cezalara \u00e7arpt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Burjuva demokrasisinin ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn bu kan\u0131tlan\u0131\u015f\u0131 sadece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye \u00f6zg\u00fc de de\u011fildir. Lenin, Kautsky\u2019yi \u00f6n\u00fcnde diz \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc burjuva demokratizmi dolay\u0131s\u0131yla su\u00e7larken \u015funlar\u0131 demi\u015fti:<\/p>\n

\u201c\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f devletlerin temel yasalar\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131n, onlar\u0131n y\u00f6\u00adnetimlerini al\u0131n, toplanma ya da bas\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc al\u0131n… \u2018D\u00fczenin bozulmas\u0131 durumunda\u2019, ama asl\u0131nda s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi k\u00f6lelik durumunu \u2018bozmas\u0131\u2019 durumunda, ve hele k\u00f6lece davranmama gibi bir hevesi de varsa bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n anayasas\u0131nda burjuvazinin i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00fczerine asker s\u00fcrme\u00adsine, s\u0131k\u0131y\u00f6netim ilan\u0131na vb. izin veren dolamba\u00e7l\u0131 yollar ya da k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar bulunmayan, en demokrat\u0131 da i\u00e7inde, hi\u00e7bir devlet yoktur. Kautsky burjuva demokrasisini utanmadan allay\u0131p pulluyor; \u00f6rne\u011fin en demokrat ve en cumhuriyet\u00e7i Amerika ya da \u0130svi\u00e7re burjuvalar\u0131n\u0131n, grevdeki i\u015f\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 ne yapt\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fczerine a\u011fz\u0131ndan tek s\u00f6z \u00e7\u0131km\u0131yor.<\/em>\u201d[16]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bizzat parlamento ile ilgili olarak da \u015funlar\u0131 eklemi\u015fti Lenin:<\/p>\n

\u201cBurjuva parlamentoyu al\u0131n. Bilgin Kautsky’nin, demokrasi ne denli geli\u015fmi\u015fse, borsa ve bankac\u0131lar\u0131n da burjuva parlamentolar\u0131 o denli egemenlikleri alt\u0131na ald\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00f6ylendi\u011fini hi\u00e7 duymam\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131 kabul edilebilir mi? … burjuva parlamentarizminin tarihsel bak\u0131mdan s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve g\u00f6rece niteli\u011fini, Kautsky’nin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, ancak bir liberalin unutabil[ir]… En demokratik burjuva devlette, ezilen y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar, kapitalistlerin \u2018demok\u00adrasi\u2019si taraf\u0131ndan ilan edilmi\u015f olan saymaca e\u015fitlik ile, proleterleri \u00fccretli k\u00f6leler durumuna getiren binlerce ger\u00e7ek k\u0131s\u0131tlama ve kurnazca oyun aras\u0131ndaki bas bas ba\u011f\u0131\u00adran \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi aral\u0131ks\u0131z kar\u015f\u0131lar\u0131nda bulurlar.<\/em>\u201d[17]<\/a><\/p>\n

Ola\u011fan ko\u015fullarda da herkesin serbest\u00e7e demokratik hak ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerden yararlanabilmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan duydu\u011fu korkuyla burjuvazinin gericile\u015fmesi giderek k\u0131s\u0131tlama \u00fcst\u00fcne konan k\u0131s\u0131tlamalarla parlamenter demokrasiyi g\u00fcd\u00fckle\u015ftirdi. Tekellerin egemenli\u011fi ve gericili\u011fin ana g\u00fcc\u00fc olu\u015fuyla birlikte ola\u011fan d\u00f6nemlerde de ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc demokrasinin bu g\u00fcd\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc iyice g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr oldu. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, konserlere var\u0131ncaya kadar genelle\u015ftirilmi\u015f yasaklarla keyfilikler, bu g\u00fcd\u00fck demokrasinin dolays\u0131z \u00fcr\u00fcnleridir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

Burjuva devlet parlamentodan m\u0131 y\u00f6netilir?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Parlamentolar \u00e7ok \u015fey yapar, ancak bulunduklar\u0131 \u00fclkeyi y\u00f6netmezler.<\/p>\n

Marx, \u201cFransa\u2019da \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f<\/em>\u201d\u0131nda veciz bi\u00e7imde, fabrikas\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekip \u00e7eviren kapitalistin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rarak, \u201cgenel oy<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cparlamento<\/em>\u201dnun i\u015flevini tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131:<\/p>\n

