{"id":312,"date":"2017-08-01T09:40:08","date_gmt":"2017-08-01T06:40:08","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=312"},"modified":"2023-01-18T16:20:28","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T13:20:28","slug":"ekim-devriminin-100-yilinda-neo-liberal-saldirganlik-ve-alternatif-arayislar-uzerine","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/08\/01\/ekim-devriminin-100-yilinda-neo-liberal-saldirganlik-ve-alternatif-arayislar-uzerine\/","title":{"rendered":"Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin 100. y\u0131l\u0131nda\u00a0neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131k ve alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar \u00fczerine"},"content":{"rendered":"<p><strong>Y. Y\u0131lmaz Karata\u015f\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n<p><strong>G\u0130R\u0130\u015e<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Bug\u00fcn neo-liberalizmin genel bir krizinden s\u00f6z etmek i\u00e7in erken olsa da Avrupa\u2019dan Kuzey Afrika\u2019ya, Latin Amerika\u2019dan Asya\u2019ya neo-liberalizme tepki hareketlerinin ve farkl\u0131 politik model aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 da g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemez bir ger\u00e7ektir. Avrupa\u2019da bir yandan Yunanistan\u2019daki Syriza ve \u0130spanya\u2019daki Podemos\u2019ta ifadesini bulan \u2018radikal demokrasi\u2019 hareketleri ve di\u011fer yanda \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin \u201c<em>liberal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kalesi<\/em>\u201d AB\u2019den ayr\u0131lma karar\u0131nda (Brexit) ve Fransa, Avusturya, Hollanda ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 partilerin y\u00fckseli\u015fe ge\u00e7mesinde kendini g\u00f6steren tepki hareketleri neo-liberalizmin gelece\u011fini giderek daha fazla tart\u0131\u015fma konusu haline getirmektedir. D\u00fcnya genelinde ise, Kuzey Afrika\u2019da Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalistler taraf\u0131ndan desteklenen diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ABD\u2019den d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkesine yay\u0131lan occupy (i\u015fgal et) hareketlerine ve Latin Amerika\u2019daki Zapatistalardan Suriye K\u00fcrtlerinin Rojava modeline kadar alternatif demokratik model olu\u015fturma aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00f6te yandan Asya-Afrika\u2019daki radikal \u0130slamc\u0131 hareketlerde ve ABD\u2019de Trump\u2019un ba\u015fkan olmas\u0131nda kendini g\u00f6steren neo-liberalizme tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f hareketleri sayabiliriz. Genelleyerek s\u00f6ylersek, b\u00fct\u00fcn bu hareketleri neo-liberal kapitalizmin teorik a\u00e7mazlar\u0131 ve pratik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na bir tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ancak \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc farkl\u0131 y\u00f6nelimlerde arayan hareketler olarak tan\u0131mlayabiliriz. Daha sonra tart\u0131\u015fma konusu yapaca\u011f\u0131m\u0131z \u00fczere \u2018radikal demokrasi\u2019 hareketlerinin, liberalizm ile birlikte ele\u015ftiri oklar\u0131n\u0131 Marksizm-Leninizm\u2019e y\u00f6neltmi\u015f olmalar\u0131, bu hareketlerin esas olarak neo-liberal kapitalizmin uygulamalar\u0131na \u00f6fke duyan halklar\u0131n-emek\u00e7ilerin umudu haline geldikleri oranda g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmemektedir.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-liberalizm, 1990\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda SSCB ve halk demokrasisi rejimlerinin \u00e7\u00f6kmesinden (sosyalizm g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcml\u00fc revizyonist rejimlerin a\u00e7\u0131k kapitalist rejimlere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesinden) sonra \u00e7ok\u00e7a parlat\u0131lan \u2018<em>k\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u2019 slogan\u0131 \u00fczerinden ilan edilen kapitalist \u2018<em>yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni<\/em>\u2019nin ideolojisi olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Burjuva ideologlar neo-liberal sistemi insanlar\u0131n bar\u0131\u015f ve refah i\u00e7inde ya\u015fayaca\u011f\u0131 yeg\u00e2ne sistem olarak g\u00f6stermekle kalmam\u0131\u015f, i\u015fi bu \u2018yeni d\u00fczen\u2019in \u201c<em>tarihin sonu<\/em>\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn1\" name=\"_ftnref1\">[1]<\/a> oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemeye vard\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ve halk demokrasisi rejimlerinin kapitalist restorasyonunun belirginle\u015fti\u011fi, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla emperyalist-kapitalist sistem i\u00e7in ciddi bir tehdit olma \u00f6zelli\u011fini yitirdi\u011fi 1970\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131 ve 