{"id":3380,"date":"2023-03-27T20:35:19","date_gmt":"2023-03-27T17:35:19","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=3380"},"modified":"2023-03-27T20:35:19","modified_gmt":"2023-03-27T17:35:19","slug":"toplumsal-hareket-sendikaciligi-ve-bir-turevi-demokratik-toplum-sendikaciligi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/03\/27\/toplumsal-hareket-sendikaciligi-ve-bir-turevi-demokratik-toplum-sendikaciligi\/","title":{"rendered":"Toplumsal hareket sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bir t\u00fcrevi: Demokratik toplum sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"

Nuray Sancar<\/strong><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihi, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131na, \u00fctopyalar\u0131na ve di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f ve kategorilerin ideolojik etkilerine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin de tarihidir. Marksist teori de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 saflar\u0131nda zamana g\u00f6re \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi de\u011fi\u015fen ak\u0131mlara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerle geli\u015fti. 1. Enternasyonal boyunca ve 1871 Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00f6neminde i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi i\u00e7inde iki \u00f6nemli siyasi fig\u00fcr\u00fcn temsil etti\u011fi anar\u015fizm, yenilenebilme kapasitesi ve becerisi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, Marksizmin m\u00fccadele etti\u011fi ak\u0131mlar aras\u0131nda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin mevcut devlet cihaz\u0131n\u0131 par\u00e7alayarak sosyalist bir devlet kurma hedefini, \u201cgenel olarak devlet\u201din, otoriter bir karakter ta\u015f\u0131yor oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrerek reddeden, kapitalist devlet ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n da otomatik olarak ortadan kalkaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00fccretlerin y\u00fckseltilmesi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmenin \u201c\u00fccretli k\u00f6lelik sistemini tan\u0131mak anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fini<\/em>\u201d iddia eden Bakunin ile; devletsiz otonom ve \u00f6zerk topluluklara ticaretsiz, sanayisiz, \u201cahlaki\u201d bir kom\u00fcnizm \u00fctopyas\u0131 \u00e7izen Proudhon\u2019un g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 saflar\u0131ndaki ba\u015fl\u0131ca ak\u0131mlar aras\u0131ndayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda anarko sendikalizm, Lenin\u2019in Ne Yapmal\u0131\u2019da hesapla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ekonomik taleplerine ve bu haliyle \u00fccretli k\u00f6lelik sistemine mahk\u00fbm eden Trade Unionism\u2019in (ekonomizm) tezlerini bir ba\u015fka yoldan gelerek, son tahlilde payla\u015f\u0131yordu. Asl\u0131nda biri, hareketi ekonomik taleplerle s\u0131n\u0131rlayan di\u011feri ekonomik talepleri k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseyen bu iki ak\u0131m da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ayr\u0131 dillerden konu\u015farak ayn\u0131 \u015feyi s\u00f6ylemekteydiler: Siyasetten uzak durun!<\/p>\n

Marx 1870\u2019de; Kom\u00fcn\u2019den bir y\u0131l \u00f6nce Lafargue\u2019a, \u201cProgram\u0131 bir teori idi ve ger\u00e7ekte \u00fc\u00e7 noktadan olu\u015fuyordu<\/em>\u201d diye s\u00f6z etti\u011fi Bakunin\u2019in \u201c\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc noktas\u0131<\/em>\u201d hakk\u0131nda \u015f\u00f6yle yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131:<\/p>\n

\u201cEgemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bu b\u00fcy\u00fck sendikalar\u0131, b\u0131rakal\u0131m canlar\u0131 istedikleri gibi hareket etsinler, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc onlarla u\u011fra\u015fmak onlar\u0131 tan\u0131mak anlam\u0131na gelir. Buyur! Eski sosyalistler de ayn\u0131 ak\u0131lla \u015f\u00f6yle diyorlard\u0131: \u00fccretler sorunuyla u\u011fra\u015fmamal\u0131s\u0131n\u0131z, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc siz \u00fccretli eme\u011fi ortadan kald\u0131rmak istiyorsunuz, eh, kapitaliste kar\u015f\u0131 \u00fccretlerin y\u00fcksekli\u011fi, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc konusunda sava\u015f\u0131m vermek, \u00fccretlilik sistemini tan\u0131mak demektir! Bu e\u015fek, her s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketi niteli\u011fiyle, zorunlu olarak siyasal bir hareket oldu\u011funu ve her zaman da b\u00f6yle olmu\u015f oldu\u011funu bile anlamam\u0131\u015f\u2026<\/em>\u201d[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketini \u0130spanya, \u0130talya ve Latin Amerika gibi b\u00f6lgelerde, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir zaman diliminde domine eden anarko sendikalizmin \u0130spanya\u2019da 1873 ayaklanmas\u0131ndaki hezimeti hareketin geriye \u00e7ekilmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Proletaryan\u0131n 1917 Ekim Devrimi\u2019nde Rusya\u2019da iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmesi ise daha \u00f6nce teorik bir \u00e7\u0131karsama imi\u015f gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen, Marksizmin, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ger\u00e7ek kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kolektif m\u00fclkiyete ge\u00e7irerek iktidara el koymas\u0131 \u201c\u015fart\u201d\u0131n\u0131 pratik ger\u00e7ekli\u011fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f ve bu nesnel geli\u015fimin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu zemin, s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7indeki ara s\u0131n\u0131f \u00fctopyalar\u0131n\u0131n kendilerini yeniden \u00fcretebilme ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 zay\u0131flatm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ama bu, burada s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen ideolojilerin tamamen ge\u00e7mi\u015f bir an\u0131 olduklar\u0131 anlam\u0131na hi\u00e7bir zaman gelmeyecekti. Marx 1871\u2019de Kom\u00fcn\u2019den hemen sonra Friedrich Bolte\u2019a \u015f\u00f6yle yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131: \u201cEskimi\u015f, zaman\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015f olan, her zaman kendini toparlamaya ve yeni bi\u00e7im i\u00e7inde tutunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[2]<\/strong><\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Nitekim \u00f6yle oldu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin ve s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n zay\u0131flamaya ba\u015flamas\u0131yla birlikte yere ve konjonkt\u00fcre, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel birikimlerini ne derece koruyabildi\u011fine ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fczeyine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak s\u0131n\u0131f d\u0131\u015f\u0131 ak\u0131mlar\u0131n; her biri Anarko Sendikalizm ile Trade Unionism\u2019in temel tezlerinin de\u011fi\u015fik oranlardaki kar\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7eren, yenilenmi\u015f ve modern arg\u00fcmanlarla beslenmi\u015f bi\u00e7imleri ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Bu ak\u0131mlar\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca t\u00fcrleri i\u00e7in, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 iktidara getiren 1917 Devrimi, sonradan SSCB\u2019de sosyalizmin y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n da kan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z, bir daha tekrarlanmamas\u0131 i\u00e7in emek\u00e7ilerin kendisine yeni hedefler ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme tarzlar\u0131 icat etmesi gerekti\u011fini g\u00f6steren tarihsel bir sapmayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

Sosyalizmi kapitalizmin art\u0131k geride kalm\u0131\u015f bir d\u00f6nemine \u00f6zg\u00fc ili\u015fkilerin \u2018tarihsel\u2019 parantezine yerle\u015ftirerek yad etmek g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde daha genel bir tutumdur. Bug\u00fcn burada an\u0131lan iki eski ve k\u00f6kl\u00fc ak\u0131m\u0131n \u2018yeniden dirili\u015f\u2019 \u00f6yk\u00fcs\u00fc de bu tarihselle\u015ftirmeyle ba\u015flar. Bu iki damar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fik kar\u0131\u015f\u0131mlarla bulu\u015ftu\u011fu Yeni Toplumsal Hareketler (YTH) teorisi (teorileri) ve onun bir alt ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 (THS) sosyalist devrimin, kapitalizmin nesnel ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00e7ok de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi i\u00e7in ge\u00e7mi\u015fe \u00f6zg\u00fc kald\u0131\u011f\u0131nda \u0131srar etmektedirler. Buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak toplumsal \u00f6znenin adresi de de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015f; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan, istikrarl\u0131 ya da de\u011fil, kal\u0131c\u0131 ya da ge\u00e7ici \u00f6rg\u00fctsel varl\u0131k g\u00f6steren di\u011fer katman, tabaka, kimlik veya talep gruplar\u0131na kadar geni\u015fleyen bir yelpazeye da\u011f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnyadaki nesnel de\u011fi\u015fimlere isabetli bir m\u00fcdahale oldu\u011fu iddia edilen Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 (THS) kavram\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131lmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131 \u00e7ok yeni de\u011fildir. 1980\u2019li y\u0131llarda dola\u015f\u0131ma girmi\u015f ve bir d\u00f6nem epey ilgi g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada eskisi kadar yayg\u0131n kullan\u0131lm\u0131yor. \u00a0T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ise \u00f6zellikle KESK i\u00e7indeki siyasi gruplar\u0131n, sendikan\u0131n ama\u00e7lar\u0131nda ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel yap\u0131s\u0131nda \u00f6nerdikleri, ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 ya da ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdikleri de\u011fi\u015fimleri besleyen bir ideolojik y\u00f6nelim olarak g\u00fcncelli\u011fini korumaya devam ediyor.<\/p>\n

Bu yaz\u0131 KESK i\u00e7indeki geli\u015fmelere ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak g\u00fcndeme geldi. \u00d6zellikle K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin; Bookchin\u2019in ve Wallerstein\u2019\u0131n katk\u0131lar\u0131yla zenginle\u015fmi\u015f bir anarko sendikalizm t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc kendi siyasal stratejisi do\u011frultusunda yeniledi\u011fi sendikal platformu ele al\u0131nacakt\u0131r. Ama ondan \u00f6nce birincisi; nesnel de\u011fi\u015fimlerin siyasi stratejiye hizmet edecek bi\u00e7imde ba\u011flamlar\u0131ndan nas\u0131l \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na ve \u201cideolojikle\u015ftirildi\u011fine\u201d, ikinci olarak THS\u2019nin tarihsel ve pratik referanslar\u0131yla ba\u015fl\u0131ca arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131na de\u011finmekte yarar var. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc THS\u2019nin burada de\u011finece\u011fimiz KESK\u2019teki, K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin g\u00fcndemle\u015ftirdi\u011fi \u00f6zg\u00fcl bi\u00e7imi ayn\u0131 referanslara dayanmakta, ayn\u0131 zeminde yeniden \u00fcretilmektedir.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

DE\u011e\u0130\u015e\u0130ME \u0130K\u0130 BAKI\u015e<\/p>\n

Burjuvazinin d\u00f6nemsel e\u011filimlerinin, sosyoekonomik de\u011fi\u015fimlerin, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n eski mevzilerinde kalmas\u0131na olanak tan\u0131mayan siyasal geli\u015fmelerin; yeni nesnel ko\u015fullarda kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmayan, art\u0131k eskimi\u015f siyasal y\u00f6ntemler ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme tarzlar\u0131yla anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, bu ko\u015fullara eski ara\u00e7larla m\u00fcdahale edilmesi do\u011fal olarak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. De\u011fi\u015fimler \u00f6nemlidir. Ancak her an her dakika, burjuvazi ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, ikincinin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcyle sonu\u00e7lanan kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 konumlanmas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden \u00fcretmek i\u00e7in mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 tazeleyen, bunu s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkisindeki de\u011fi\u015fimlere g\u00f6re ayarlayan, bu \u00f6z\u00fcn ebedi var olu\u015funu garanti alt\u0131na almak i\u00e7in daha \u00f6nce kurdu\u011funu g\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131rpmadan bozabilen egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n m\u00fcdahalesine ba\u011fl\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimin, onun iradesi taraf\u0131ndan belirlenmeyen bir s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 vard\u0131r. Bu s\u0131n\u0131r kendi varl\u0131k ko\u015fulu olan \u00fccretli k\u00f6lelik sisteminin yeniden \u00fcretim ko\u015fullar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7izilir; radikal bir de\u011fi\u015fimin \u015fart\u0131 bu s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131n a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu perspektif g\u00f6zden kaybedildi\u011finde d\u00fcnyay\u0131 kendi nesnel ko\u015fular\u0131 i\u00e7inde anlamak da zorla\u015f\u0131r. De\u011fi\u015fim, olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerde aran\u0131r ya da ancak, bir bardak suda f\u0131rt\u0131na koparmaya yarayan stratejiler \u00fcretilir.<\/p>\n

De\u011fi\u015fim yeni toplumsal hareketleri besleyen ideolojik s\u00f6ylemin ba\u015fl\u0131ca motifidir. Buna g\u00f6re \u201cders \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lm\u0131\u015f tarih<\/em>\u201din \u015fahitli\u011finde yorumlanan kapitalizmin d\u00f6nemsel de\u011fi\u015fimleri onun \u00f6z\u00fcne ili\u015fkin bir farkl\u0131la\u015fma olarak sunulur. \u0130\u00e7inde i\u015f\u00e7i ge\u00e7en her c\u00fcmleyi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcvenini k\u0131rmaya yeni bir katk\u0131yla tamamlayan hareket gurular\u0131, liberal ve fonlanm\u0131\u015f sendikalar, ili\u015ftirilmi\u015f akademiler, kimi siyasi olu\u015fumlar bu yorumlar\u0131 kapitalizmi y\u0131kman\u0131n gereksizle\u015fti\u011finin kan\u0131t\u0131 ilan etmektedirler. B\u00f6ylece spek\u00fclasyonun kan\u0131t\u0131 yine kendi spek\u00fclasyonlar\u0131 olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Sistemle hesapla\u015facak ne bir mecali ne de yetkisi-yetene\u011fi olan, de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015f ve kimilerine g\u00f6re \u201czincirlerinden ba\u015fka kaybedecek \u015feyleri olan<\/em>\u201d bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal hareketin \u00f6znesi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ideolojik resimde, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bo\u015f b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeri say\u0131s\u0131z talep ve aidiyet gruplar\u0131; daha do\u011frusu bunlara ili\u015fkin fikirler doldurabiliyor. Ama bu kesimlerin dinamizmine ve hakl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya iyi ihtimalle onlardan bir fark\u0131 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6zel olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 asla!<\/p>\n