\u201cGenel oy hakk\u0131, her \u00fc\u00e7 ya da alt\u0131 y\u0131lda bir halk\u0131 parlamentoda y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n hangi \u00fcyesi\u00adnin temsil edece\u011fi ve ayaklar alt\u0131na alaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kararla\u015ft\u0131rma\u00adya yarayacak t\u0131pk\u0131 kendi i\u015fi i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7i ve y\u00f6netim personeli arayan herhangi bir i\u015fverene hizmet eden bireysel se\u00e7im hakk\u0131 gibi, kom\u00fcnler bi\u00e7iminde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen halk\u0131n kendi i\u015fletmeleri i\u00e7in i\u015f\u00e7iler, denetimciler ve muhasebeciler bulmas\u0131\u00adna yarayacakt\u0131.<\/em>\u201d[18]<\/a><\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Halk\u0131 bizzat kendisinin de\u011fil, ama y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n hangi \u00fcyesinin temsil edece\u011fi halk\u0131n genel oyuyla belirlenir. Yani genel oya dayal\u0131 parlamenter sistem, \u201cdemokrasi halk\u0131n kendi kendisini y\u00f6netmesidir<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131n bir aldatma oldu\u011funu belirtti\u011fi gibi, parlamentonun bir \u201cy\u00f6netme<\/em>\u201d ayg\u0131t\u0131 de\u011fil, temsil organ\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtir.<\/li>\n
  2. Profesyonel politikac\u0131lar\u0131yla parlamento, herkes tan\u0131kt\u0131r ki, halk\u0131n de\u011fil, halk\u0131 temsil edecek y\u00f6netici s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fcyelerinin toplanma mekan\u0131d\u0131r.<\/li>\n
  3. Halk\u0131n bu \u201ctemsili<\/em>\u201d, \u00f6yle bir temsiliyettir ki, ger\u00e7ekte halk\u0131n ayak alt\u0131 edilmesidir. \u201cTemsilcileri<\/em>\u201d temsilcilik ad\u0131na, ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fckle halk\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde tepinir ve ad\u0131na \u201cdenetimciler ve muhasebeciler<\/em>\u201d olarak i\u015f g\u00f6rd\u00fckleri burjuvazinin de\u011fi\u015fik fraksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil ederler.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    Ama \u201chalk ad\u0131na<\/em>\u201d denir! Burjuva demokrasisi \u201chalk\u0131n kendi kendisini y\u00f6netmesi<\/em>\u201d say\u0131l\u0131rken, \u00fclkenin de \u201chalk ad\u0131na<\/em>\u201d parlamento taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netildi\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcr! \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde olan, burjuvazinin farkl\u0131 fraksiyonlar\u0131 aras\u0131nda amac\u0131n\u0131n halk i\u00e7in en iyi ve yararl\u0131 olacak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn aranmas\u0131 oldu\u011fu iddia edilen yaman tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 organ parlamentodur. \u00c7eki\u015fme g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015fte buradad\u0131r, ve halk\u0131n, y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n sonucu olarak uygulanacak politikalar\u0131n eller kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p oylamalar yap\u0131larak burada kararla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na inanmas\u0131 istenir.<\/p>\n

    Oysa Engels, daha \u201cGotha ve Erfurt Programlar\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi<\/em>\u201dnde, iktidar sorununu koymad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn iktidar\u0131n halk temsilcilerinin elinde toplanmas\u0131 istemine<\/em>\u201d yer vermedi\u011fi i\u00e7in \u2013iki parlamentoyu, Reichtag ve Prusya meclisini kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rarak\u2013 1891 Erfurt Program\u0131\u2019n\u0131 ele\u015ftirirken s\u00f6ylemi\u015ftir:<\/p>\n

    \u201cReich anayasas\u0131, halka ve onun temsilcilerine tan\u0131nan haklar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan 1850 Prusya anayasas\u0131n\u0131n kopyas\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir; bunda h\u00fck\u00fcmet fiilen b\u00fct\u00fcn iktidara sahiptir ve meclislerin vergileri reddetme hakk\u0131 bile yoktur. Bu anayasan\u0131n \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma d\u00f6nemlerinde h\u00fck\u00fcmet taraf\u0131ndan istendi\u011fi gibi yorumlan\u0131p uygulanabilece\u011fi tan\u0131tlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Reichstag\u2019\u0131n haklar\u0131, Prusya meclisininkilerden farkl\u0131 de\u011fildir, Liebknecht\u2019in Reichstag\u2019\u0131 mutlak\u0131yetin asma yapra\u011f\u0131 diye tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 bu y\u00fczdendir.<\/em>\u201d[19]<\/a><\/p>\n

    \u0130ktidar parlamentoda de\u011fildir, d\u00f6nemin Reichtag\u2019\u0131n\u0131n vergileri reddetme hakk\u0131 bile yoktur. \u015eimdi bizde cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet sisteminde de benzerdir ve burjuva muhalefetin ba\u015fl\u0131ca talebi, bu ve benzeri konularda yetkinin parlamentoda olmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6yle oldu\u011funda ne de\u011fi\u015fecektir \u2013\u00e7ok fazla \u015fey de\u011fil! Nedeni, belirli kararlar al\u0131nmakla birlikte, hi\u00e7bir parlamenter demokraside \u00fclke y\u00f6netimine ili\u015fkin \u00f6nemli kararlar\u0131n parlamentoda al\u0131nmamas\u0131d\u0131r. Parlamentolar, as\u0131l olarak, devletin esas y\u00f6netim merkezlerinin gizlenmesi ve genel oyla onu \u201colu\u015fturan<\/em>\u201d halk\u0131n kendi kendisini y\u00f6netti\u011fine inand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u015flevini \u00fcstlenmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6ylelikle parlamento \u201csupap<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6revi g\u00f6recek ve y\u00f6netimi hedef alacak tepki ve ho\u015fnutsuzluklar gelecek 4 ya da 5 y\u0131l i\u00e7inde yenilenecek vekilleriyle parlamento \u00fczerinde toplanarak, halk\u0131n \u00f6fkesinin bo\u015falt\u0131lmas\u0131 sa\u011flanacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Buna inan\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in parlamentolarda bol gevezelik yap\u0131l\u0131r:<\/p>\n