1980 ba\u015flar\u0131nda \u00f6nce Thatcher \u0130ngiltere\u2019si ve Reagan ABD\u2019sinde uygulanmaya ba\u015flanan neo-liberal politikalar, bu d\u00f6nem boyunca d\u00fcnya genelinde do\u011frulu\u011fu\/ge\u00e7erlili\u011fi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lamaz ilkeler olarak propaganda edildiler. Ancak \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme ve esnek \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere uygulamaya konan neo-liberal politikalar\u0131n en g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr burjuvazi ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki gelir u\u00e7urumunun giderek derinle\u015fmesi, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclke ekonomilerinin ve d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir y\u0131k\u0131ma u\u011framas\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Nihayetinde bug\u00fcn art\u0131k yald\u0131z\u0131 d\u00f6k\u00fclen neo-liberalizm, d\u00fcnya halklar\u0131n\u0131n, i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerinin tepki hareketlerinin merkezinde yer alan, giderek daha \u00e7ok tart\u0131\u015fma konusu haline gelen bir ekonomik-politik model haline geldi.<\/p>\n<p>\u2018<em>Tarihin sonu<\/em>\u2019 olarak ilan edilen neo-liberal kapitalist sistemin krizini g\u00f6steren emarelerin birikti\u011fi ve bu sisteme y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftiriler e\u015fli\u011finde alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken ilk \u015fey tarihe (s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin tarihi olan s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlar tarihinin \u00f6b\u00fcr taraf\u0131nda yer alan sosyalizme) yeniden d\u00f6n\u00fcp bakmak ve sadece neo-liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 de\u011fil, kapitalizmin b\u00fct\u00fcn bi\u00e7imlerine kar\u015f\u0131 muazzam bir teorik-politik m\u00fccadele birikimine sahip olan Marksizm-Leninizmin bu birikimini gelece\u011fi kurma m\u00fccadelesinin bir dayana\u011f\u0131 olarak kullanmakt\u0131r. A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, tarih, olmu\u015f bitmi\u015f olaylar-olgular y\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil; d\u00fcn-bug\u00fcn-yar\u0131n diyalekti\u011fi ba\u011flam\u0131nda toplumsal s\u00fcre\u00e7leri etkileyen\/belirleyen bir b\u00fct\u00fcn ise \u2013ki \u00f6yledir\u2013 kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele birikiminin en ileri bi\u00e7iminin en somut ifadesi olan Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131nda gelece\u011fi kurma m\u00fccadelesinin bu miras\u0131n \u00fczerinde \u015fekillenmesi, daha \u00f6zel bir anlam ve \u00f6nem kazanmaktad\u0131r. Burada \u015funu da belirtmek gerekir ki, neo-liberalizme tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve alternatif bir model geli\u015ftirme iddias\u0131nda olan hareketlerin a\u00e7mazlar\u0131n\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 bilimsel temelleriyle ortaya koymadan neo-liberalizme (emperyalist-kapitalist sisteme) kar\u015f\u0131 gelece\u011fi kurma m\u00fccadelesinin ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131 da m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ek alternatifi \u2013sosyalizmi\u2013 hedeflemeyen hareketler, emperyalist-kapitalizmin neo-liberal bi\u00e7im alt\u0131nda i\u015fleyen sisteminde ne kadar gedik a\u00e7salar da i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadele ufkunu s\u0131n\u0131rlay\u0131p belirsizle\u015ftikleri oranda bu sistemin kendini yenilemesinin dayana\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmekten \u2013ki bug\u00fcn \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fczde duran s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 say\u0131daki deneyimin prati\u011fi de bunu g\u00f6stermektedir\u2013 kurtulamazlar. \u00d6yleyse Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131nda gelece\u011fe bakmak i\u00e7in sadece neo-liberal kapitalizme de\u011fil; ona tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan hareketlere ve alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131na merce\u011fi tutarak ilerlemek gerekiyor.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><strong>NEO-L\u0130BERAL\u0130ZM: TEKELLER\u0130N \u2018\u00d6ZG\u00dcRL\u00dcK\u2019 \u00c7A\u011eI!