Kapitalizmin ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fine ili\u015fkin iddialar her d\u00f6nem olmu\u015ftur. Ama Yeni Toplumsal Hareketler ve Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 bahsini ilgilendirdi\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcyle, de\u011fi\u015fimin, m\u00fcdahale bi\u00e7imlerini ve buna ba\u011fl\u0131 ara\u00e7lar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fi iddias\u0131n\u0131n en sistematik bir bi\u00e7imde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi1968 hareketi ve sonras\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Fransa\u2019da 68 eylemleri Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde Kom\u00fcnist partinin 20. Kongresi\u2019nin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u011f\u0131r bir tahrifat ortam\u0131nda patlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 20. Kongre SSCB i\u00e7indeki s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin bitti\u011fini, uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde ise kapitalizm ile bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde birlikte ya\u015fama d\u00f6neminin ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan ediyordu.<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Kongre\u2019nin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7inde, gen\u00e7li\u011fin antikapitalist sloganlar\u0131na esin kayna\u011f\u0131 olan yer art\u0131k SSCB de\u011fildi. Bu ko\u015fullarda, devrimin farkl\u0131 bir \u00f6zne sayesinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilece\u011finin kan\u0131t\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclen \u00c7in\u2019deki halk devriminin \u00f6nderi Mao, radikal k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin \u00f6zlemlerinin cisimle\u015fti\u011fi Latin Amerika devrimcisi Che Guevera pop\u00fclerle\u015fmi\u015fti.<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    \u00d6te yandan; Fransa\u2019daki \u2018\u00c7ok renkli 68\u2019in ayn\u0131 zamanda bir i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi oldu\u011fu genellikle ve bilin\u00e7li olarak ihmal edilmi\u015ftir. Haziran ay\u0131nda 8 milyon n\u00fcfusuyla grevde olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tablodan \u00e7ekilmesi ve geriye, sadece ideolojik kurgular yapabilmek i\u00e7in se\u00e7ilmi\u015f; gen\u00e7li\u011fin akademik, kimlik, cinsel y\u00f6nelim-cinsiyet, yurtta\u015fl\u0131k haklar\u0131 gibi kar\u015f\u0131lanmam\u0131\u015f taleplerinin b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131 68 sonras\u0131ndaki ideolojik m\u00fcdahalelerin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olmu\u015ftur. Hareket s\u00f6nd\u00fckten sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan \u201868 bilirkurullar\u0131\u2019n\u0131n eylemden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7lardan biri; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n art\u0131k tarihsel bir \u00f6zne olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131, ikincisi ise; onun yerini alan toplumsal kesimlerin (bar\u0131\u015f hareketi, feminizm, anti n\u00fckleer hareket, \u00e7evreciler, sonra bunlara ba\u015fka kesimler de eklendi) toplumsal m\u00fccadelelerin de\u011fi\u015fken \u00f6zneleri olduklar\u0131yd\u0131.[3]<\/a><\/p>\n

    1968\u2019deki tarihsel \u00f6zne tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 e\u011fer, 1970\u2019li y\u0131llardaki ekonomik krizin kendisi i\u00e7in a\u011f\u0131r sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcstesinden kal\u0131c\u0131 ayarlamalar yaparak gelmek isteyen uluslararas\u0131 burjuvazi taraf\u0131ndan keskin bir d\u00f6n\u00fcm noktas\u0131 haline getirilmeseydi \u00e7ok da etkili olmayabilirdi. Ancak krizi, \u00f6nemli \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde zay\u0131flayan bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, y\u0131k\u0131lan bir sosyalizm ortam\u0131nda kar\u015f\u0131layan d\u00fcnya burjuvazisi hem 1917\u2019nin travmas\u0131n\u0131 hem de birka\u00e7 y\u0131l \u00f6nceki 68 \u015fokunu atlatamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in radikal ara s\u0131n\u0131flardan gelen, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yerine \u00f6zne adayl\u0131\u011f\u0131 talebine s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6necek de\u011fildi. Bu krizle birlikte, sadece zarar\u0131n faturas\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fcnya emek\u00e7ilerine \u00f6detmek i\u00e7in de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n yeniden payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirirken, kapitalizmin potansiyel olarak en b\u00fcy\u00fck tehdidi olmaya devam eden i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 silahs\u0131zland\u0131rmak ve daha \u00f6nce yap\u0131lanlara yenilerini ekleyerek taarruzu b\u00fcy\u00fctmek i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7ti.<\/p>\n

    Bilimsel-teknolojik ilerlemeler, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin geli\u015fimi, sermaye hareketlerinin h\u0131z kazanmas\u0131 vb. gibi iradi olmayan de\u011fi\u015fimler ile uluslararas\u0131 siyasi ili\u015fkilerde konjonkt\u00fcre ba\u011fl\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fen dengeler d\u00fcnya emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik taarruz ve d\u00fczenlemeler i\u00e7in kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir rol oynamaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan tablo \u015f\u00f6yledir: Bir\u00e7ok geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkedeki sanayi \u00fcretiminin par\u00e7alanarak ucuz emek cennetlerine; ba\u015fl\u0131ca Do\u011fu Avrupa ile Asya\u2019ya ta\u015f\u0131narak i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda derinle\u015ferek yay\u0131lmas\u0131na metropollere do\u011fru geli\u015fen proleterle\u015fme dalgas\u0131 da e\u015flik etmekteydi. Meta \u00fcretimi s\u00fcreci, daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir h\u0131zla d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda toplumsalla\u015f\u0131rken i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n saflar\u0131 taze, ancak m\u00fccadele deneyiminden yoksun, uluslararas\u0131 kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na sahip olmayan, \u00f6rg\u00fct bilinci geli\u015fmemi\u015f kesimlerin kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131yla da geni\u015fledi.<\/p>\n

    \u00dcretimin bu yeni toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131 sadece bu yolla olmad\u0131; otomasyonun yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131na, kamudaki d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak toplumsal stat\u00fcs\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fen kesimlerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na eklemleni\u015findeki art\u0131\u015f \u00e7ok daha geni\u015f bir kesimi meta \u00fcretimi s\u00fcrecine ba\u011flad\u0131. Buna faal i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc kapasitesine dahil olmayan n\u00fcfusun; ev kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n (ev i\u00e7i \u00fcretim yoluyla), \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n, ya\u015fl\u0131lar\u0131n, emeklilerin, \u00f6z\u00fcrl\u00fclerin vb. gibi katmanlar\u0131n \u201ci\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc piyasas\u0131<\/em>\u201dna \u00e7ekilmesi e\u015flik etti. \u00dcretimin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda geni\u015fleyen toplumsalla\u015fmas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n her g\u00fcn yeniden b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini de i\u00e7ererek s\u00fcrd\u00fc. Bir yandan i\u015f zaman\u0131n\u0131n ve mekan\u0131n\u0131n esnekle\u015fmesi, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya getirilen yeni kriterler, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretli g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f g\u00fcc\u00fcnden ba\u015flamak \u00fczere emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda katmanla\u015ft\u0131rmalar\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 di\u011fer yandan \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin \u00f6n\u00fcne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan fiziki ve hukuki engeller; nesnel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlere e\u015flik eden kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n iradi m\u00fcdahaleleri i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc ayr\u0131nt\u0131land\u0131r\u0131p derinle\u015ftirirken bu b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fc etkenlerin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc de art\u0131rd\u0131.<\/p>\n

    Uluslararas\u0131 bir sendikal hareketin ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n enternasyonal siyasi \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn oldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda bir yerde \u00e7akan k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m\u0131n domino etkisiyle yay\u0131labilece\u011fi bir tablo, bunlar\u0131n yoklu\u011fu durumunda genel i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yarar\u0131na de\u011fil de onun hareketini engellemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan sermaye s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na olmaktad\u0131r. Bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkenin ayn\u0131 tekellerin fason \u00fcretim alan\u0131 haline geldi\u011fi mevcut ko\u015fullar i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcndeki derinle\u015fmeyi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birle\u015fik m\u00fccadelesinin aleyhine geli\u015ftirir. Bu durum daha fazla kar pe\u015findeki sermaye ile emek aras\u0131ndaki g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerinin de\u011fi\u015ftirilebilmesini kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r ve zay\u0131flam\u0131\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lara daha a\u00e7\u0131k hale gelir.<\/p>\n

    Mevcut sendikalar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun 70\u2019li y\u0131llardan bu yana s\u00fcren de\u011fi\u015fimle ilgilenmedi\u011fi, b\u00f6yle bir de\u011fi\u015fim yokmu\u015f gibi davrand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir vak\u0131ad\u0131r. Sendikalar\u0131 sistemin bir aparat\u0131 haline getiren b\u00fcrokratikle\u015fme, i\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisinin palazlanmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f i\u00e7inde r\u00fc\u015fvet ve ayr\u0131cal\u0131klarla te\u015fvik edilen kastla\u015fma bu ayg\u0131tlar\u0131 \u00e7oktan kofla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, y\u00f6neticilerini asalakla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki \u00f6zelliklerini, yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ve de\u011fi\u015fen sosyolojisine ancak b\u00fcrokratik sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ideolojik zeminini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n malzemesi ya da s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015fma siyasetine manip\u00fclasyon kayna\u011f\u0131 olabildi\u011fi durumlarda ve kadar\u0131yla ilgi g\u00f6steren sendikal kast\u0131n, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ne g\u00fcndelik taleplerinin ne nihai kurtulu\u015funun arac\u0131 olabilecek durumu kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Sendikalar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc bug\u00fcn do\u011frudan do\u011fruya egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fczerindeki kontrol arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f; bunlar\u0131n enternasyonal \u00f6rg\u00fctleri uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131ndaki ili\u015ftirilmi\u015f bir \u2018hizmet sekt\u00f6r\u00fc\u2019; yerel izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmleri olan sendikalar ise devletle ve sermaye ile al\u0131\u015fveri\u015f halindeki sivil toplum \u00f6rg\u00fctleri (NGO\u2019lar i\u00e7inde biri)[4]<\/a> kategorisine sokulmu\u015flard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bug\u00fcn Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, i\u00e7inde \u00f6nemsiz bir rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 eylem repertuarlar\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlayan kesimlerin kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131, sendikalar\u0131n, emek \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n akt\u00fcel durumudur. Onlar de\u011fi\u015fimi, hi\u00e7bir de\u011fi\u015fiklik olmuyormu\u015f gibi yapan b\u00fcrokratik ve rantiye sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 olarak, \u00f6zel ideolojik sonu\u00e7lar \u00e7\u0131karmak \u00fczere yorumlad\u0131lar ve toplumsal hareketlere yeni bir hat \u00e7izmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ideolojik bak\u0131mdan en zay\u0131f oldu\u011fu, buna \u00f6rg\u00fctsel g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn de eklendi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda b\u00fcrokratik sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131klar\u0131ndan feyz alan bir \u2018geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131k\u2019 ele\u015ftirisini, asl\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kast ederek y\u00f6nelten Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n pratik referans\u0131 1970\u2019li ve 80\u2019li y\u0131llarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan baz\u0131 sendikal hareketlerdir. Bu hareketler ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131 \u00fclkelerin \u00f6zel konjonkt\u00fcrlerinde \u00f6nemli birer toplumsal ve tarihsel bir rol oynam\u0131\u015flard\u0131. Siyahlar\u0131n beyazlarla ayn\u0131 sendikaya \u00fcye olamad\u0131klar\u0131 G\u00fcney Afrika\u2019da, 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda siyahlara \u00f6zel bir sendika olarak do\u011fan ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 rejime kar\u015f\u0131 sadece siyah i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil i\u015fsizleri, ara tabakalar\u0131, entelekt\u00fcelleri, esnaf\u0131, \u00f6\u011frencileri vb. geni\u015f bir \u00e7evreyi harekete ge\u00e7iren COSATU\u2019nun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Brezilya (CUM), Kore (KCTU) ve Filipinler\u2019de (KMU- 1 May\u0131s Hareketi) diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklere kar\u015f\u0131 birikmi\u015f halk tepkisini seferber eden ve \u2018Halk Grevi\u2019 ad\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki eylemlerle olabildi\u011fince geni\u015f bir kesimle \u2018hayat\u0131 durduran\u2019 sendikal yap\u0131lar asl\u0131nda bir siyasi partinin yoklu\u011fundan do\u011fan bo\u015flu\u011fu doldurmu\u015flar ve bu \u00fclkelerdeki darbe veya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlemi\u015flerdi. Sendikalar\u0131n rol\u00fc bu k\u0131sa erimli hedefler ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftikten sonra sona erdi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f eksenli bir partinin sahip olabilece\u011fi stratejik bir hatta sahip de\u011fillerdi. \u00c7o\u011fu da THS literat\u00fcr\u00fcnde ele\u015ftirilen geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n ak\u0131betini payla\u015ft\u0131lar. Bununla birlikte bu konjonkt\u00fcrel, kal\u0131c\u0131 olmayan yap\u0131lanmalar, zaman\u0131nda, THS teorisinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na uygun birer referans olabilmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

    80\u2019li y\u0131llarda Andre Gorz, Elveda Proletarya\u2019s\u0131nda proletaryan\u0131n bir \u00f6zne olarak miad\u0131n\u0131n doldu\u011funu ilan etmekteydi. Alain Tourrain\u2019in \u201ctoplumun, kendi yeniden kurulu\u015fu i\u00e7in ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u201d<\/em>\u0131n \u00f6zneleri olarak sayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 katmanlar\u0131n rol\u00fc, Chantal Mouffe ve Ernesto Laclau\u2019nun bu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 toplumda bir t\u00fcrl\u00fc kurulamayan, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc kuruldu\u011fu anda karars\u0131zla\u015fan toplumsal \u00f6znelerin hareketiyle olu\u015fan Radikal Demokrasi tezinde geni\u015fletildi. Bu isimler ve takip edenler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 1968\u2019den sonra ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p say\u0131lar\u0131 artan kimlik ve talep gruplar\u0131yla e\u015fde\u011fer ve e\u015fit bir akt\u00f6r olarak tan\u0131ml\u0131yordu. Marksizm bu kesimleri ve taleplerini g\u00f6rmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirilmekteydi.<\/p>\n

    Parlamenter bir k\u0131s\u0131r d\u00f6ng\u00fcye girmi\u015f burjuva demokrasisini, s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 talepleri i\u00e7in sistemle pazarl\u0131\u011fa giri\u015fen kesimlerin m\u00fccadelelerini kapsayacak bi\u00e7imde canland\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan teorilerin \u00fcreticileri bir yandan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 di\u011fer yandan da kapitalist devleti terbiye etmek amac\u0131ndayd\u0131. \u201c1848\u2019den itibaren proletarya m\u00fccadelesiyle ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin ortakla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 iktidar amac\u0131\u201dn\u0131n kapitalizmdeki yeni de\u011fi\u015fimlere ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak sona erdi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcyorlar ve daha iyi bir b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm sisteminin ayarlanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen m\u00fccadelelerin teminat\u0131 alt\u0131nda refah, e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fini iddia ediyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \u0130KT\u0130DARDAN KA\u00c7I\u015e<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Yeni Toplumsal Hareketlerin iktidardan ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f stratejisi devlet organizasyonlar\u0131yla uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerdeki de\u011fi\u015fimin olduk\u00e7a dolamba\u00e7l\u0131 bir yoldan yorumlanmas\u0131na dayan\u0131r:<\/p>\n

    Ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n son \u00e7eyre\u011finde; s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilikten kurtulu\u015f sava\u015flar\u0131yla siyasal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 kazanan ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerde \u2018\u00e7ift kutuplu d\u00fcnya\u2019 ba\u011flam\u0131nda yerel burjuvazilerin iktidarlar\u0131na bir t\u00fcr destek ve koruma kalkan\u0131 olu\u015fturan ama uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin hareketlerini az \u00e7ok yava\u015flatan yasal ve b\u00fcrokratik mevzuat\u0131n art\u0131k sermaye dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n h\u0131z\u0131n\u0131 yava\u015flatmayacak bi\u00e7imde esnetilmesinin ko\u015fullar\u0131 do\u011fmu\u015ftu. B\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada ise devlet m\u00fclkiyeti alt\u0131ndaki sekt\u00f6rler \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmekte, sosyal haklar budanmakta ve bu da devletin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmesi olarak tarif edilmekteydi. Bu durumun d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerinin yarar\u0131na oldu\u011funu i\u015fleyen kimi kapitalist ideologlar sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7ok daha esnekle\u015ftirilip i\u015flevselle\u015fen kapitalist devleti bir hedef olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karmaktayd\u0131lar. Bu de\u011fi\u015fimin ideolojik yorumu 1) ulus devlet otonomileri \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in, devlet hedefli m\u00fccadelelere gerek kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, bunlar\u0131n miad\u0131n\u0131n doldu\u011fu 2) toplumsal m\u00fccadelelerin ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7indeki zeminlerinin t\u00f6rp\u00fclenmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde oldu. Devletin s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00f6z\u00fc tan\u0131m d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, m\u00fccadelelerle \u015fekil verilebilen \u00f6nemsiz bir varl\u0131\u011fa indirgenmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

    Yeni toplumsal hareketlerin radikal ve \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 her t\u00fcr\u00fc devletin de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fine ili\u015fkin bu iki temel arg\u00fcman\u0131 benimserler. Bu temelden yola \u00e7\u0131karak, esinini 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l anar\u015fizmden alan radikal formlar\u0131n devletle ilgili vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7 onun y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi fikrinden vazge\u00e7mek olmu\u015ftur, ki bu, \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 formlarla ayn\u0131 platforma gelmek anlam\u0131na gelir. Devleti yok saymay\u0131 veya otonom ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131 \u201c\u00e7itleyerek\u201d devlete s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6nmeyi onu y\u0131kmaya tercih eden 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l anar\u015fizmi kendisini reformdan ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    Ancak siyaset d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itilen devlet de\u011fildir sadece, hareketlere yeni hedefler belirlemek suretiyle toplum da siyasetten \u00f6telenmektedir. Neoliberalizmle birlikte devletin basma veya yo\u011furt \u00fcretemeyece\u011fi, bedava hizmet sunamayaca\u011f\u0131 gibi bir s\u00f6ylemle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin iki y\u00fcz y\u0131ll\u0131k m\u00fccadelesinin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 tasfiye edilmeye, yani devlet kaynakl\u0131 maddi destekler kesilmeye ba\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, bu s\u00fcrecin devleti k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcltece\u011fi de ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. B\u00f6ylece sivil toplum alan\u0131 geni\u015fleyecekti. Devletler, uluslararas\u0131 finans kurumlar\u0131 ile siyaset merkezleri emek\u00e7ilere sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zebilecekleri kaynak olarak geni\u015fleyen sivil toplumu i\u015faret ettiler. Bu, g\u00fcvencesizlik ma\u011fduru emek\u00e7ilere \u201cba\u015f\u0131n\u0131z\u0131n \u00e7aresine bak\u0131n\u201d anlam\u0131na gelmekteydi. Bir k\u0131s\u0131m k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva siyaset\u00e7i, ideolog ve \u00f6rg\u00fctleri \u00f6nerilen sivil toplumcu y\u00f6nelimi benimseyerek \u2018sat\u0131n ald\u0131.\u2019 Art\u0131k sivil toplum taleplerin y\u00f6neltildi\u011fi bir merci olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan devletin alternatifi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcyordu. Emek\u00e7ilerin talep etmekte olduklar\u0131 her \u015feyi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck cemaatler halinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenerek kendilerinin yapmalar\u0131 tavsiye ediliyordu. Bu durumun mant\u0131ksal devam\u0131nda, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc talebin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenmesi ve toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fmelerden vazge\u00e7ilmesi gerekti\u011fi de yer al\u0131r. Yerine konulan ise, \u201csendikalar kre\u015f, bak\u0131m evi kurabilir, ucuz t\u00fcketim i\u00e7in kooperatifler olu\u015fturabilir, hatta i\u015fletmeler de a\u00e7abilirler<\/em>\u201ddi.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve sendikalar devletten bir \u015fey beklememeliydi.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130 SINIFI: \u00c7OKLAR \u0130\u00c7\u0130NDE B\u0130R\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

    YTH\u2019nin bir alt ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 olan THS onun b\u00fct\u00fcn arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f hareketine uyarlamak \u00fczere devralm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. YTH ideologlar\u0131 ve akt\u00f6rleri toplumsal hareketlerin asl\u0131nda bir t\u00fcr s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi oldu\u011funu reddeder ve toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck edecek bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 pozisyonunun \u00e7e\u015fitli nedenlerle art\u0131k kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunurken THS de bunun i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 mevzisindeki yank\u0131lanmas\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Bu yank\u0131 \u015f\u00f6yle i\u015fitildi: \u00d6rg\u00fctl\u00fc hale gelmeleriyle birlikte sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin ya\u015fam standard\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckselmesi bu kesimlerin hareket motivasyonunu k\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi eski \u00f6rg\u00fctler art\u0131k say\u0131ca b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyen bu geleneksel merkezi temsil etmeye devam etmek suretiyle kendi i\u015flevlerini de yitirdiler. \u00dccretli emek kesiminin b\u00fcy\u00fcyen maa\u015fl\u0131 meslek sahipleri, kad\u0131nla\u015fan hizmet sekt\u00f6r\u00fc, etnikle\u015ftirilmi\u015f vas\u0131fs\u0131z, yar\u0131 vas\u0131fl\u0131 i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc gibi kesimler bu \u00f6rg\u00fctler taraf\u0131ndan temsil edilemiyordu.[5]<\/a> Ama art\u0131k \u201cakt\u00f6r yeni toplumsal hareketlerle geri d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u201d<\/em>[6]<\/a>\u201c\u0130leri sanayi toplumunun \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 art\u0131k devlet\u00e7ilik ve siyasal d\u00fczlemde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclemez\u2026 Kentsel sorunlarla da ilgilenen ekoloji ya da \u00e7evre hareketleri; insan haklar\u0131 hareketleri, kad\u0131n kimli\u011finin korunmas\u0131 ve toplumsal cinsiyet, ya\u015f, \u0131rk, dil ve b\u00f6lge fark etmeksizin e\u015fit kat\u0131l\u0131m i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden feminist hareket; pasifizm ve bar\u0131\u015f hareketleri; mal ve hizmetlerin da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u2018alternatif\u2019 ve \u2018cemaatsel\u2019 da\u011f\u0131t\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden hareketler\u2026\u201d<\/em>[7]<\/a> buna adayd\u0131. \u201cBa\u015far\u0131s\u0131z demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ilik deneyleriyle ve sosyal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye kar\u015f\u0131 dar s\u0131n\u0131fsal yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131yla lekelenmi\u015f Marksizmin<\/em>\u201d yerine \u201c\u2018hareketlerin hareketi\u2019 \u00e7e\u015fitlilik g\u00f6steren t\u00fcm bu hareketleri tek amaca sahip bir hareketin i\u00e7ine hapsetmek yerine farkl\u0131 ama\u00e7 ve \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n birbirlerine eklemlenebilece\u011fi alanlar yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2026 \u00a0Eskiden oldu\u011fu gibi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n jandarmal\u0131\u011f\u0131na soyunulmamaktad\u0131r<\/em>.\u201d[8]<\/a><\/p>\n

    S\u0131n\u0131f hareketine ve Marksizme kar\u015f\u0131 kullan\u0131lan ifadelere bak\u0131l\u0131rsa meram\u0131n, \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n geli\u015fimine ayak uydurmak ad\u0131na toplumsal hareketler i\u00e7in en uygun modeli bulmaya kafa yormak olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Su\u00e7lay\u0131c\u0131 dil, Marksizm esinli i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin di\u011fer toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalar\u0131 d\u0131\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n dikkatini dar ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlara indirgedi\u011fi, fabrikadaki n\u00fcfusu azalm\u0131\u015f sanayi proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n hareketi olarak kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece dar bir kesimi temsil etti\u011fi halde toplumun geneli hakk\u0131nda konu\u015fabildi\u011fi gibi kaba, ger\u00e7eklikten uzak iddialar\u0131 yinelenmektedir. THS savunucular\u0131 \u00fcstesinden gelebilece\u011fi bir karikat\u00fcre \u00e7evirdi\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini ve sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 her g\u00fcn yeniden alt etmek suretiyle iddialar\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131rlar.<\/p>\n

    Marksizmi sadece fabrikada \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u2018dar\u2019 bir sanayi i\u015f\u00e7isini temel almakla ve \u00f6zne olarak sadece fabrika i\u015f\u00e7isini tan\u0131makla ele\u015ftirmek onu asl\u0131nda bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir noktaya iteleyerek \u00f6nemsizle\u015ftirmek anlam\u0131na gelir. \u00dcstelik bu konuda y\u0131\u011f\u0131nla belge ve pratik varken. Oysa emek ve sermaye aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki ne \u015fimdi ne de daha \u00f6nce fabrika duvarlar\u0131 aras\u0131na s\u0131k\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f bir ili\u015fki olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sanayi proletaryas\u0131na indirgenmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    Ayr\u0131ca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcrde\u015f olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f kesimlerin bir toplulu\u011fu oldu\u011fu bir THS ke\u015ffi de\u011fildir. Irk, milliyet, din-mezhep, cinsel y\u00f6nelim ve cinsiyet gibi farkl\u0131 ezilme bi\u00e7imleri alt\u0131nda \u00f6zel sorunlar ya\u015fayan kesimleri kendi kimliklerine yal\u0131tan THS siyasetinden farkl\u0131 olarak s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu farkl\u0131la\u015fmalara kar\u015f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n birle\u015fik m\u00fccadelesini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeyi \u00fcstlenir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu, her g\u00fcn derinle\u015fen farkl\u0131la\u015fmalara ra\u011fmen bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olabilmenin \u015fart\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7indeki nesnel konumu taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck rol\u00fc, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 kendi i\u00e7indeki farkl\u0131la\u015fmalar\u0131n par\u00e7alanma nedeni haline gelmemesi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmesini de i\u00e7erir. B\u00f6ylece s\u0131n\u0131f hareketi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7indeki her kesimin kendi talepleriyle dahil oldu\u011fu bir s\u0131n\u0131f hareketini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek, hi\u00e7bir kesimi kendi sorunlar\u0131yla bo\u011fu\u015furken yaln\u0131z b\u0131rakmamakla y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcd\u00fcr. Ancak bu sadece sendikalar\u0131n g\u00f6revi de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

    Toplumun farkl\u0131 kesimlerinin s\u0131n\u0131f hareketine ba\u011flanmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin bu talepler i\u00e7in verilen m\u00fccadeleyi de kapsayarak geni\u015fletilmesi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn, partinin fonksiyonudur. \u0130ster k\u0131sa vadeli ya da uzun, ister yerel ya da genel, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ya da kimliksel olsun, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00f6zel bir kesimini ilgilendiren talepler ya da m\u00fccadeleler i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6teleyece\u011fi, y\u00fcz \u00e7evirece\u011fi konular olmaz. Tersine i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fc bu hareketlerden yal\u0131tmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan her giri\u015fim bunlar\u0131n \u00f6nemine dair ne kadar \u015fiddetli vurgular yapsa da o tekil, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck, yerel, ekonomik talepler i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleleri de ciddiye alm\u0131yor demektir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 di\u011fer ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar ve katmanlardan, talep ve kimlik gruplar\u0131ndan m\u00fctemadiyen ay\u0131rarak yal\u0131tan politik m\u00fcdahalelerin tersine bu hareketleri birle\u015ftirme ve birbirine ba\u011flama ve ortak bir hedef i\u00e7in y\u00f6nlendirme rol\u00fcn\u00fc de ancak sahip oldu\u011fu \u00f6rg\u00fctsel olanaklarla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 oynayabilir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc toplumsal kesimler i\u00e7in nihai kurtulu\u015fun ko\u015fulunu ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye nesnel olarak yetenekli tek kesim odur.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6yleyse, sendikal hareketin esas dayana\u011f\u0131n\u0131n fabrikadaki say\u0131s\u0131 iyice azalm\u0131\u015f sanayi proletaryas\u0131nda bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, Marksizmin d\u0131\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n farkl\u0131la\u015fm\u0131\u015f kesimlerine da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezi maksatl\u0131d\u0131r. THS\u2019nin konu d\u0131\u015f\u0131 etti\u011fi; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel rol\u00fc ile iktidar m\u00fccadelesi oldu\u011fundan bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n her birine bah\u015fedilmi\u015f \u00f6zerkli\u011fin, birle\u015fik m\u00fccadeleyi engelleyecek bi\u00e7imde m\u00fctemadiyen vurgulanmas\u0131 kas\u0131ts\u0131z de\u011fildir. Sonu\u00e7, ba\u015ftan kurulur. Ama bu ideolojik tasarrufun kendisi de s\u0131n\u0131fsald\u0131r. Aralar\u0131nda \u00c7in Seddi olmayan s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n en ak\u0131\u015fkan kesimlerini; proleterle\u015fmeyle ara s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131nda gidip gelen, istikrars\u0131z ve bu y\u00fczden radikal de\u011fi\u015fimler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ikircikli katmanlar\u0131n d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri bu sorunlar\u0131n ve taleplerin kompart\u0131manla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na yatk\u0131nd\u0131r. Kapitalizmden kurtulmay\u0131 oda\u011f\u0131na koyan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 radikalizmini ba\u015f\u0131ndan def etmek isteyen odaklar taraf\u0131ndan da ideolojik bir i\u015flem konusudur.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    THS\u2019N\u0130N EKONOM\u0130ZM\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