    \u201cAme\u00adrika’dan \u0130svi\u00e7re’ye, Fransa’dan \u0130ngiltere’ye, Norve\u00e7’e vb. dek, herhangi bir parlamenter \u00fclkeyi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcz; as\u0131l \u2018devlet\u2019 i\u015fleri hep kulislerde g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr; bu i\u015fler hep devlet daireleri, bakanl\u0131klar, kurmay kurullar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcr. Parlamentolarda, yaln\u0131zca \u2018saf halk\u2019\u0131 aldatma ere\u011fiyle, gevezelikten ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yap\u0131lmaz.<\/em>\u201d[20]<\/a><\/p>\n

    T\u00fcrkiye i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve halk\u0131 \u00fclke y\u00f6netimine ili\u015fkin ba\u015fl\u0131ca kararlar\u0131n parlamentoda de\u011fil, ama genelkurmay koridorlar\u0131yla b\u00fcrokrasinin labirentlerinde al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131na s\u00fcrekli tan\u0131kl\u0131k etti. Sadece 27 May\u0131s, 12 Mart ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl, 28 \u015eubat gibi ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 ve Aydemir\u2019in 22 \u015eubat (1962) ve 21 May\u0131s (1963), B\u00fcy\u00fckan\u0131t\u2019\u0131n 28 Nisan (2007) ve G\u00fclen\u2019in 15 Temmuz (2016) ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z darbeleri bile bunun ve askeri ve sivil b\u00fcrokrasinin kararlar\u0131n\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131nda sorunlar ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131nda nelerin olabildi\u011finin kan\u0131tlar\u0131d\u0131r. Her yeni se\u00e7ilen h\u00fck\u00fcmetin \u00f6n\u00fcne konan \u201ck\u0131rm\u0131z\u0131 kitap\u00e7\u0131k<\/em>\u201d, parlamento ve h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin de\u011fi\u015ftirmeye g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yetmedi\u011fi \u201cdevlet politikalar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131, AKP\u2019nin kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve A. G\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilmesinin engellenmesi giri\u015fimleri ve verilebilecek daha pek \u00e7ok \u00f6rnek yine ayn\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi i\u015faret eder. Son s\u00fcre\u00e7te, parlamentonun halk\u0131 aldat\u0131c\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n bile mekan\u0131 olmaktan b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131 ve karar s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin Saray\u2019\u0131n ofislerinde al\u0131n\u0131r olmas\u0131 da benzer i\u00e7eriklidir.<\/p>\n

    \u201cBurjuva topluma \u00f6zg\u00fc merkezi devlet iktidar\u0131, mutlak\u0131yetin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f d\u00f6neminde ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu devlet makinesinin en ay\u0131rt edici iki kurumu: b\u00fcrokrasi ve s\u00fc\u00adrekli ordudur.<\/em>\u201d[21]<\/a> Ve devletlerin ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 ilgilendiren \u00f6nemli kararlar bu iki kurumun koridorlar\u0131nda olu\u015fturulup kotar\u0131l\u0131r. Bir de, egemen burjuvazinin ili\u015fkileri, sat\u0131n alma g\u00fcc\u00fc, spek\u00fclasyon ve doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 vard\u0131r ve parlamento \u00fczerindeki etkileri k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenemez: \u201c\u2026 t\u00fcm burjuva demokrasisi tarihi, \u00f6zellikle ileri \u00fclkelerde, parla\u00admento k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc, ads\u0131z doland\u0131r\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n, halka kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6\u00adneltilmi\u015f hileli mali ve siyasal manevralar\u0131n, ikbal avc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u00adn\u0131n, ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, emek\u00e7ileri ezmenin ba\u015fl\u0131ca alan\u0131 ya da ba\u015fl\u0131ca alanlar\u0131ndan biri durumuna getirmi\u015ftir. Bundan \u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fc, devrimci proletaryan\u0131n en iyi temsilcilerinin parlamento\u00adya kar\u015f\u0131 duyduklar\u0131 nefret, yerden g\u00f6\u011fe kadar hakl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

    Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00e7o\u011fu burjuva fraksiyonunun parlamento vurgusu ve k\u00f6t\u00fc giden ne varsa buradan d\u00fczeltilece\u011fine dair propagandalar\u0131 ola\u011fand\u0131r, ancak i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin parlamento ve i\u015flevinin hele abart\u0131lmas\u0131 konusunda uyan\u0131k olmalar\u0131 \u015fartt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    Se\u00e7imler, parlamento ve parlamenter m\u00fccadele \u00f6nemsiz mi?<\/strong><\/p>\n

    \u00dclkenin parlamentoyla y\u00f6netilmiyor olu\u015fu ve parlamenter demokrasinin ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden se\u00e7imler, parlamento ve parlamenter m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6nemsiz say\u0131l\u0131p ihmal edilmesi sonucu \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lamaz. Tersine, genel \u00f6nemlerinin \u00f6tesinde zaman zaman kritik \u00f6nemler de kazan\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n

    Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce parlamenter demokrasinin olanca ikiy\u00fczl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle devletin, iki temel kurumu olan b\u00fcrokratik ve militarist merkezlerden y\u00f6netilmekte olmas\u0131 bir ger\u00e7ektir; ancak parlamento ve ona dayal\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin yaln\u0131zca \u201cgevezelik<\/em>\u201d yapmakla yetindikleri ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclemez. \u0130kincil olmakla birlikte parlamento da bir g\u00fc\u00e7 merkezidir ve y\u00f6nlendiriliyor olmas\u0131 ili\u015fkinin esas y\u00f6n\u00fcd\u00fcr, ama onun da, g\u00fcc\u00fcn as\u0131l merkezleri \u00fczerinde bir kar\u015f\u0131-etkisi oldu\u011fu g\u00f6rmezden gelinemez.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6nce Marx, \u201c18. Brumaire<\/em>\u201dde, \u201cArdarda iktidar u\u011fruna sava\u015fan partiler bu muazzam devlet yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmeyi, kazanan\u0131n en birinci ganimeti sayd\u0131lar<\/em>\u201d[23]<\/a> demi\u015fti. Sonra Lenin a\u00e7arak, iktidar u\u011fruna sava\u015fan partilerin yeniden ve yeniden \u201cpayla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 ganimeti<\/em>\u201d, \u201cbol paral\u0131 ba\u00adkanl\u0131k, m\u00fcste\u015farl\u0131k, genel valilik vb., vb. makamlar\u0131na kurulmak<\/em>\u201d[24]<\/a> olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131. Askeri ve sivil b\u00fcrokrasinin kendi hiyerar\u015fisi ve kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc yap\u0131s\u0131 vard\u0131r ve mutlak olmamakla birlikte bu \u00f6zg\u00fcl\u00fcklerini korurlar. Ancak parlamenter demokraside birbirleriyle \u00e7eki\u015fen burjuva partilerden bazen biri ya da koalisyon kurarak birka\u00e7\u0131 bazen de di\u011feri \u201cgenel oy<\/em>\u201dun nimetinden faydalan\u0131p parlamentoda \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu sa\u011flar ve h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kurar. Her h\u00fck\u00fcmet kuran parti ya da partiler, zaten bakanl\u0131klarla m\u00fcste\u015farl\u0131klar\u0131 ganimetleri olarak payla\u015f\u0131r ve \u00f6rne\u011fin devlet harcamalar\u0131n\u0131 \u015furaya de\u011fil buraya y\u00f6nlendirme ve bunlardan \u201ckomisyon<\/em>\u201d alma olana\u011f\u0131 bulur. Bununla kalmaz, askeri ve sivil b\u00fcrokrasinin atamalar\u0131nda \u00f6zellikle bazen kritik m\u00fcdahalelerde bulunur ve yaln\u0131zca tek adam y\u00f6netimlerinin bir \u00f6zelli\u011fi olmayarak, karar al\u0131c\u0131 b\u00fcrokrasiyi az-\u00e7ok kendi iste\u011fine g\u00f6re \u015fekillendirir. En ba\u015fta bu nedenle, parlamento ve se\u00e7imlerle h\u00fck\u00fcmeti kurma burjuva partiler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Ancak b\u00f6yle olmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan hi\u00e7 \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131klar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez. \u0130kisi de gerici olsa bile, fa\u015fist bir partinin y\u00f6netti\u011fi bakanl\u0131klarla fa\u015fist olmayan reformist vb. partilerin y\u00f6netti\u011fi bakanl\u0131klar aras\u0131nda en az\u0131ndan uygulama y\u00f6ntemleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan fark olacakt\u0131r. Bu fark, \u015f\u00fcphesiz \u201cdaha iyi<\/em>\u201d burjuva partisinin desteklenmesinin nedeni olamaz, ancak takti\u011fin konusuna girer.<\/p>\n

    Ancak as\u0131l \u00f6nemli olan, burjuva partileri aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klardan yararlanmak de\u011fil, ama genel oy, parlamenter m\u00fccadele ve parlamentoyu k\u00fcrs\u00fc olarak kullanarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u2013e\u011fitimini tamamlamaktan ibaret olmayan\u2013 kendisi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan sa\u011flayaca\u011f\u0131 kazan\u0131mlard\u0131r. Engels m\u00fcthi\u015f \u00f6\u011freticilikte \u00f6zetlemi\u015ftir:<\/p>\n