<\/strong><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<p>D\u00fcnya kapitalizminin 1929\u2019daki ekonomik bunal\u0131m\u0131, liberalizmin, piyasan\u0131n ekonominin denge mekanizmalar\u0131n\u0131 kendili\u011finden (g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez el) i\u015fletece\u011fi\/sa\u011flayaca\u011f\u0131 tezinin rafa kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve \u201c<em>devletin dengeleyici m\u00fcdahalesi<\/em>\u201dni savunan Keynezyen ekonomik politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n yolunu a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu d\u00f6nem boyunca sosyalist merkezi planlama ile krizden etkilenmek bir tarafa ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcmeyi istikrarl\u0131 bir \u015fekilde s\u00fcrd\u00fcren Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u0130kinci Emperyalist Payla\u015f\u0131m Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan sonra da Sovyetlerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u2018Sosyalist Blok\u2019un olu\u015fmas\u0131, ba\u015fta Avrupa olmak \u00fczere emperyalist-kapitalist rejimlerin \u00fclkelerindeki i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ileri \u201c<em>kom\u00fcnizm tehdidi<\/em>\u201dnden uzak tutmak amac\u0131yla devlet korumac\u0131 (Keynezyen) sosyal politikalar\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmelerini zorunlu hale getirmi\u015fti-ki bu politikalar her \u00fclkedeki i\u015f\u00e7i emek\u00e7ilerin m\u00fccadele birikimi ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme d\u00fczeyine ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7im ve d\u00fczeylerde uyguland\u0131. Ancak \u00f6zellikle \u0130kinci Emperyalist Payla\u015f\u0131m Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan 1960\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ortalar\u0131na kadar d\u00fcnya kapitalizmindeki h\u0131zl\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcme 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131na do\u011fru yerini yava\u015flama ve durgunlu\u011fa b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015f; ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fcme ve k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131k oran\u0131ndaki d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f 1973-74\u2019te \u2018petrol krizi\u2019 bi\u00e7iminde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ekonomik krizin ya\u015fanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ki, 1965-75 aras\u0131nda Almanya gibi geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerde b\u00fcy\u00fcme h\u0131z\u0131 ve k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131k yar\u0131 yar\u0131ya d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015f, i\u015fsizlik giderek artmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<a href=\"#_ftn2\" name=\"_ftnref2\">[2]<\/a> 1970\u2019lerin ba\u015flar\u0131nda sanayideki k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131k oranlar\u0131n\u0131n Japonya\u2019da y\u00fczde 40\u2019tan 20\u2019ye, ABD\u2019de 25\u2019ten 13\u2019e, Almanya\u2019da ise 23\u2019ten 11\u2019e d\u00fc\u015fmesi, bir sermaye birikim modeli olarak Keynezyen ekonomik politikalar\u0131n\u0131, sermaye i\u00e7in s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez bir model haline getiriyordu. Ekonomik krizin sermaye i\u00e7in yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 uygun ko\u015fullar ve \u00f6te yandan Sovyet-halk demokrasisi rejimlerinin kapitalist restorasyon s\u00fcrecine girmesinin<a href=\"#_ftn3\" name=\"_ftnref3\">[3]<\/a> bir sonucu olarak kapitalist blok ile rekabet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kaybetmesi ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla eskisi gibi bir tehdit olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 emperyalist-kapitalist sistem i\u00e7in neo-liberal ekonomik politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-liberal ekonomik model, asl\u0131nda klasik liberalizmin paradigmas\u0131n\u0131 canland\u0131rma iddias\u0131na dayan\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n<p>Liberalizm, tekel \u00f6ncesi-rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizmin ideolojisi olarak serbest rekabet ve bireysel haklar\/\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler ilkelerine dayan\u0131yordu ki, Ayd\u0131nlanma d\u00f6neminin \u201c<em>bireyin do\u011fu\u015ftan gelen temel haklar\u0131<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu savunusu, liberal burjuvazi i\u00e7in feodalizmin tasfiyesi ve emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satacak \u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcr bireyler<\/em>\u201din yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 olarak anlam kazan\u0131yordu. Liberal ideoloji; serbest rekabet, \u00f6zg\u00fcr bireyler ve minimal devlet (devletin zaten piyasan\u0131n \u201c<em>g\u00f6r\u00fcnmez el<\/em>\u201di taraf\u0131ndan d\u00fczenlenen ekonomiye m\u00fcdahale etmemesi) ilkelerine dayan\u0131yordu. Liberal \u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler<\/em>\u201d bir yandan \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde piyasada bir meta haline gelen emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satan (i\u015f\u00e7i) ile sat\u0131n alan\u0131 (kapitalisti) \u201c<em>yasalar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda e\u015fit haklara sahip \u00f6zg\u00fcr bireyler<\/em>\u201d