    THS s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcrokratik sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kusurlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden ele\u015ftirirken \u201ci<\/em>\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin dar ekonomik taleplere indirgendi\u011fi, \u00fccret sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d[9]<\/a> gibi bir kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131ndan ba\u015flar. Asl\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini siyasalla\u015ft\u0131rmak gibi bir iddia ta\u015f\u0131yor g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de ekonomik m\u00fccadele ve siyasi m\u00fccadele aras\u0131ndaki diyalektik ili\u015fkiyi g\u00f6remedi\u011fi i\u00e7in ikisinin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda da tutarl\u0131 bir pozisyonda duramaz. Ekonomik indirgemecilikle su\u00e7lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Marksizmin, sendikal hareketin belirdi\u011fi ilk andan itibaren ekonomizmle m\u00fccadele etti\u011fi ger\u00e7e\u011finin kimse taraf\u0131ndan hat\u0131rlanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 varsayarak tarihi de tahrif eder.
    \nEkonomik talepler i\u00e7in verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kendili\u011finden kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesi verebilecek bir s\u0131n\u0131f haline gelemeyece\u011fini s\u00f6yleyen Lenin, Ne Yapmal\u0131\u2019da bu \u2018indirgemecilik\u2019le m\u00fccadele etmi\u015f ve ekonomik m\u00fccadele ile siyasi m\u00fccadelenin birle\u015ftirilmesi gerekti\u011fini yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu ili\u015fkiyi kendili\u011finden kuramayan sendikal hareket s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n politik \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn yard\u0131m\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duymaktad\u0131r.    [10]<\/a> \u015e\u00f6yle bir belge de hen\u00fcz tozlanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: Kom\u00fcntern, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesini iki ayr\u0131 par\u00e7aya b\u00f6len teori ve prati\u011fin son derece zararl\u0131 oldu\u011fu\u201dnu tespit etmekte, 12 Temmuz 1921 tarihli Amsterdam (Sar\u0131) Sendikalar Enternasyonali\u2019ne Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 belgede \u015f\u00f6yle denmektedir;\u201c<\/em>Her ekonomik m\u00fccadele ayn\u0131 zamanda siyasal bir m\u00fccadeledir, yani bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ilgilendiren bir m\u00fccadeledir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ne kadar b\u00fcy\u00fck olursa olsun, devrimci sendikalar s\u00f6z konusu \u00fclkedeki kom\u00fcnist partiyle yak\u0131n ve birle\u015fik bir tarzda \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 takdirde, ancak o zaman m\u00fccadele devrimci olabilir ve proletaryaya en b\u00fcy\u00fck yarar\u0131 sa\u011flar. \u00d6zellikle i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fumuz devrimci durumda, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesini iki ayr\u0131 par\u00e7aya b\u00f6len teori ve pratik son derece zararl\u0131d\u0131r. Her eylem, g\u00fc\u00e7lerin en yo\u011fun bir bi\u00e7imde toparlanmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir, bu ise ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile onun t\u00fcm kom\u00fcnist ve devrimci unsurlar\u0131 verebilecekleri her \u015feyi sonuna kadar devrimci m\u00fccadeleye verdiklerinde ba\u015far\u0131labilir. E\u011fer kom\u00fcnist partiler ve s\u0131n\u0131f bilin\u00e7li sendikalar ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlarsa, eylemlerinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve yenilgisi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r.\u201d <\/em><\/p>\n

    1922 tarihli, Komintern\u2019in D\u00f6rd\u00fcnc\u00fc Kongre\u2019sinde kabul edilen \u2018Sendikalar \u0130\u00e7inde Kom\u00fcnist Faaliyet \u0130\u00e7in Talimatlar\u2019 ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 belgede ise \u015fu ifadeler yer al\u0131r:\u201cHer t\u00fcr politikan\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00f6neltildi\u011fi bahanesiyle, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketini politik yoldan sapt\u0131rmak amac\u0131yla, ekonomi ile politika aras\u0131na ayn\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131r \u00e7izgisi sendikal hareket i\u00e7indeki anar\u015fist unsurlar taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7izilmektedir. \u00d6z\u00fcnde bu teori tamamen burjuvad\u0131r.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

    Marksizm ekonomik m\u00fccadele ile politik m\u00fccadele aras\u0131nda bir bariyer \u00f6r\u00fclmesine daima kar\u015f\u0131 durmu\u015f; ikisi aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiyi ve bunun \u00fczerinden sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctler ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyasal \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki organik ili\u015fkiyi her f\u0131rsatta tarif etmi\u015ftir. Bu ortadayken, THS perspektifi ger\u00e7ekte Marksizmi, ekonomik s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7indeki b\u00fcrokratik sendikac\u0131l\u0131kla vurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Fakat ekonomik m\u00fccadelenin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsendi\u011fi yerden politik bir refleksin de \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan b\u00fcrokratik sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 kovdu\u011fu kap\u0131dan geri almaktad\u0131r. S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc sistemini kald\u0131rmay\u0131 hedeflemeyen her sendikal hareket sonu\u00e7ta kolay tersinir reformlarla yetinmek zorunda kal\u0131r. Zaten ama\u00e7 da budur.<\/p>\n

    Marksizmin ekonomik m\u00fccadele anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na y\u00f6nelik k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmseme asl\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda ekonomik m\u00fccadele politik m\u00fccadele ile ayr\u0131lmaz bir b\u00fct\u00fcn oldu\u011fundan as\u0131l olarak siyasi i\u00e7eri\u011fe y\u00f6neliktir. Yani iktidar m\u00fccadelesine. Bunun yoklu\u011funda geriye kalan sendikal posaya \u201cdar ekonomik \u00e7\u0131karlarla ilgilendi\u011fi\u201d tespiti Marksizmin tezidir ve buna g\u00f6re, kendisini i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyasi hedeflerinden kurtarm\u0131\u015f THS \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda yeniden dirilme imkan\u0131 bulan \u015fey de ebedi \u2018geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131k\u2019t\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    THS\u2019nin en radikal yorumlar\u0131nda dahi sendikalar bir bak\u0131ma, en \u00e7ok ele\u015ftirildikleri yerde, ekonomik mevzide b\u0131rak\u0131lmaya devam etmektedir. K\u0131smi talepler veya reform m\u00fccadelelerini \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesine ba\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tersine, bu talepleri k\u0131smili\u011fi i\u00e7inde yal\u0131tma e\u011filiminde oldu\u011fundan \u201cproletaryan\u0131n dar grup \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n hareketi<\/em>\u201dni a\u015fmay\u0131 de\u011fil, buna g\u00f6m\u00fclmeyi ba\u015far\u0131r. Bu s\u0131rada dikkatini \u2018indirgenmi\u015f\u2019 mekandan, fabrikadan \u00e7evirip \u2018dar \u00e7\u0131karlar\u2019dan uzakla\u015fmak ad\u0131na yerel m\u00fccadelelere; kimlik ve k\u00fclt\u00fcrel hak m\u00fccadelelerine, \u00e7evre, bar\u0131\u015f vb. hareketlerine y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir ama darl\u0131ktan ka\u00e7arken kendisini daha dar \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc olarak bulmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yerel m\u00fccadeleler hi\u00e7bir zaman konu d\u0131\u015f\u0131 olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00dcretim ya da yerle\u015fim mahallerinde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmek, aile \u00fcyelerinin ve \u00e7evresinin m\u00fccadeleye sevk edilmesi, yerel yoksullar\u0131n taleplerinin desteklenmesi, kimlik gruplar\u0131yla duyarl\u0131l\u0131k gruplar\u0131n\u0131n, hak m\u00fccadelelerinin hepsi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde ilgi alan\u0131 i\u00e7indedir. Ama THS anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi yoldan farkl\u0131 bir yolla. S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, partisi, ba\u015fka kal\u0131c\u0131 ya da ge\u00e7ici \u00f6rg\u00fctleri arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ve dahil oldu\u011fu platformlarla toplumun b\u00fct\u00fcn meselelerinin i\u00e7inde, onu kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesine ba\u011flayan bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ve m\u00fccadele s\u00fcrecini y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcr. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 i\u00e7in en basit ekonomik m\u00fccadeleden iktidar m\u00fccadelesine kadar her m\u00fccadele bi\u00e7imi \u00f6nemlidir. Ekonomik m\u00fccadele ile siyasi m\u00fccadeleyi birbirinden ay\u0131r\u0131p sendikal harekete sistemle sorunsuz bir siyasi rol y\u00fckleyen ise Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Sendikalar\u0131n \u00fcretim birimlerinde de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tek \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme arac\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i komiteleri, gizli a\u00e7\u0131k parti h\u00fccreleri, hareketin bi\u00e7imlerine ve d\u00fczeylerine g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fen organlar\u0131yla \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen ve siyaset yapan s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131ca tarihsel \u00f6rneklerinde oldu\u011fu gibi; meclisler, konseyler veya Sovyetler de olu\u015fturmu\u015f, bunlar yeri geldi\u011finde ikili iktidar ya da do\u011frudan do\u011fruya iktidar organlar\u0131 olmu\u015f ya da d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

    THS ba\u011flam\u0131nda bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin her biri ayr\u0131 ayr\u0131, birbirinden \u00f6zerk, ba\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 bir ili\u015fkiden yoksun varl\u0131klar olarak bulundu\u011fundan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n partisi de sendikadan ayr\u0131 bir ba\u015fl\u0131k olarak ele al\u0131n\u0131r. Bu ikisi birbiriyle ili\u015fkisiz, yeri geldi\u011finde her biri di\u011feri i\u00e7in m\u00fcttefik avadanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda yer alan bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n partisi herhangi her biri kendi \u00f6zerkli\u011fi i\u00e7indeki di\u011fer partilerle veya herhangi bir duyarl\u0131l\u0131k \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcyle e\u015fit, e\u015fde\u011ferdir. B\u00f6ylece sendika, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n iktidar m\u00fccadelesinin bir muharebe arac\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar. Zaten THS\u2019nin \u00e7o\u011fu tan\u0131m\u0131nda sendikaya bir m\u00fccadele de\u011fil savunma rol\u00fc bi\u00e7ilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    THS\u2019nin ay\u0131rt edici \u00f6zelli\u011fi birle\u015fik bir hareketi imkans\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rmak ve b\u00f6ylece hareketleri ortak bir stratejiden yoksun b\u0131rakmakt\u0131r. Bunun k\u0131sa \u00f6zeti kapitalizmle ve onun devletleriyle bir arada ya\u015fama prati\u011fini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemektir.<\/p>\n

    Alain Touraine\u2019den aktaran Donatella Della Porta \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cToplumsal hareketler d\u00fczenin marjinal bir reddi de\u011fildir, toplumun kendi taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilmesini ve tarihselli\u011fi (yani belirli bir toplumda bask\u0131n kurallar\u0131 belirleyen genel anlam sistemini) bi\u00e7imlendirmek i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n eylemini kontrol etmek ad\u0131na birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fanlar\u0131n merkezi kuvvetlerdir.<\/em>\u201d[11]<\/a> Bu hareketin muhatab\u0131 \u201cdevlet de\u011fil sosyal muhalif<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fundan, kendi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc, ezeli muhatab\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 siyasetini ve Marksizm\u2019i terbiye ederek ta\u00e7land\u0131rmak ister.<\/p>\n

    Hareketin konusu veya hedefi olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kan devlet, varsay\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda sorun olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar. Ve eyleme ili\u015fmedi\u011fi s\u00fcrece sivil toplumun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, kendi halinde bir politik merkez olarak bulunur. Anarko sendikalizmin 19. y\u00fczy\u0131ldaki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn yar\u0131 proleterlerine, g\u00fcvencesizlik tehdidi alt\u0131ndaki ara s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131na devretti\u011fi kara bayra\u011f\u0131 iki y\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6nceki \u015fa\u015faas\u0131na sahip olmasa da iddias\u0131 hala b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    DEMOKRAT\u0130K TOPLUM SEND\u0130KACILI\u011eI<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Demokratik Toplum Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 (DTS) K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin stratejik \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ve toplum tasavvuruna uyumlula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir sendikal perspektiftir. KESK\u2019te Demokratik Emek Platformu (DEMEP) taraf\u0131ndan temsil edilmektedir. KESK i\u00e7inde THS\u2019nin de\u011fi\u015fik versiyonlar\u0131n\u0131 benimseyen ba\u015fka bile\u015fenlerin de katk\u0131s\u0131yla bug\u00fcn DTS, KESK\u2019te hegemonik bir g\u00fc\u00e7 edinmi\u015ftir. \u201cReel sosyalist zihniyete dayal\u0131 klasik s\u0131n\u0131f tan\u0131mlamas\u0131n\u0131 ve klasik sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fan<\/em>\u201d[12]<\/a> \u201csadece end\u00fcstriyel eme\u011fi i\u00e7ererek di\u011fer t\u00fcm emek\u00e7ileri d\u0131\u015flayan s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir i\u015f\u00e7i kavram\u0131 i\u00e7inde, kad\u0131n\u0131n yeniden \u00fcretici eme\u011fini, k\u00f6yl\u00fc eme\u011fini vb. daha az de\u011ferli g\u00f6ren<\/em>\u201d \u201ceskiden do\u011fru ama g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde emek bi\u00e7imleri aras\u0131nda \u00f6ncelik, \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck ve \u00f6znelik fark\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in<\/em>\u201d art\u0131k ge\u00e7erli olmayan bir \u201cgeleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131na alternatif ve geli\u015fmenin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir sonucu olarak g\u00fcndeme geldi\u011fi iddia edilir. \u201cGeleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201dla ili\u015fkilendirilen Marksizm\u2019in hayat\u0131 ekonomiye indirgedi\u011fi, \u00fccret sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7izgisinde kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirilmesi THS\u2019nin reformist yorumlar\u0131n\u0131n tekrar\u0131d\u0131r. Ek olarak anakro sendikalizmden bir katk\u0131yla bunu a\u015fman\u0131n bir g\u00f6rev oldu\u011fu vurgulan\u0131r.[13]<\/a><\/p>\n