    \u201cKom\u00fcnist Manifesto, genel oy hakk\u0131n\u0131, demokrasinin kazan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, militan proletarya\u00adn\u0131n en ba\u015fta gelen ve en \u00f6nemli \u00f6devlerinden biri olarak ilan etmi\u015fti\u2026 [Alman] i\u015f\u00e7ileri… \u015fimdiye ka\u00addar bir aldatmaca arac\u0131 olan oy hakk\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcr olma aletine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fcler. E\u011fer genel oy sistemi, bize, her \u00fc\u00e7 y\u0131lda bir kendi kendimizi sayma olana\u011f\u0131ndan, oy say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n, d\u00fczen\u00adli bir \u015fekilde denetlenen ve son derece h\u0131zl\u0131 art\u0131\u015f\u0131 ile, i\u015f\u00e7iler\u00adde zafere olan g\u00fcveni, d\u00fc\u015fmanlarda ise ayn\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde korku\u00adyu art\u0131rmaktan ve b\u00f6ylece bizim en iyi propaganda arac\u0131m\u0131z olmaktan; bize kendi kuvvetimiz hakk\u0131nda ve ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde b\u00fct\u00fcn kar\u015f\u0131 partilerin kuvvetleri hakk\u0131nda tam ve do\u011fru bil\u00adgiyi vermekten ve b\u00f6ylelikle de bize kendi eylemimizi g\u00fcc\u00fcm\u00fczle orant\u0131l\u0131 tutmak i\u00e7in b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6tekilerden \u00fcst\u00fcn bir \u00f6l\u00ad\u00e7\u00fct vermekten ve bu \u015fekilde bizi yersiz bir korkakl\u0131k ve \u00e7e\u00adkingenlikten oldu\u011fu kadar, yersiz delice at\u0131lganl\u0131ktan da ko\u00adrumaktan ba\u015fka bir yarar sa\u011flamasayd\u0131 da \u2013 evet, bizim genel oydan elde etti\u011fimiz tek kazan\u00e7 bu olsayd\u0131, gene ye\u00adter de artard\u0131. Ama genel oy, daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 da yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cSe\u00e7im ajitasyonu ile, bizden hen\u00fcz uzak bulunduklar\u0131 yerler\u00adde halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 ile temasa ge\u00e7mek konusunda, b\u00fct\u00fcn par\u00adtileri, t\u00fcm halk\u0131n g\u00f6z\u00fc \u00f6n\u00fcnde, bizim sald\u0131r\u0131m\u0131za kar\u015f\u0131 ken\u00addi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini ve eylemlerini savunmak zorunda b\u0131rakmak konusunda bize \u00f6yle bir ara\u00e7 vermi\u015ftir ki, bir benzeri daha yoktur; ve ayr\u0131ca, bizim temsilcilerimize, Reichstag’da bir k\u00fcrs\u00fc sunmu\u015ftur ve bizim temsilcilerimiz bu k\u00fcrs\u00fcn\u00fcn te\u00adpesinden parlamentodaki has\u0131mlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 oldu\u011fu kadar, d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara da, bas\u0131nda ve toplant\u0131larda oldu\u011fun\u00addan bamba\u015fka bir yetki ile ve bamba\u015fka bir \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckle ko\u00adnu\u015fabilmi\u015flerdir.<\/em>\u201d[25]<\/a><\/p>\n

    Demek ki, genel oy, se\u00e7imler ve parlamenter m\u00fccadele, bize; 1) \u201ckendimizi sayma olana\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d, 2) ula\u015f\u0131lacak oy art\u0131\u015f\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7iler\u00adde g\u00fcven, d\u00fc\u015fmanlarda korku\u00adyu art\u0131ran bir propaganda arac\u0131, 3) kendimizin ve kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn bilgisiyle eylemimizi g\u00fcc\u00fcm\u00fczle orant\u0131l\u0131 tutman\u0131n \u00f6l\u00ad\u00e7\u00fct\u00fc, 4) yersiz \u00e7ekingenlik ya da at\u0131lganl\u0131ktan korunma olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flamakla kalmayacak; ama 5) \u00f6zellikle y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n bilincinin geri oldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda \u00f6nemi artmak \u00fczere, hen\u00fcz ba\u015fka ara\u00e7larla ula\u015famad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlarla ili\u015fki kurmam\u0131za yarayacak, 6) kar\u015f\u0131t partileri su\u00e7lamalar\u0131m\u0131z\u0131 yan\u0131tlamaya zorlayacak ve 7) parlamento k\u00fcrs\u00fcs\u00fcnden y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlara seslenip g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerimizi yaymam\u0131za hizmet edecektir.<\/p>\n

    Bunlar k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenebilir \u015feyler de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

    Parlamenter demokrasi ve d\u00fczen taraftar\u0131 olmak ba\u015fkad\u0131r, her olanaktan oldu\u011fu gibi, devrimci ama\u00e7larla burjuva parlamento ve parlamenter m\u00fccadele olana\u011f\u0131ndan yararlanmak ba\u015fka. \u201cGerici parlamentolardan devrimci ama\u00e7larla yararlan\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi \u00e7etin bir sorunun \u00fcstesinden \u2018atlayarak\u2019 bu zorluktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmay\u0131 denemek tam bir \u00e7ocukluktur.<\/em>\u201d[26]<\/a><\/p>\n

    Devrimci ama\u00e7larla parlamento ve parlamenter m\u00fccadele olana\u011f\u0131ndan yararlanmak ise, parlamenter budalal\u0131k ve y\u00fcksek vekil maa\u015flar\u0131yla ba\u015fka ayart\u0131c\u0131l\u0131klar \u00f6n\u00fcnde diz \u00e7\u00f6kmek de\u011fil, devrimin haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapsam\u0131nda se\u00e7im \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131yla parlamento ve parlamenter m\u00fccadeleyi ajitasyon propaganda ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015flemesi olarak ele almakt\u0131r. Tabii ki vekillikler kazanma ve say\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsemeyip \u00f6nemseme, ama her \u015fey saymay\u0131p parlamentarizmi ama\u00e7 edinmeme, hele bir ad\u0131m \u00f6tesinde, bir d\u00f6nem sorun olmu\u015f bakanl\u0131klar pe\u015fine d\u00fc\u015fmeme; ancak her olanak geni\u015flemesinden kitlelerin devrimci seferberli\u011finin ilerletilmesi ve demokratik halk iktidar\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131yla ta\u00e7lanacak devrimin s\u00fcbjektif ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n haz\u0131rlanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yararlanmay\u0131 prensip edinme\u2013 devrimci tutum budur.<\/p>\n