    DTS; K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin Demokratik \u00d6zerklik, Demokratik Ulus, Demokratik Konfederalizm, Radikal Demokrasi gibi kavramlar ekseninde olgunla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve siyasi idari bi\u00e7imin, \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u015femas\u0131n\u0131n, toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin tan\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir ba\u011flamda \u00fcretilmi\u015ftir. \u201cDemokratik toplum paradigmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc demokratik toplumcu sendikac\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d sadece T\u00fcrkiye i\u00e7in de\u011fil b\u00fct\u00fcn Ortado\u011fu ve hatta d\u00fcnya i\u00e7in \u00f6nerilmi\u015f demokratik konfederalizmin sendikal hareketteki izd\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcd\u00fcr. Kendi aralar\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f benzerlerin; kimlik gruplar\u0131, sosyal tabakalar, etnik ve dini aidiyetler, e\u011filimler, duyarl\u0131l\u0131klar vb.nin \u00f6zerk varl\u0131klar olarak bulundu\u011fu ve bunlar\u0131n olu\u015fturdu\u011fu \u00f6zel meclislerde al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f kararlar\u0131n delegeler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla, \u00f6nce yereldeki ortak meclise sonra genel meclislere ve nihayet merkezi bir y\u00fcr\u00fctmeye ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir model \u00f6nerir.<\/p>\n

    Demokratik Konfederalizm olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modelinin yak\u0131n prati\u011fi Rojava\u2019d\u0131r.[14]<\/a> B\u00f6lgedeki halklar\u0131n milliyetler esas\u0131na g\u00f6re, oransal temsil edildi\u011fi meclislerle y\u00f6netilen Rojava\u2019da haz\u0131rlanan Toplumsal S\u00f6zle\u015fme bu idari bi\u00e7imin ekonomik d\u00fczenini tan\u0131mlarken \u201cM\u00fclkiyet ve \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet hakk\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve herkesin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na g\u00f6re kazanaca\u011f\u0131 ortak bir ekonomi i\u00e7inde me\u015fru bir yar\u0131\u015f\u0131n (<\/em>rekabetin<\/em><\/strong>) \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, tek elde toplamay\u0131 yani stoklaman\u0131n (<\/em>tekelle\u015fmenin<\/em><\/strong>) yasakland\u0131\u011f\u0131, ulusal \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fclkiyetinin <\/em>tesis edildi\u011fi<\/em><\/strong> (boldlar birer yorumdur)\u2026<\/em>\u201d[15]<\/a> ifadeleri kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em>[16]<\/strong><\/em><\/a> Bu, a\u00e7\u0131k olmayan, dolayl\u0131 dil K\u00fcrt burjuvazisi ile proletaryan\u0131n her ikisinin birden g\u00f6nl\u00fcn\u00fc almay\u0131 ama\u00e7lam\u0131\u015f gibidir. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a de\u011finilmeden, etraf\u0131ndan dolanarak tan\u0131mlanan ili\u015fkiler kapitalizme aittir.<\/p>\n

    S\u00f6zle\u015fmenin ruhu hem \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 konfederalizm ve demokratik ulus metinleri hem de DTS metinleriyle de benze\u015fir. \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki m\u00fclkiyetin devam etti\u011fi, serbest rekabetin desteklendi\u011fi ve ama tekelle\u015fmeye izin verilmeyen bir sistem![17]<\/a> Fakat \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndaki \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet esas\u0131na dayal\u0131 kapitalizmde tekeller tam da rekabetten do\u011far ve rekabetle ya\u015far. Bunun sistem i\u00e7inde kurulu bir bariyerle engellenebildi\u011finin pratik bir \u00f6rne\u011fi de d\u00fcnya y\u00fcz\u00fcnde yoktur. \u0130fadelerdeki \u00e7ift anlaml\u0131l\u0131k ve belirsizlik imkans\u0131z\u0131 form\u00fcle etmenin zorlu\u011fundand\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Az n\u00fcfuslu k\u0131r-k\u00f6yde s\u00fcren k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcretim modeline giydirilmi\u015f kom\u00fcnal-ekolojik klan formasyonu kapsam\u0131nda, takas esasl\u0131 b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm sistemiyle kentsel kapitalizmi uzla\u015ft\u0131rma \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fctopik kurgusu da bunun nedenlerinden biridir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc K\u00fcrt hareketinin bir\u00e7ok metninde herkesin ihtiyac\u0131 esas\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00fccretli emek, a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken bir nosyon olarak tan\u0131mlan\u0131r. Bu sadece kom\u00fcnal \u00fctopyan\u0131n bir \u015fart\u0131 de\u011fil \u015fimdiden m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olan bir a\u015fma konusudur. Ad\u0131n\u0131 anmad\u0131k\u00e7a nesnenin kendisinin sorun olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen Bakunin\u2019in zihniyetini diriltmek pahas\u0131na \u00fccretli s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ad\u0131n\u0131 anmaman\u0131n ondan kurtulmaya yetece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclmektedir. \u201cDolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00fccret pazarl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d yapan, m\u00fccadelenin tek dinami\u011fi olarak kendini g\u00f6ren \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ekonomizm<\/em>\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 eskimi\u015ftir ve yeni bir \u201cherkesi kapsayan s\u0131n\u0131f<\/em>\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131 yapmak gereklidir.[18]<\/a> \u201c\u00c7\u0131karlar zemininde pazarl\u0131k zeminine s\u0131k\u0131\u015fan<\/em>\u201d, \u201ct\u00fcm hayat\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi olarak g\u00f6ren<\/em>\u201d, \u201csolun, b\u00fcz\u00fc\u015fmesine neden oldu\u011fu sendikalara<\/em>\u201d \u00f6nerilen s\u0131n\u0131f tan\u0131m\u0131 \u201cbinlerce y\u0131ld\u0131r direni\u015f halinde bulunan a\u015firet, kabile, ezilen dinsel cemaatlerden tarikat ger\u00e7e\u011fine, i\u015f\u00e7isinden i\u015fsizine sistemin t\u00fcm ma\u011fdurlar\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7ine alan s\u0131n\u0131f anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131m\u0131z olmal\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>\u201d bi\u00e7iminde ifade edilmi\u015ftir.[19]<\/a> Kuruldu\u011fu andan itibaren grevli-toplus\u00f6zle\u015fmeli sendika hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden KESK emek\u00e7ilerinin \u00f6n\u00fcne, bu yeni \u201cplatform\u201d, eme\u011fin \u00fccretlendirilmesine kar\u015f\u0131 tek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fcn toplumsal ihtiya\u00e7lar kapsam\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm oldu\u011funu, T\u0130S\u2019in de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na bir r\u00fc\u015fvet\u00e7ilik sistemi oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrerek \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.[20]<\/a> Sendikay\u0131 sendika yapan ba\u015fl\u0131ca talepleri bir kenara b\u0131rakt\u0131ktan sonra onu K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin siyasi hedefleri i\u00e7in ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131ran DTS[21]<\/a> platformu \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc bir \u00f6zsavunma \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Kendisinden ba\u015fka herkesin indirgemeci oldu\u011funu iddia eden hareketin iddialar\u0131ndan biri de solun s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye merkezi bir yer verdi\u011fidir.<\/p>\n

    DTS kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan do\u011fan temel \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi, yani emek ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi yok sayar[22]<\/a> ama bunun yerine \u201ctarihsel olarak birey devlet ikilemi aras\u0131nda<\/em>\u201d bir \u00e7eli\u015fki belirler. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin sistematik a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 devletli uygarl\u0131k ile demokratik modernitedir. [23]<\/a>Ezilenlerin devlet hedefli m\u00fccadeleleri ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131kla sonu\u00e7land\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00e7ok bedel \u00f6dendi\u011fi i\u00e7in hem demokratik bir devlet i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelenin anlam\u0131 kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r hem de mevcut devletten bir l\u00fctuf beklememek gerekir. Bu, siyasal hedeflerin ve taleplerin kendi kendini in\u015fa eden topluma havale edildi\u011fi bir perspektifin ku\u015fkusuz giri\u015f c\u00fcmlesidir.[24]<\/a><\/p>\n

    Devlet bir siyasi hedef olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi kendisine talep y\u00f6neltilen bir kurum da de\u011fildir. DTS \u201cDevlet endeksli sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele platformudur\u201d<\/em>[25]<\/strong><\/em><\/a> ayn\u0131 zamanda. K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin \u00f6zerklik in\u015fas\u0131na kar\u0131\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece devlet herhangi bir sorun merkezi olamaz. Ne var ki yak\u0131n \u00f6rneklerinde g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011fu \u00fczere devletin b\u00f6yle bir perspektife ikna olmaya da niyeti yoktur.<\/p>\n

    K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve emek\u00e7ilerinin bunca y\u0131ll\u0131k sendikal m\u00fccadelesini burjuva liberal \u00e7izgiye harcamaya kalkan hem bir toplum hem de bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modeli i\u00e7in ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan KESK\u2019e, girmesi i\u00e7in bir hiza \u00f6nerilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    Bro\u015f\u00fcrlerde konfederasyonun tek \u00f6nemli demokratikle\u015fme sorunu olarak te\u015fhis edilen K\u00fcrt sorununa, \u00f6zel olarak da K\u00fcrt hareketine \u00f6zg\u00fc sorunlara yeterince m\u00fcdahil ve destek olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ele\u015ftirisini i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve sola sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n takip etmesi, \u00f6ylesine de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc KESK, Demokratik Ulus in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fumunda yer almal\u0131d\u0131r.[26]<\/a> Bir sendikan\u0131n uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mas\u0131 bunu militanca savunmas\u0131 yeterli de\u011fildir bu anlamda, farkl\u0131 uluslardan ve kimliklerden b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcyelerini de bu in\u015fa s\u00fcreci i\u00e7in konumland\u0131rmas\u0131 gerekir! Ancak kapitalizm, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc gibi kategorilerle tan\u0131mlanan emek, emek\u00e7i, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, sendika kavramlar\u0131 bu etkinlik i\u00e7in uygun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan bunlar\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek, yeni i\u00e7erikler ve bi\u00e7imler bulmak gerekir.<\/p>\n

    Geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fma iddias\u0131 e\u015fli\u011finde; \u00fcyelerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden, s\u00f6zle\u015fme yapan, muharebe eden bir sendika mefhumu ve bunun yan\u0131 s\u0131ra bu m\u00fccadele birikiminin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc olan sendikal yap\u0131 da bozu\u015fturulmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    DTS\u2019nin sendikada \u00f6nerdi\u011fi mimari, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin \u00f6ncelikle homojen bir kitle olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6yleyse sendikalar\u0131n sadece emek\u00e7ileri \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesinin yanl\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131yla \u015fekillenir. Sendika t\u0131pk\u0131 bir yerel parti ya da sivil toplum \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc gibi, bulundu\u011fu mahalin t\u00fcm toplumsal kesimlerinin \u00f6rg\u00fctleyici g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Zaten mevcut kamu emek\u00e7isi \u00fcyelerinin grevli toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fmeli sendika hakk\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelesi, \u00f6zl\u00fck haklar\u0131, bununla ili\u015fkilendirilmi\u015f iktidar m\u00fccadelesi gibi bir perspektiften s\u0131yr\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir yap\u0131n\u0131n kendi hedef kitlesiyle bir al\u0131\u015fveri\u015fi kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin genel siyasi hedeflerinin toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131nda ideolojik ve \u00f6rg\u00fctsel bir rol oynamas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde pek bir engel kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Sendika i\u00e7indeki b\u00fct\u00fcn kesimlerin a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan yukar\u0131 olu\u015fturduklar\u0131 meclislerin son tahlilde merkezi bir y\u00fcr\u00fctmeye ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir bi\u00e7im alt\u0131nda, her kimlik ve kesim kendi kararlar\u0131n\u0131 al\u0131r, ve bunu en alt yereldeki meclisten se\u00e7ilen delegeler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir yerel veya b\u00f6lge meclisine iletir. Bu model Demokratik Konfederalizmin sendikalara uyarlanm\u0131\u015f halidir. Emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki her bir kimlik ya da stat\u00fc grubu b\u00f6yle bir meclisle\u015fme hakk\u0131na sahiptir. K\u00fcrtler, T\u00fcrkler, Aleviler, di\u011fer etnik gruplar, LGBT\u0130, kad\u0131nlar, \u00f6zel duyarl\u0131l\u0131k gruplar\u0131, emekliler, KHK\u2019liler, gen\u00e7ler ve \u00e7e\u015fitli nedenlerle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ba\u015fka grupla\u015fmalar\u0131n meclis faaliyetleri kapsam\u0131nda emek de, sonu\u00e7 olarak bir komisyon faaliyetine indirgenmi\u015f olur, \u201cemek\u00e7i\u201d KESK\u2019teki kimliklerden biridir. Bunun daha geni\u015f bir toplumsal \u00e7er\u00e7eve i\u00e7indeki yeri, bir \u00f6zerk bir sendika \u015fubesinin, bulundu\u011fu il\u00e7ede di\u011fer \u00f6zerk ve kendi i\u00e7lerinde meclisle\u015fmi\u015f toplumsal kesimler diziliminde yerini almas\u0131 ve yerel in\u015fan\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olmas\u0131d\u0131r.[27]<\/a> \u00d6nemsiz olmayan bir alt metne g\u00f6re, bu model emek\u00e7ilerin birle\u015fik bir m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fctmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn m\u00fctemadiyen kesilmesinden ba\u015fka bir anlama gelmez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc modelin pratik kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 birle\u015ftirici tayin edilen \u00f6zerk kimlik gruplar\u0131 alt\u0131nda o kimli\u011fin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fcleriyle birle\u015febilen emek\u00e7iler kendi benzerleriyle kolay bulu\u015famayacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Demokratik merkeziyet\u00e7ili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131, her \u00fcyenin tabandan kat\u0131l\u0131m yoluyla aktif bir karar verici oldu\u011fu meclisle\u015fme sistemini \u00f6neren hareket asl\u0131nda sendikay\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenemez hale getirmektedir. Emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda sendika, bunlar\u0131 ortak emek m\u00fccadelesini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemek amac\u0131yla b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirici de\u011fil emek\u00e7ileri en k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck unsurlar\u0131na kadar b\u00f6len bir rol\u00fc y\u00fcklenmektedir. B\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirme elbette, s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 perspektifinde i\u015f\u00e7ilerin kimliklerinin, cinsiyet ve y\u00f6nelimlerinin, din ve mezhep farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6rmezden gelinmesi ve bu y\u00fczden ezilmelerine g\u00f6z yumulmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmez ancak bu \u00f6zg\u00fcl ve \u00f6zel farkl\u0131l\u0131klar, sorunlar ve talepler sendika i\u00e7inde \u00f6zerkle\u015ftirilemez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu sorunlar emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn de sorunudur; DTS ise bu sorunu ilgili konfederal b\u00f6l\u00fcme aktararak, yal\u0131t\u0131r. En g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc kimlik grubunun oransal temsil ilkesinin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 avantajdan yararlanaca\u011f\u0131 toplam hareket i\u00e7inde, farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n e\u015fitli\u011fi iddias\u0131 kurulamaz bir hayaldir. Tersine b\u00f6yle bir mimari e\u015fitsizli\u011fin ve par\u00e7alanman\u0131n s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretilmesine cevaz verir.<\/p>\n