    Tabii ki \u201cy\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n eylemi \u2013\u00f6rne\u011fin bir b\u00fcy\u00fck grev\u2013 yaln\u0131zca devrim s\u0131ras\u0131nda ya da devrimci bir durumda de\u011fil, her zaman parlamenter eylemden daha \u00f6nemlidir.<\/em>\u201d[27]<\/a> Ancak sadece \u201c\u00e7ocukluk hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d ile malul olanlar, bu do\u011frudan parlamenter m\u00fccadelenin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenmesi sonucunu \u00e7\u0131karabilir. Do\u011fru ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, parlamenter m\u00fccadele, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerinden biridir ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kurtulu\u015f amac\u0131na hizmet eder. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ba\u015fka m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerinden, \u00f6rne\u011fin bir grevden fark\u0131, grev bizzat i\u015f\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen kitlesel bir eylemken, parlamenter m\u00fccadelenin \u2013i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 olmakla birlikte\u2013 i\u015f\u00e7i\u00a0 ve halk kitlelerinin kazan\u0131l\u0131p ilerletilmesi amac\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ileri unsurlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesidir.<\/p>\n

    Nas\u0131l ki bir iktisadi grev, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n iktidar amac\u0131yla ilgisiz bi\u00e7imde, sadece \u00fccretlerin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve daha iyi sosyal haklar elde edilmesiyle yetinilerek, politik m\u00fccadele ve sosyalizmle ba\u011f\u0131 kurulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda d\u00fczen i\u00e7i ve reformlar u\u011fruna bir m\u00fccadele olarak kal\u0131rsa, parlamenter m\u00fccadele de, m\u00fccadelesinin di\u011fer bi\u00e7imleriyle koordineli olarak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin geli\u015fmesine hizmet edip kurtulu\u015f davas\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcnleyici bir par\u00e7as\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131nmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda d\u00fczen i\u00e7i bir m\u00fccadele olmaktan \u00f6teye gidemez.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6te yandan, kendimizi sayma, eylemimizi g\u00fcc\u00fcm\u00fczle orant\u0131l\u0131 tutma, kitlelere ula\u015fma ve parlamentoyu k\u00fcrs\u00fc olarak kullanma t\u00fcr\u00fc sundu\u011fu olanaklardan yararlanman\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, bir politik m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imi olarak parlamenter m\u00fccadele, zaman zaman politik olarak kritik \u00f6nem kazan\u0131r. Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cFransa\u2019da S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadeleleri<\/em>\u201d, \u201cFransa\u2019da \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cLouis Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n 18. Brumaire\u2019i<\/em>\u201d adl\u0131 eserleri dikkate okundu\u011funda g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir ki, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 da kapsayarak, ama \u00f6zellikle farkl\u0131 burjuva partileri aras\u0131ndaki iktidar kavgas\u0131, ayaklanmalarla parlamenter m\u00fccadeleler bir arada ve i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7erek y\u00fcr\u00fcmekte ve se\u00e7imlerle parlamenter m\u00fccadelelerin kritik \u00f6nem ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6rne\u011fin \u201cFransa\u2019da S\u0131n\u0131f M\u00fccadeleleri<\/em>\u201dnde Marx, se\u00e7imlerin s\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc edip \u201cproletarya hi\u00e7bir ayaklanma k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmas\u0131na kap\u0131lmad\u0131, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir devrim yapmak \u00fczereydi. Tamam\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7ilerin etkisi alt\u0131nda bulunan se\u00e7im komitesi, e\u015fyan\u0131n mevcut durumuna kar\u015f\u0131 genel \u00f6fkeyi art\u0131rmak\u00adtan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yapmayan h\u00fck\u00fcmetin k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmalar\u0131n\u0131n kendisine engel olmas\u0131na meydan vermeksizin Paris i\u00e7in \u00fc\u00e7 aday g\u00f6sterdi<\/em>\u201d diye ba\u015flayarak \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu:<\/p>\n

    \u201c\u2026 <\/em>Bu \u00fc\u00e7 adam, \u00fc\u00e7 m\u00fct\u00adtefik s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 temsil ediyorlard\u0131\u2026 B\u00fct\u00fcn \u00e7abalara kar\u015f\u0131n, sosyalist adaylar ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015ft\u0131lar. Ordu bile kendi Sava\u015f Bakan\u0131 Lahitte’e kar\u015f\u0131 Haziran isyanc\u0131s\u0131na oy verdi. D\u00fczen partisi y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m \u00e7arpm\u0131\u015fa d\u00f6nd\u00fc. Ta\u015fra illeri se\u00e7imleri de onu avutamad\u0131\u2026 <\/em>Napoleon, bakan\u0131 Lahitte’le ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Fransa’n\u0131n parla\u00admento tarihinde buna benzer yaln\u0131z bir tek olay vard\u0131: 1830’\u00adda Charles X’un bakan\u0131 Haussy’nin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131, 10 Mart 1850 se\u00e7imi, son olarak, \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu d\u00fczen partisine veren 13 May\u0131s se\u00e7iminin h\u00fck\u00fcms\u00fcz k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131, bozulmas\u0131 idi. 10 Mart se\u00e7imi, 13 May\u0131s\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu protesto ediyordu. 10 Mart bir devrimdi. Oy pusulalar\u0131n\u0131n gerisinde kald\u0131r\u0131m ta\u015flar\u0131 var\u00add\u0131. <\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cD\u00fczen partisinin en ileri gelen \u00fcyelerinden biri olan Segur d’Aguesseau, \u201810 Mart oylamas\u0131 sava\u015f demektir\u2019 diye hayk\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/em>\u201d[28]<\/a><\/p>\n