    Fa\u015fizmi P\u00fcsk\u00fcrtece\u011fiz Biz kazanaca\u011f\u0131z<\/em> bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcnde \u015f\u00f6yle yazar: \u201cKESK\u2019in herhangi bir yerel meclisi orada bulunan t\u00fcm demokratik kurumlar ile ortak meclis in\u015fa edebilir. Bunun \u00f6znesi olabilir. Yani KESK\u2019li bir emek\u00e7i kendi b\u00f6lgesindeki \u00fcst meclislerde, kad\u0131n, ekoloji meclisi ya da yerel kom\u00fcn meclisinin i\u00e7inde bulunabilir.\u201d \u00dcyelerinin bir dizi konfederal meclise dahil olup eylemden eyleme ko\u015fu\u015fturdu\u011fu, mahalle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131, sendika \u015fubesine yerel hareketin \u00f6zneli\u011fi ve kat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol\u00fcn\u00fcn verildi\u011fi ve sonra b\u00fct\u00fcn bu faaliyetin hepsinin birden siyasi stratejiye ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme i\u00e7inde belki de en az bulunan\u0131 \u00fcyelerinin sendikal faaliyetidir.<\/p>\n

    Toplumun ba\u015fka kesimleri i\u00e7inde, mahallede, \u00e7evrede, il\u00e7ede, k\u00f6yde klan ve cemaat sistemini taklit ederek \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi tavsiye edilen sendikan\u0131n; aras\u0131na dahil oldu\u011fu ya da i\u00e7ine ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f ve katmanlar\u0131n g\u00fcn\u00fcbirlik talepleri, ideolojik y\u00fckleri taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesi sendikan\u0131n bir emek \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelir. DTS emek s\u00fcrecindeki bu kimlik b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesini \u00f6nce motive eder sonra K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketi do\u011frultusunda toparlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Taban\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcnmesinin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi\u011fi tek yer merkezdir. Ama bu sendikal y\u00f6netimin merkezi de\u011fil de onun d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndad\u0131r. Sendikalar\u0131n \u00f6nderliksiz ve siyasetsiz kalmamas\u0131n\u0131n tek garantisi haline gelen merkez sendikan\u0131nki de\u011fil K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin merkezidir.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    KADIN YAPILANMALARI<\/strong><\/p>\n

    KESK\u2019teki d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm en \u00e7ok kad\u0131n yap\u0131lanmalar\u0131yla dikkat \u00e7ekti. K\u00fcrt kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n demokrasi m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7indeki ortak kazan\u0131mlardaki b\u00fcy\u00fck rol\u00fc, fedakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve m\u00fccadelecili\u011fi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki genel kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin de ivmesini y\u00fckseltmi\u015ftir. Bu bak\u0131mdan KESK\u2019teki kad\u0131n olu\u015fumlar\u0131 do\u011fal olarak ezilen ve bask\u0131 alt\u0131ndaki bir cinsin m\u00fccadeledeki kazan\u0131m\u0131 olarak anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Zaten Kad\u0131n sekreterli\u011fi, e\u015fba\u015fkanl\u0131k sistemi, kad\u0131n meclisleri de DTS \u00e7izgisi i\u00e7indekiler taraf\u0131ndan b\u00f6yle ele al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f ve tan\u0131mlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Ancak ulusal hareket i\u00e7in kad\u0131n sadece toplumsal kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 y\u00fcz\u00fcnden \u00f6zel \u00f6neme sahip de\u011fildir.\u00a0 Ulusal hareketin stratejik toplumsal modeline uygun olarak yeniden tan\u0131mlanan kad\u0131n, kurucu bir kimlik, stratejik bir de\u011fer y\u00fcklenmi\u015ftir. Sendikal yap\u0131 i\u00e7indeki en \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc, en r\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcn\u00fc ispatlam\u0131\u015f, bile\u015fen anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ortak kesi\u015fim k\u00fcmesindeki tek kategori olarak kad\u0131n kimli\u011fi KESK\u2019teki konfederalizm esasl\u0131 sendikal y\u00f6nelimin merkezinde durur.<\/p>\n

    Devletli uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00e7eli\u015fki olarak se\u00e7en K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin demokratik ulus kurgusu i\u00e7in, devletsiz kabile-klan \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinden g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomi d\u0131\u015f\u0131 bir kategoridir kad\u0131n. Ortado\u011fu\u2019ya \u00f6nerilen neolitik, tar\u0131m-k\u00f6y devriminin sadece simgesi de\u011fil gerek\u00e7esidir de. Onu yeniden hat\u0131rlanan tanr\u0131\u00e7a k\u00fclt\u00fc i\u00e7inde ana-kad\u0131n olarak mistifiye eden hareket, kapitalizmin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131na delalet etti\u011fi tek emek t\u00fcr\u00fc olan kad\u0131n\u0131n \u201cyeniden \u00fcretim\u201d ve bak\u0131m eme\u011finde kapitalizmin ve \u201cdevletli toplumun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d imkan\u0131n\u0131 bulmu\u015ftur. \u201cYeniden \u00fcretim eme\u011fi\u201dni kapitalizmden \u00e7ekip zihinde neolitik \u00e7a\u011fa g\u00f6nderdikten sonra onu yeni bir ekonomik birim olarak, \u00fccretli emek d\u00fczeninin, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn alternatifi olarak var etmi\u015ftir. Bu emek, yani yeniden \u00fcretim eme\u011fi Marx\u2019\u0131n emek de\u011fer teorisini bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131karan bir kategoridir buna g\u00f6re. \u00d6calan \u015f\u00f6yle yazar:<\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan, de\u011feri zaman birimiyle \u00f6l\u00e7en Marx\u2019\u0131n[28]<\/a> yan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 iddia eder ve kad\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretken faaliyetinin simgeledi\u011fi yeniden \u00fcretim eme\u011finin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez oldu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrer. Kad\u0131n eme\u011finden kas\u0131t ana eme\u011fidir. De\u011fer teorisini Marx\u2019\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi tan\u0131mlaman\u0131n sendikalar\u0131 \u00fccret sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na y\u00f6neltti\u011fini ve sadece \u00fccret art\u0131r\u0131m\u0131 ile u\u011fra\u015fmakla s\u0131n\u0131rlad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da s\u00f6ylemektedir ki kad\u0131n\u0131n yeniden \u00fcretim eme\u011fi tam da bu noktada zihinsel ve toplumsal bir devrim imkan\u0131 sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r.[29]<\/a> \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fta \u00fccret m\u00fccadelesi olmak \u00fczere ulusal hareket taraf\u0131ndan onaylanmayan her m\u00fccadelesi, buna devrimci bir kalk\u0131\u015fma da dahil, do\u011frudan do\u011fruya onu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc bir s\u0131n\u0131f haline getirecektir.<\/p>\n

    \u00dcretim s\u00fcrecinden ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131ktan sonra elde kalan malzemeyle tan\u0131mlanan \u201cyeniden \u00fcretim\u201d emek ve sermaye aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkinin K\u00fcrt hareketinin talebi \u00fczerine zihinde yok edilmesi anlam\u0131na gelir. Bunun bir nesnel kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 elbette yoktur. Kapitalizmi anmayarak onu a\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u00fccretli eme\u011fi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsedi\u011finde \u00fccretli emek m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6nemini kaybedece\u011fini varsayan zihin, demokratik ulus konseptinde de s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131ts\u0131z olarak kan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu bir \u00fctopyad\u0131r. Buna a\u00e7\u0131lan alan, do\u011fal olarak, nesnelli\u011fe m\u00fcdahale etmenin bilimi olan Marksizmin tahrifinden \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Emek de\u011fer teorisinin inkar\u0131 \u00fczerine yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f maddi olmayan emek ya da duygusal emek gibi kavramlar\u0131n maksada y\u00f6nelik basitle\u015ftirilmesiyle, kad\u0131n\u0131n, kapitalizm i\u00e7inde s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen bir varl\u0131k olarak de\u011fil ezilen bir cinsiyet olarak de\u011fil, gelmi\u015f ge\u00e7mi\u015f b\u00fct\u00fcn sistemlerin, nesli yeniden \u00fcretmek i\u00e7in haz\u0131r buldu\u011fu do\u011fal \u201cana eme\u011fi\u201dnin ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olarak pantheona yerle\u015ftirilmesi ve b\u00f6ylelikle gizemle\u015ftirilmesi kapitalizme ve onun devletine kar\u015f\u0131 hay\u0131rhah tutumdaki K\u00fcrt burjuvazisinin ideolojik tercihleriyle uyumludur. Ana kad\u0131n\u0131n duygusal eme\u011finin y\u00fcceltilmesiyle sadece kad\u0131n de\u011fil s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkileri de gizemle\u015ftirilir. Bunun alt metninde ulusal s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131nda p\u00fcr\u00fcz \u00e7\u0131karacak bir mevzunun \u201c\u00fccretli eme\u011fin\u201d haklar\u0131 ve sonra \u00fccretli emek sisteminin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele sorunu \u00f6telenir, hem K\u00fcrt egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 hem k\u0131rsal topluluktaki emek\u00e7ilerle kentsel emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda kad\u0131n\u0131n \u201c\u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez eme\u011fi\u201dyle dokunmu\u015f bir a\u011f olu\u015fturulmaya ba\u015flan\u0131r. A\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7as\u0131 kad\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli \u00f6telenmesinde ara\u00e7salla\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    M\u00fcstakbel neolitik devrimin kald\u0131rac\u0131 art\u0131k kad\u0131n imgesidir. \u00dccretli eme\u011fin zihindeki a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve \u00fccret sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n arkaik ilan edilebilmesi bir ba\u015fka arkaik fig\u00fcr\u00fcn, Tanr\u0131\u00e7a k\u00fclt\u00fcn\u00fcn y\u00fcceltilmesi e\u015fli\u011finde yap\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    KESK\u2019teki d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn merkezine yerle\u015ftirilen kad\u0131n\u0131n rol\u00fc anla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar\u0131yla gayet ekonomi politik bir i\u00e7erik ta\u015f\u0131r, sonra da stratejiktir. Tekeller taraf\u0131ndan yutulma tehdidi alt\u0131nda, kendine yeten k\u00f6y ekonomilerinden kalkan\u0131 ve mahalli belediye \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerinden olu\u015fan \u00f6zsavunma g\u00fcc\u00fcyle \u00e7evrili bir \u00fctopya; kurucunun devletsiz, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z d\u00fczeni i\u00e7in arkaik olan\u0131 yard\u0131ma \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rma bi\u00e7imidir. Ama yeniden \u00fcretimin mevcut \u00fcretim sistemiyle ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kopar\u0131lmas\u0131 ve ona \u00f6zel bir \u00f6zerklik tan\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131n bir nedeni de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin billurla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fcretim alanlar\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadelesinin yeniden \u00fcretim alan\u0131 olarak tarif edilen \u00e7epere aktar\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ger\u00e7ekte ise emek sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin ve ili\u015fkisinin \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci ve alan\u0131ndan ayr\u0131, merkezi bu s\u00fcrece g\u00f6m\u00fcl\u00fc olmayan, yal\u0131t\u0131k veya \u00f6zerk bir yeniden \u00fcretim alan\u0131 elbette yoktur. Bu kurgu bir sendikan\u0131n \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecindeki rol\u00fcn\u00fc de bertaraf etmek i\u00e7in geli\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. (As\u0131l patenti elbette Negri ve Hardt ikilisinindir.) Buradan; T\u0130S\u2019lerin \u00f6nemsizle\u015ftirilmesi, geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kendisini fabrika i\u015f\u00e7ilerini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemekle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 tuttu\u011funun iddia edilmesi, Marksizm\u2019in, yaz\u0131l\u0131 belgeler ortadayken tahrif edilmesi pahas\u0131na ekonomik indirgemecili\u011fin yinelenmesi, emek m\u00fccadelesinin dikkatini da\u011f\u0131tmak, sendikay\u0131 K\u00fcrt makro siyasetine ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7indir.<\/p>\n

    Demokratik Konfederalizm sadece K\u00fcrtleri ilgilendiren bir form\u00fcl olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaz. Form\u00fcl\u00fc olu\u015fturanlar bunu her toplum, her b\u00f6lge i\u00e7in genel bir strateji haline getirmi\u015flerdir ve u\u011fruna da m\u00fccadele etmektedirler. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu b\u00fct\u00fcn i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin de sorunu ve g\u00fcndemidir. KESK i\u00e7in bu, daha \u00e7ok b\u00f6yledir.<\/p>\n

    DTS platformunun \u00f6nermeleri ve prati\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile toplumsal hareket sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ideolojik m\u00fccadelenin giderek keskinle\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. Geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 a\u015fmak i\u00e7in harcanan \u00e7aba t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn sendikan\u0131n g\u00f6zle g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr bir \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmesine, sendikal yap\u0131n\u0131n kolonlar\u0131n\u0131n erimesine, sendika \u00fcyelerinin \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczle\u015fmesine ve istifas\u0131na yol a\u00e7mas\u0131 bir s\u00fcrpriz de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 eme\u011fin kamu sendikalar\u0131 i\u00e7inde yer alan kimliklerden birine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fme yoluna itelendi\u011fi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7tir.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    SONU\u00c7 YER\u0130NE<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131k olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan g\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc, b\u00fcrokratik, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i sendikalar\u0131n \u201ca\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n\u201d tek yolu onu bir ba\u015fka d\u00fczlemde yeniden \u00fcretecek \u00e7abalar de\u011fil s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dccretli emek sistemini kald\u0131rmay\u0131 hedeflemek yerine \u00fccreti ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 hayal etmenin bu sistemi her g\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretmenin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7mek anlam\u0131na gelmedi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek bile z\u00fcld\u00fcr asl\u0131nda.[30]<\/a> Ne var ki b\u00f6yle mant\u0131k kurgular\u0131yla \u00e7at\u0131lan bir sendikal anlay\u0131\u015f dola\u015f\u0131mdad\u0131r ve sendikay\u0131 yukar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zmeye y\u00f6nelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    Ayaklar\u0131 \u00fczerine dikilmesi gereken, sendikay\u0131 yukar\u0131dan a\u015fa\u011f\u0131, masa ba\u015f\u0131nda, zihni kurgularla de\u011fi\u015ftirme anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Sendikay\u0131 k\u00e2h bir partinin, k\u00e2h sivil toplum \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn, bazen bir derne\u011fin bazen kimliklerden birinin yerine koyan; bu kesimlerle sendika aras\u0131ndaki do\u011fru ili\u015fkiyi kuramayan ve b\u00f6ylece sendikal faaliyeti yap\u0131lamaz hale getiren e\u011filimlerin do\u011frultulmas\u0131n\u0131n ko\u015fulu, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele etmek \u00fczere birle\u015fmi\u015f emek\u00e7ilerin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr.<\/p>\n