    D\u00fczen partisinin \u201cbu sava\u015f demektir<\/em>\u201d de\u011ferlendirmesi tabii ki \u00f6nemli, ancak daha \u00f6nemlisi, Marx\u2019\u0131n \u2013i\u015f\u00e7ilerin m\u00fcttefikleriyle birlikte ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olduklar\u0131\u2013 10 Mart se\u00e7imini \u201cdevrim<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelemesi ve parlamenter ve di\u011fer m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imlerinin i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7i\u015fine at\u0131fla i\u015f\u00e7ilerle m\u00fcttefiklerinin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn as\u0131l kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret etmesiydi: \u201cOy pusulalar\u0131n\u0131n gerisinde kald\u0131r\u0131m ta\u015flar\u0131 var\u00add\u0131<\/em>\u201d!<\/p>\n

    Hen\u00fcz resmen tarihi a\u00e7\u0131klanmayan T\u00fcrkiye se\u00e7imleri de, hen\u00fcz proletaryan\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 yeterince g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmasa bile, \u00f6zellikle burjuvazinin iktidar kavgas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde etkileyecek ve rejimin niteli\u011fini belirleyecek olu\u015fuyla kritik bir \u00f6nemde.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    [1]<\/a> Bilik, E. (1951) \u201c\u0130ngiltere\u2019de 18. Ve 19. Y\u00fczy\u0131llarda Parlamento H\u00fck\u00fcmeti Ve Anayasa Islahat\u0131\u201d, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi Hukuk Fak\u00fcltesi Dergisi<\/em>, Cilt. 8, Say\u0131. 1-2, sf. 449.<\/p>\n

    [2]<\/a> Engels, F. (1979) \u201c\u00dctopik Sosyalizm ve Bilimsel Sosyalizm – 1892 \u0130ngilizce Bask\u0131ya \u00d6zel Giri\u015f\u201d, Se\u00e7me Yap\u0131tlar (Marx-Engels)<\/em> Cilt 3<\/em> i\u00e7inde, 1. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 132.<\/p>\n

    [3]<\/a> Bkz. UK Parliament, \u201cSecond Reform Act\u201d, https:\/\/www.parliament.uk\/about\/living-heritage\/evolutionofparliament\/houseofcommons\/reformacts\/overview\/furtherreformacts\/<\/p>\n

    [4]<\/a> Engels, age, sf. 135.<\/p>\n

    [5]<\/a> \u201c1918 Halk\u0131n Temsili Yasas\u0131\u201d adl\u0131 1918 Se\u00e7im Yasas\u0131 i\u00e7in bkz. \u201cUK Parliament, 1918 Representation of the Peoples Act, Second Pages\u201d, https:\/\/www.parliament.uk\/about\/living-heritage\/transformingsociety\/electionsvoting\/womenvote\/case-study-the-right-to-vote\/the-right-to-vote\/birmingham-and-the-equal-franchise\/1918-representation-of-the-people-act\/1918-representation-of-the-people-act-second-page\/<\/p>\n

    [6]<\/a> Son E\u0301tat Ge\u0301ne\u0301raux\u2019da olanlar i\u00e7in bkz. Bilke, E. (2022) \u201cFrans\u0131z \u0130htilali S\u0131ras\u0131nda K\u0131ta Avrupas\u0131\u2019ndaki E\u015fitlik Anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve Tarihi Arka Plan\u0131\u201d, K\u0131r\u0131kkale Hukuk Mecmuas\u0131<\/em>, 2(2), https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/en\/download\/article-file\/2473924, sf. 562-566<\/p>\n

    [7]<\/a> Engels, age, sf. 130.<\/p>\n

    [8]<\/a> Engels, age, sf. 127-128.<\/p>\n

    [9]<\/a> Bkz. \u00dczelt\u00fcrk, S. S\u0327. T. (2021) \u201cMahkumiyet Ba\u011flam\u0131nda Oy Hakk\u0131n\u0131n S\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 Ve Genel Oy \u0130lkesi\u201d, Yeditepe \u00dcniversitesi Hukuk Fak\u00fcltesi Dergisi<\/em>, 18(2), sf. 1879.<\/p>\n

    [10]<\/a> Marx, K. (1976) Se\u00e7me Yap\u0131tlar (Marx-Engels), Cilt. 1<\/em>, Birinci Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 490.<\/p>\n

    [11]<\/a> Marx, K. (1976) \u201cFransa\u2019da S\u0131n\u0131f Sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 1848-1850 ve Louis Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n 18 Brumaire\u2019i\u201d, Se\u00e7me Yap\u0131tlar Cilt 1<\/em> i\u00e7inde, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 345-346, 351-353, 526-527.<\/p>\n

    [12]<\/a> Bkz. https:\/\/www.akademikkaynak.com\/wp-content\/uploads\/2018\/03\/selection-6.pdf<\/p>\n