    \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi, ne kendisine ihanet eden eski euro-kom\u00fcnist partilerin ve ba\u011fl\u0131 sendikalar\u0131n y\u00f6nlendirdi\u011fi, ne de bu y\u00f6nlendirmeyi Marksizme mal ederek kendi liberal sendikal anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n gerek\u00e7esi olarak sunanlar\u0131n iddia etti\u011fi gibi fabrika s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7inde s\u00fcren bir m\u00fccadeledir. Hi\u00e7bir zaman olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131f b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclenlerin ortak kurtulu\u015fu m\u00fccadelesinin en \u00f6n\u00fcnde yer alm\u0131\u015f, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet sistemini ortadan kald\u0131rmak ve halk\u0131n ger\u00e7ek egemenli\u011fini tesis etmek i\u00e7in iktidar\u0131 talep etmi\u015ftir. Devleti anmamak, ondan talepte bulunmamakla devletin a\u015f\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 gibi iddialar eski bir anar\u015fist nakaratt\u0131r ve daha ilk tahlilde devletle uzla\u015fmak demektir. Devlete ve \u00fccretli k\u00f6leli\u011fe s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6nmekle kendisine ya\u015fam alan\u0131 a\u00e7abilece\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnen THS ve \u00f6zel olarak DTS, bu kadar kafa yoruyor olmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen devlet ile ilgili hi\u00e7bir \u015fey bilmiyorlar demektir.<\/p>\n

    B\u00fct\u00fcn THS metinlerinin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131nda yer alan sendikal kriz asl\u0131nda bu yoksunlu\u011fun ve bundan t\u00fcretilen \u00fctopyan\u0131n krizidir.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    KAYNAKLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Arrighi, G.; T. Hopkins; I. Wallerstein (1995) Sistem Kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 Hareketler<\/em>, \u00e7ev. C. Kanat, B. Somay, S. S\u00f6kmen, Birinci Bas\u0131m, Metis, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7ak\u0131r, M. (2006) Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>, Yay\u0131nlanmam\u0131\u015f Y\u00fcksek Lisans Tezi.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7ay\u0131r, K. (der.) (1999) Yeni Sosyal Hareketler<\/em>, 1. Bas\u0131m, Kakn\u00fcs Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7elik, E. (2016) \u201c\u2018Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019 Kavram\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fu ve K\u00fcresel dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u00dczerine Bir inceleme\u201d, Genel \u0130\u015f Emek Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Dergisi<\/em>, 7(10), 1-22.<\/p>\n

    \u00c7etinkaya D. (der.) (2014) Toplumsal Hareketler: Tarih, Teori ve Deneyim<\/em>, 2. Bask\u0131, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    Della Porta, D. ve M. Diani (2020) Toplumsal Hareketler<\/em>, \u00e7ev. P. \u00c7ak\u0131r, C. G\u00fclbudak, 1. Bas\u0131m, \u0130\u015f Bankas\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    Demokratik Emek Platformu (2020) Biz Kazanaca\u011f\u0131z, Fa\u015fizmi P\u00fcsk\u00fcrtece\u011fiz<\/em><\/p>\n

    Demokratik Toplumcu Sendikac\u0131l\u0131k Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc (DTS) (Tarih Yok)<\/p>\n

    Dereli, S. (2019) \u201cSendikac\u0131l\u0131kta Yeni Bir Perde: Toplumsal hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d, \u0130\u015f ve Hayat dergisi<\/em>, 5(10), 9-33, https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/tr\/pub\/isvehayat\/issue\/52080\/679992<\/a><\/p>\n

    Dirlik, A. (2014) \u201cPasiflik Perspektifinde Toplumsal Hareketler: \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f Radikal siyasetin Soya\u011fac\u0131 \u00dczerine D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler\u201d, Toplumsal Hareketler: Tarih, Teori ve Deneyim <\/em>i\u00e7inde, D. \u00c7etinkaya (der.), 2. Bas\u0131m, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    Emek Hareketi (2021) \u201cYeniden in\u015fa i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d, https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/424507\/yeniden-insa-icin-sinif-sendikaciligi<\/p>\n

    \u0130brahim Ok\u00e7uo\u011flu (2014) \u201cRojava\u2019da Devrim ve Ya\u015fam\u201d, http:\/\/ibrahimokcuoglu.blogspot.com\/2014\/08\/rojavada-devrim-ve-yasam.html<\/p>\n

    KESK\u2019li Yurtsever Kad\u0131nlar (t.y.) \u00d6rg\u00fctlenerek Direniyoruz, Yeni Ya\u015fam\u0131 \u0130n\u015fa Ederek \u00d6zg\u00fcrle\u015fiyoruz<\/em> (Bro\u015f\u00fcr)<\/p>\n

    Kristin R. (2017) May\u0131s 68 ve Geriye Kalanlar<\/em>, \u00e7ev. Y. Ay, F. Ege, 1. Bask\u0131, Bilim ve Sosyalizm Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara.<\/p>\n

    Losovsky, A. S. (1988) Sendikalar \u00dczerine 1,2,3. Cilt<\/em>, \u00e7ev. \u0130. Yark\u0131n, 2. Bask\u0131, \u0130nter Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    Mahiro\u011fullar\u0131, A. (2012) \u201cXXI. Y\u00fczy\u0131la Girerken sendikac\u0131l\u0131k: G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki De\u011fi\u015fim, D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ve Gelecek \u0130\u00e7in Aray\u0131\u015flar\u201d, Hak-\u0130\u015f Uluslararas\u0131 Emek ve Toplum Dergisi<\/em>, 1, https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/en\/pub\/hakisderg\/issue\/7575\/99439<\/a><\/p>\n

    Marx, K. (1978) Kapital: Birinci Cilt, \u00e7ev. A. Bilgi, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara.<\/p>\n

    Marx, K. (1979) Anar\u015fizm ve Anarko Sendikalizm, \u00e7ev. S. Belli, 1. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara.<\/p>\n

    Offe, C. (1999) \u201cYeni Sosyal Hareketler: Kurumsal Politikan\u0131n S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n Zorlanmas\u0131\u201d, Yeni Sosyal Hareketler<\/em> i\u00e7inde, K. \u00c7ay\u0131r (der.), Kakn\u00fcs Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    \u0130brahim Ok\u00e7uo\u011flu (2014) \u201cRojava\u2019da Devrim ve Ya\u015fam\u201d, http:\/\/ibrahimokcuoglu.blogspot.com\/2014\/08\/rojavada-devrim-ve-yasam.html<\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan A. (t.y.) \u201cDemokratik Konfederalizm\u201d, https:\/\/www.academia.edu\/19015238\/Demokratik_Konfederalizm<\/a><\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan A. (t.y.) \u201cK\u00fcrt Sorunu ve Demokratik Ulus \u00c7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc\u201d, https:\/\/www.academia.edu\/19015048\/Demokratik_Uygarl%C4%B1k_Manifestosu_V_K%C3%BCrt_Sorunu_ve_Demokratik_Uygarl%C4%B1k_%C3%87%C3%B6z%C3%BCm%C3%BC<\/a><\/p>\n

    \u00d6calan, A. (t.y.) \u201cDemokratik Modernite Kad\u0131n Devrimi \u00c7a\u011f\u0131d\u0131r\u201d, https:\/\/www.academia.edu\/19015552\/Demokratik_Modernite_Kad%C4%B1n_Devrimi_%C3%87a%C4%9F%C4%B1d%C4%B1r<\/p>\n

    Rocker, R. (2020) Anarko Sendikalizm<\/em>, \u00e7ev. H. D. G\u00fcneri, Birinci Bask\u0131, Kaos Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    Tany\u0131lmaz, K. (2008) \u201cSendikal Harekette Bir \u0130ntihar denemesi: Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d, Devrimci Marksizm<\/em>, 8, 45-73, http:\/\/www.devrimcimarksizm.net\/tr\/kurtar-tanyilmaz-sendikal-harekette-bir-intihar-denemesi-toplumsal-hareket-sendikaciligi<\/a><\/p>\n

    Temel \u00c7eli\u015fki Devletli Uygarl\u0131kla Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Aras\u0131ndad\u0131r (K\u00fcnyesiz Bro\u015f\u00fcr).<\/p>\n

    Tilly, C. (2008) Toplumsal Hareketler 1768-2004<\/em>, \u00e7ev. O. D\u00fcz, Birinci Bas\u0131m, Babil Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

    Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 (2004) https:\/\/sendika.org\/2004\/12\/toplumsal-hareket-sendikaciligi-brosuru-2295\/<\/p>\n

    U\u011fra\u015f, N.; A. Demircio\u011flu; M.S. \u00dc\u00e7l\u00fc (t.y.) Demokratik Toplumcu Sendikac\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>, Emek \u0130nsan E\u011fitim Dizisi-1 (Bro\u015f\u00fcr)<\/p>\n

    Zweig, M. (2013) \u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 Kimlikler Aras\u0131nda<\/em>, \u00e7ev. H. \u00dcnal, Birinci Bask\u0131, H2O Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, \u0130stanbul.<\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

     <\/p>\n

    [1]<\/a> Marx, K. (1979) Anar\u015fizm ve Anarko Sendikalizm<\/em>, \u00e7ev. S. Belli, 1. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 55-56.<\/p>\n

    [2]<\/a> Marx, age, sf. 67.<\/p>\n

    [3]<\/a> \u201c68; 1917 Devrimi\u2019nin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcstesinden gelme \u00e7abas\u0131yd\u0131. Bu y\u00fczden o da bir a\u015fmayd\u0131; ama bu kez 1917\u2019nin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131\u2026 Eski solu kurumla\u015ft\u0131ran 1848 idi. Yeni Toplumsal hareketleri kurumla\u015ft\u0131ran 1968 oldu.<\/em>\u201d Arrighi, G.; T. Hopkins; I. Wallerstein (1995) Sistem Kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 Hareketler<\/em>, \u00e7ev. C. Kanat, B. Somay, S. S\u00f6kmen, Birinci Bas\u0131m, Metis, \u0130stanbul, sf. 97.<\/p>\n

    [4]<\/a> \u201cSosyalizmin reel uygulamalar\u0131n\u0131n yenildi\u011fi, devletin sosyal misyonunun kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nemde s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerinin yerini h\u00fck\u00fcmet d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kurulu\u015flara (Non-Govermental Organizition-NGO) b\u0131rakt\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 t\u00fcm topluma adapte ettirilmeye ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6yle ki D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (WTO), Seattle\u2019de \u2018is\u00e7i hakk\u0131 insan hakk\u0131d\u0131r\u2019 diyerek s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin bitti\u011finin alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmi\u015ftir. Bu anlay\u0131\u015fa g\u00f6re D\u0130SK de T\u00dcS\u0130AD da sivil toplum kurulu\u015fudur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve i\u015fveren kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 iki birey olarak s\u00f6zle\u015fme yapmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d T\u00fcrkel Miniba\u015f, DT\u00d6 ve T\u00fcrkiye Semineri, Siyasal Bilgiler Fak\u00fcltesi Konferans Salonu, 21 Aral\u0131k 1999\u2019tan aktaran \u00c7ak\u0131r, M. (2006) Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, Yay\u0131nlanmam\u0131\u015f Y\u00fcksek Lisans Tezi, sf. 81.<\/p>\n

    [5]<\/a> Arrighi vd., age, sf. 88.<\/p>\n

    [6]<\/a> Tourraine\u2019den aktaran \u00c7ay\u0131r, K. (der.) (1999), Yeni Sosyal Hareketler, Kakn\u00fcs Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1. Bas\u0131m, \u0130stanbul, sf. 9.<\/p>\n

    [7]<\/a> Offe, C. (1999) \u201cYeni Sosyal Hareketler: Kurumsal Politikan\u0131n S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n Zorlanmas\u0131\u201d, Yeni Sosyal Hareketler<\/em> i\u00e7inde, K. \u00c7ay\u0131r (der.), Kakn\u00fcs Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 55, 63.<\/p>\n

    [8]<\/a> Dirlik, A. (2014) \u201cPasiflik Perspektifinde Toplumsal Hareketler: \u00c7a\u011fda\u015f Radikal siyasetin Soya\u011fac\u0131 \u00dczerine D\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceler\u201d, Toplumsal Hareketler: Tarih, Teori ve Deneyim <\/em>i\u00e7inde, D. \u00c7etinkaya (der.), 2. Bas\u0131m, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 80-81.<\/p>\n

    [9]<\/a> \u201cTHS kavram\u0131 Webster (1987) ve Waterman\u2019\u0131n (1984) kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak ilk elden kulland\u0131klar\u0131 yaz\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Ve 1988 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren de hem bu yazarlar hem de bir\u00e7ok ba\u015fka yazar taraf\u0131ndan s\u00fcrekli bir \u015fekilde kullan\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u2026 Kavram\u0131n \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli kullan\u0131mlar\u0131 olsa da ortak ve belirgin \u00f6zellikleri \u015f\u00f6yle s\u0131ralanabilir: THS, \u00f6zellikle toplu s\u00f6zle\u015fme ve \u00fccret m\u00fccadeleleri ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 hakim sendikac\u0131l\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmaza girdi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde\u2026 radikal i\u015f\u00e7i hareketlerinden motivasyonunu alan yeni bir sendikac\u0131l\u0131k anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r… (Waterman, 1988). Bu toplumsal hareketler formel proletarya d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki toplumsal hareketlerdir ve bunlarla ba\u011f kurmak i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin ulusal m\u00fccadeledeki siyasal hareketin alt\u0131nda ezilmesi anlam\u0131na gelmez (Munck, 1988). \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 bu ba\u011f\u0131 kurarken i\u015fyerindeki politika-ekonomi aras\u0131ndaki geleneksel ayr\u0131m\u0131 a\u015fmal\u0131d\u0131r (Lambert, 1989)\u2026 \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketi ve \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcretimin \u00f6tesine giderek yeniden \u00fcretim alan\u0131na uzanmas\u0131n\u0131 savunan THS, eme\u011fi, \u00fczerinde pazarl\u0131k yap\u0131lan bir metadan ziyade toplumsal bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr<\/em>.\u201d \u00c7elik, E. (2016) \u201c\u2018Toplumsal Hareket Sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019 Kavram\u0131n\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fu ve K\u00fcresel dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u00dczerine Bir inceleme\u201d, Genel \u0130\u015f Emek Ara\u015ft\u0131rma Dergisi<\/em>, 7(10), 1-22.<\/p>\n

    [10]<\/a> \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin her yerde birbirinden ayr\u0131 iktisadi hareketleri siyasal bir hareket do\u011furur, yani kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131, genel bir bi\u00e7imde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek, toplumsal olarak zorlay\u0131c\u0131 genel bir g\u00fcce sahip olan bir bi\u00e7im ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek \u00fczere bir s\u0131n\u0131f hareketi do\u011fururlar. Bu hareketler belli bir \u00f6n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi varsayarlarsa da, bir o kadar, bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi geli\u015ftirmenin ara\u00e7lar\u0131d\u0131rlar\u2026<\/em>\u201d\u00a0 Marx, Anar\u015fizm ve Anarko Sendikalizm,<\/em> sf. 69.<\/p>\n

    [11]<\/a> Della Porta, D. ve M. Diani (2020) Toplumsal Hareketler<\/em>, \u00e7ev. P. \u00c7ak\u0131r, C. G\u00fclbudak, 1. Bas\u0131m, \u0130\u015f Bankas\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 12.<\/p>\n

    [12]<\/a> DTS (Demokratik Toplumcu Sendikac\u0131l\u0131k) Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc<\/p>\n

    [13]<\/a> DTS Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc<\/p>\n

    [14]<\/a> \u201cRojava\u2026 sistem d\u0131\u015f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc\u015f formlar\u0131n\u0131n esas al\u0131nmas\u0131yla, bolca \u2018devrim\u2019 kavram\u0131n\u0131 kullanmaya ihtiya\u00e7 duyulmadan da sadece ya\u015fam tarzlar\u0131m\u0131zda sistemden kopu\u015fu sa\u011flayarak\u00a0 devrimsel hamlelerin sa\u011flanabilece\u011fini… g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/em>\u201d Demokratik Emek Platformu (2020) Biz Kazanaca\u011f\u0131z, Fa\u015fizmi P\u00fcsk\u00fcrtece\u011fiz<\/em><\/p>\n

    [15]<\/a> Rojava S\u00f6zle\u015fmesi, https:\/\/www.insanokur.org\/rojava-toplumsal-sozlesmesi\/<\/p>\n

    [16]<\/a> \u0130brahim Ok\u00e7uo\u011flu\u2019na konu\u015fan Cizire Kantonu Yasama Meclisi E\u015fba\u015fkan\u0131 Xelo (2014) \u015f\u00f6yle diyor: \u201c\u00d6zel m\u00fclkiyete kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011filiz, fakat bir s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olmas\u0131 gerekir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla toplumsal ekonomi diyoruz; herkesin yararlanabilece\u011fi bir ekonomi. \u00d6zel m\u00fclkiyete kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131yoruz, fakat s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 olmas\u0131 gerekiyor.<\/em> \u00dcretimimiz daha \u00e7ok toplumun ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6redir. Kar h\u0131rs\u0131na dayal\u0131 de\u011fildir. Zaten kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131, ahlaki toplum yaratmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yoruz, ahlaki birey olu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yoruz.<\/em> Zenginle\u015fme, para de\u011fil de ahlak\u0131 esas alan sistem geli\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yoruz. Para ihtiya\u00e7t\u0131r, ama her \u015fey para de\u011fildir.<\/em> Sovyetler \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyeti ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131. \u00d6zel m\u00fclkiyeti ortadan kald\u0131rm\u0131yoruz, belli bir \u00e7er\u00e7evesi olmas\u0131 gerekir.\u201d <\/em>\u0130brahim Ok\u00e7uo\u011flu (2014) \u201cRojava\u2019da Devrim ve Ya\u015fam\u201d, http:\/\/ibrahimokcuoglu.blogspot.com\/2014\/08\/rojavada-devrim-ve-yasam.html<\/p>\n

    [17]<\/a> \u00d6calan A. (t.y.) \u201cDemokratik Konfederalizm\u201d, https:\/\/www.academia.edu\/19015238\/Demokratik_Konfederalizm. \u201cTekelle\u015fmeye kapal\u0131 ekolojik feminist kapitalizmin ulus devletine alternatif olarak modernitenin siyasi alternatifi olan demokratik konfederalizm<\/em>\u201d (sf. 11). \u201cKapitalizme, end\u00fcstriyalizme ulus devletle kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

    [18]<\/a> DTS Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc<\/p>\n

    [19]<\/a> DTS Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc<\/p>\n

    [20]<\/a> DTS metinlerinde sendika ekonomik talep pe\u015finde ko\u015fan bir yap\u0131ya, onu eldeki haz\u0131r siyasal forma sokmak i\u00e7in bilin\u00e7li olarak indirgenmektedir.\u00a0 Geleneksel sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n yans\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik talep\u00e7ili\u011fe indirgenir ve bu m\u00fccadele arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla iktidar\u0131 \u00fcretmekle su\u00e7lan\u0131r.\u00a0 \u015e\u00f6yle bir ak\u0131l verme \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi: \u201cT\u00fcm hayat\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7iler ve sermaye olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr, her kesimi i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015ftirmeye kalkarsan\u0131z bu i\u015f\u00e7ilerin sermayenin g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol (iktidar) kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kazanma oran\u0131 \u00e7ok d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckt\u00fcr. G\u00fcc\u00fc iktidar olmadan da\u011f\u0131tmak gerekir<\/em>\u2026\u201d\u00a0 (DTS Bro\u015f\u00fcr)<\/p>\n

    [21]<\/a> \u201cEme\u011fin sendika zeminini a\u015facak bir \u015fekilde kendini konfederal bir bi\u00e7imde kapitalist modernitenin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayr\u0131mlar\u0131 a\u015facak \u015fekilde \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesi gerekir. Emek konfederalizmi derinle\u015ftik\u00e7e sendikalar \u00f6zlerine kavu\u015furlar…<\/em>\u201d Demokratik Emek Platformu, Biz Kazanaca\u011f\u0131z, Fa\u015fizmi P\u00fcsk\u00fcrtece\u011fiz (Bro\u015f\u00fcr)<\/em><\/p>\n

    [22]<\/a> \u201c\u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, fabrikay\u0131, \u015fehri ve en nihayetinde devleti ele ge\u00e7irmek isteyen y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndaki devrimci ideolojinin ‘\u00fcreten g\u00fc\u00e7’=’y\u00f6neten g\u00fc\u00e7’ denklemi \u00fczerine kurulu olmas\u0131, ’emek-sermaye antagonizmas\u0131’n\u0131 fabrika sath\u0131nda tan\u0131mlamas\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn verili ili\u015fki ve \u00e7eli\u015fkileri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemini yitirmi\u015fe benziyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc maddi (\u00fcretken) eme\u011fin tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc \u00fczerine kurulu bu denklem, eme\u011fi \u00fcretimin temel girdisi olan, saat hesab\u0131yla \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclen ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen homojen bir ‘i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc’ olarak g\u00f6ren ve i\u015fi y\u00fccelten bir anlay\u0131\u015fa denk d\u00fc\u015fer. Bu da sermayenin ya\u015fam\u0131n t\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc i\u015fe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek istemesine gayriihtiyar\u00ee bir \u015fekilde hizmet eder. Eme\u011fin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclebilir bir de\u011fere indirgenerek toplumsal g\u00fcc\u00fcnden soyutlanmas\u0131 sermayenin ereksel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131yla tam uyu\u015fma halindedir<\/em>.\u201d U\u011fra\u015f, N.; A. Demircio\u011flu; M.S. \u00dc\u00e7l\u00fc (t.y.) Demokratik Toplumcu Sendikac\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>, Emek \u0130nsan E\u011fitim Dizisi-1 (Bro\u015f\u00fcr).<\/p>\n

    [23]<\/a> \u201cD\u00fczeni a\u015fmak ve yeni toplumu m\u00fccadele ederken in\u015fa etmek zafere ula\u015fman\u0131n olmazsa olmaz\u0131d\u0131r. 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n yeni devrim paradigmas\u0131 budur. Bu durum klasik Marksizmi\u00a0 a\u015fman\u0131n, yani devleti ala\u015fa\u011f\u0131 ederek\u00a0 devletle\u015fmeyi de\u011fil, kapitalist modernite\u00a0 ve onun t\u00fcm ayg\u0131tlar\u0131ndaki\u00a0 k\u00f6kl\u00fc ve sistemli bir KOPU\u015eUN! DA ifadesidir\u2026<\/em>\u201d Demokratik Emek Platformu, Biz Kazanaca\u011f\u0131z, Fa\u015fizmi P\u00fcsk\u00fcrtece\u011fiz (Bro\u015f\u00fcr)<\/em><\/p>\n

    [24]<\/a> Temel \u00e7eli\u015fki\u2026 \u201cDemokratik ulus toplumu devlete ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karan alternatif sistemdir. Toplumsal sorunlar\u0131n devlet yap\u0131lanmas\u0131yla de\u011fil toplumun \u00f6z \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fckleriyle \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc esas al\u0131<\/em>r\u2026\u201d (DTS Bro\u015f\u00fcr)<\/p>\n

    [25]<\/a> U\u011fra\u015f, vd. Demokratik Toplumcu Sendikac\u0131l\u0131k\u2026<\/p>\n

    [26]<\/a> DTS Bro\u015f\u00fcr\u00fc<\/p>\n

    [27]<\/a> \u201cHer topluluk, etnisite, k\u00fclt\u00fcr, dini cemaat, entelekt\u00fcel hareket, ekonomik birim vb. birer politik birim olarak kendilerini \u00f6zerk\u00e7e yap\u0131land\u0131r\u0131p ifade edebilirler. Her kendili\u011fin yerelden k\u00fcrsele kadar konfederasyon olu\u015fturma \u015fans\u0131 vard\u0131r<\/em>.\u201d (\u00d6calan, Demokratik Konfederalizm<\/em>)<\/p>\n

    [28]<\/a> Burada Marx vulgarize edilmektedir. Marx\u2019a g\u00f6re, bir metan\u0131n ve kendisi de bir meta olan emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011feri onun \u00fcretilmesi i\u00e7in gerekli emek-zamanla \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fcr. Ancak bu, i\u015f\u00e7i ve i\u015fveren anas\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin hen\u00fcz toplumsal bir karakter kazanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 tek boyutlu bir ili\u015fki formu i\u00e7in, soyutlama d\u00fczeyinde esast\u0131r. Yoksa toplumsal bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olan meta \u00fcretimi sisteminde de\u011ferin \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fc basit bir zaman konusu de\u011fildir. Bir toplumsal ili\u015fkinin b\u00fct\u00fcn gerilimleri (s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri, rekabet vs.) bu s\u00fcrece dahil olur. \u201cOrtalama emek\u00e7inin ya\u015famas\u0131 i\u00e7in gerekli, al\u0131\u015f\u0131lagelen t\u00fcketim maddelerinin de\u011feriyle belirlenen emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn de\u011feri belli bir toplumun belli bir d\u00f6neminde\u2026\u201d<\/em> (Marx, K. (1978) Kapital: Birinci Cilt, \u00e7ev. A. Bilgi, \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 530) teorik olarak de\u011fi\u015fmez bir b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckt\u00fcr. Erkek emek\u00e7inin \u00fccretine dahil edilen emek\u00e7i ailesinin ya\u015fama maliyeti kad\u0131n\u0131n (kendisi \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda bile) bak\u0131m ve ana eme\u011finin meta \u00fcretimi s\u00fcrecine i\u00e7ine dahil edildi\u011fini ve bu eme\u011fin de toplumsal bir i\u00e7erik ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterir. Bu yan\u0131yla kad\u0131n\u0131n \u201cana eme\u011fi<\/em>\u201d arkaik bir emek de\u011fildir, kapitalizm onu modernle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    [29]<\/a> \u201c\u2026Neden de\u011fer \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez? \u015eundan \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez: Savunmalar\u0131mda a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131m, ana \u00f6rne\u011fini vermi\u015ftim. Anan\u0131n \u00e7ekti\u011fi, harcad\u0131\u011f\u0131 emek parayla \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez. Anan\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u00fccretsiz i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi nereye koyaca\u011f\u0131z? \u00c7ocu\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fctmesi, ona bakmas\u0131, ev i\u00e7inde verdi\u011fi emek \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclemez. Genelde insan nas\u0131l b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc? \u0130nsan y\u00fcz bin y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcr. \u0130lkel kom\u00fcnal toplumdan k\u00fclt\u00fcrler m\u00fccadelesine kadar her \u015feyi katarsak, t\u00fcm insanl\u0131k tarihi birikimlerini, bilgi birikimini nas\u0131l k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva \u00fccret talebine indirgersin? De\u011feri bunlar\u0131 yok sayarak \u00f6l\u00e7emezsin. Neolitik toplum, k\u00f6leci toplum, feodal toplum, hepsini i\u00e7ine koyarsak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olur. Marks\u2019\u0131n sosyal bilime katk\u0131lar\u0131 olmu\u015f, ama muazzam da yetersizli\u011fi var, topluma anlaml\u0131 bir \u015fey getirememi\u015ftir. Sonu\u00e7ta de\u011fer teorisi ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccreti art\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131.<\/em>\u201d \u00d6calan, Demokratik Konfederalizm<\/em>.<\/p>\n

    [30]<\/a> Emek Hareketi (2021) \u201cYeniden in\u015fa i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d, https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/424507\/yeniden-insa-icin-sinif-sendikaciligi<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Nuray Sancar   \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihi, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131na, \u00fctopyalar\u0131na ve di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f ve kategorilerin ideolojik etkilerine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin de tarihidir. Marksist teori de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 saflar\u0131nda zamana g\u00f6re \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi de\u011fi\u015fen ak\u0131mlara kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelelerle geli\u015fti. 1. Enternasyonal boyunca ve 1871 Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc d\u00f6neminde i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi i\u00e7inde iki \u00f6nemli siyasi fig\u00fcr\u00fcn temsil etti\u011fi anar\u015fizm, yenilenebilme kapasitesi ve becerisi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, Marksizmin m\u00fccadele […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[521,367,338],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-3380","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-52-sayi-yaz-2021","category-emek-mucadelesi","category-nuray-sancar"],"yoast_head":"\nToplumsal hareket sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bir t\u00fcrevi: Demokratik toplum sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2023\/03\/27\/toplumsal-hareket-sendikaciligi-ve-bir-turevi-demokratik-toplum-sendikaciligi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Toplumsal hareket sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bir t\u00fcrevi: Demokratik toplum sendikac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Nuray Sancar   \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihi, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n kendi yan\u0131lsamalar\u0131na, \u00fctopyalar\u0131na ve di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f ve kategorilerin ideolojik etkilerine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin de tarihidir. 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