    [13]<\/a> 1876, 1877, 1908 ve 1912 Se\u00e7imlerinde uygulanan se\u00e7im sistemiyle se\u00e7me ve se\u00e7ilme hakk\u0131na ili\u015fkin k\u0131s\u0131tlamalar i\u00e7in bkz. Tan, T. ve B. \u00d6zbey (2018) \u201c\u0130lk Osmanl\u0131 Genel Se\u00e7im Uygulamalar\u0131na Hukuksal A\u00e7\u0131dan Ele\u015ftirel Bir Yakla\u015f\u0131m\u201d, Sosyal Bilimler Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Dergisi<\/em>, 7 (2), sf. 54-67, https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/tr\/download\/article-file\/482722<\/p>\n

    [14]<\/a> Bkz. Olgun, K. (2004) \u201cII. Me\u015frutiyet D\u00f6nemi Se\u00e7im D\u00f6nemi ve 1912 Se\u00e7imlerinde \u0130zmit Sanca\u011f\u0131nda Uygulan\u0131\u015f\u0131\u201d, \u0130stanbul \u00dcniversitesi Edebiyat Fak\u00fcltesi Tarih Dergisi<\/em>, 39, sf. 142, https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/tr\/download\/article-file\/101992<\/p>\n

    [15]<\/a> Lenin, V.\u0130. (2012) Burjuva Demokrasisi ve Proletarya Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>, \u00e7ev. M. Erdost, 4. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 131-132.<\/p>\n

    [16]<\/a> Lenin, V. \u0130. (1989) Proleter Devrim ve D\u00f6nek Kautsky<\/em>, \u00e7ev. K. Somer, 5. Bask\u0131, Bilim ve Sosyalizm Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 29.<\/p>\n

    [17]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 31.<\/p>\n

    [18]<\/a> Marx, K. (2005) Fransa\u2019da \u0130\u00e7 Sava\u015f<\/em>, \u00e7ev. K. Somer, 3. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 64.<\/p>\n

    [19]<\/a> Marx, K. ve F. Engels (1989) Gotha ve Erfurt Programlar\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi<\/em>, \u00e7ev. M. Kabagil, 3. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 99.<\/p>\n

    [20]<\/a> Lenin, V. \u0130. (1989) Devlet ve \u0130htilal<\/em>, 7. Bask\u0131, Bilim ve Sosyalizm Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 57.<\/p>\n

    [21]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 40.<\/p>\n

    [22]<\/a> Lenin, Burjuva Demokrasisi ve Proletarya Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>, sf. 273.<\/p>\n

    [23]<\/a> Marx, K. (1976) Louis Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n 18. Brumaire\u2019i<\/em>, \u00e7ev. S. Belli, 1. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 130.<\/p>\n

    [24]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 41.<\/p>\n

    [25]<\/a> Engels, F. (1976) Marx-Engels Se\u00e7me Yap\u0131tlar Cilt 1<\/em>, 1. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 237-238.<\/p>\n

    [26]<\/a> Lenin, V. I. (2008) Sol Kom\u00fcnizm<\/em>, \u00e7ev. M. Erdost, 7. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 59.<\/p>\n

    [27]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 55.<\/p>\n

    [28]<\/a> Marx, Marx-Engels Se\u00e7me Yap\u0131tlar Cilt 1<\/em>, sf. 343-344.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Mustafa Yal\u00e7\u0131ner   T\u00fcrkiye tarihinin en \u00f6nemli se\u00e7imlerinden birine yakla\u015f\u0131yoruz. Bu se\u00e7imler i\u00e7in Erdo\u011fan 14 May\u0131s tarihini dillendirmi\u015fti. Hen\u00fcz resmi bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yap\u0131lmasa da \u00fclke en az iki y\u0131ld\u0131r se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecindeydi ve neredeyse her geli\u015fme se\u00e7imlerle ilgisi kurularak ele al\u0131n\u0131p konu\u015fuluyordu ki, \u00fclkenin g\u00fcneydo\u011fusundaki on ilinde y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 iki deprem oldu. Se\u00e7imin konu\u015fulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 on-on be\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fcn ard\u0131ndan AKP\u2019nin se\u00e7imi erteleme giri\u015fimlerine […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":3431,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[573,568,336],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3430","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-dosya-coken-bir-rejimin-secimi","category-59-sayi-bahar-2023","category-mustafa-yalciner"],"yoast_head":"\nGENEL OY VE SE\u00c7\u0130M<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/05\/26\/genel-oy-ve-secim\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"GENEL OY VE SE\u00c7\u0130M\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Mustafa Yal\u00e7\u0131ner   T\u00fcrkiye tarihinin en \u00f6nemli se\u00e7imlerinden birine yakla\u015f\u0131yoruz. Bu se\u00e7imler i\u00e7in Erdo\u011fan 14 May\u0131s tarihini dillendirmi\u015fti. Hen\u00fcz resmi bir a\u00e7\u0131klama yap\u0131lmasa da \u00fclke en az iki y\u0131ld\u0131r se\u00e7im s\u00fcrecindeydi ve neredeyse her geli\u015fme se\u00e7imlerle ilgisi kurularak ele al\u0131n\u0131p konu\u015fuluyordu ki, \u00fclkenin g\u00fcneydo\u011fusundaki on ilinde y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 iki deprem oldu. 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