olarak kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getiriyor, \u00f6te yandan da kapitalistler aras\u0131nda rekabet serbestisine dayan\u0131yordu. Ancak bu rekabet, kapitalist \u00fcretim yasalar\u0131n\u0131n (art\u0131-de\u011feri azami hale getirmek i\u00e7in \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin h\u0131zla geli\u015ftirilmesi, ancak \u00fcretimimin bu toplumsal karakteri ile m\u00fclk edinmenin \u00f6zel bi\u00e7iminin bir sonucu olarak \u201ca\u015f\u0131r\u0131 \u00fcretimin\u201d yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik krizler, kapitalist birikim ve sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesi vb.) i\u015flemesiyle, bir\u00e7ok kapitalistin bu rekabet s\u00fcreci i\u00e7inde m\u00fclks\u00fczle\u015fmesine ve bu temelde sermayenin giderek yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131na (tekelle\u015fmeye) yol a\u00e7\u0131yordu. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n sonlar\u0131 ve 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131nda art\u0131k b\u00fcy\u00fck tekeller kapitalist \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecine egemen olmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f, \u201c<em>eski kapitalizm<\/em>\u201din yerini kapitalizmin yeni \u2018<em>tekelci<\/em>\u2019 a\u015famas\u0131 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kapitalizmin bu yeni a\u015famas\u0131nda i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7en sanayi sermayesi ile banka sermayesi kapitalizmin baz\u0131 \u00f6zelliklerinin kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131na (serbest rekabetin tekelle\u015fmeye) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesine yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u2018Emperyalizm\u2019 olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan bu yeni evre, kapitalist \u00fcretimin belirli bir geli\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde, bu geli\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin sonucu ve onun en \u00fcst a\u015famas\u0131 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>1929 ekonomik bunal\u0131m\u0131ndan sonra uygulamaya konan Keynezyen ekonomik politikalar, 1970\u2019lere gelindi\u011finde b\u00fcy\u00fcme ve k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131k oranlar\u0131ndaki yava\u015flama\/d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f nedeniyle kapitalist tekeller i\u00e7in s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez hale gelmi\u015f ve revizyonist ihanetin ard\u0131ndan Sovyetlerin bu politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bask\u0131lanman\u0131n ortadan kalkmaya ba\u015flamas\u0131yla 70\u2019lerin sonu-80\u2019lerin ba\u015f\u0131ndan itibaren \u0130ngiltere ve ABD\u2019den ba\u015flayarak sermayenin dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki b\u00fct\u00fcn engellerin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve eme\u011fe y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in neo-liberal politikalara ge\u00e7ilmi\u015fti.<\/p>\n<p>Sovyet ve halk demokrasisi rejimlerinin a\u00e7\u0131k kapitalist sistemlere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden-y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131ndan sonra neo-liberalizm, \u2018<em>yeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni<\/em>\u2019 ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyaya demokrasi, insan haklar\u0131 ve refah g\u00f6t\u00fcrecek bir sistem olarak propaganda edildi. Oysa bu modelin \u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn alt\u0131nda emperyalist tekellerin s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z ya\u011fma ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey yoktu.<\/p>\n<p>Liberalizmin temel ilkelerinden biri olan bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\/bireysel \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler<a href=\"#_ftn4\" name=\"_ftnref4\">[4]<\/a> neo-liberal ideologlar taraf\u0131ndan kolektif haklar\u0131, hak ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi etkisizle\u015ftirmenin, ortadan kald\u0131rman\u0131n ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla dizginsiz bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fczeni kurman\u0131n bir arac\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>Bu istismar\u0131 \u00f6rneklemek i\u00e7in neo-liberal kapitalizmin 1970\u2019lerin sonlar\u0131ndan bu yana yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck<\/em>\u201dler tablosundan birka\u00e7 veriye i\u015faret edilebilir:<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>UNCTAD\u2019\u0131n (Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler Ticaret ve Kalk\u0131nma Konferans\u0131) raporlar\u0131na g\u00f6re 1965\u2019te d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en zengin y\u00fczde 20\u2019sinin geliri, en fakir y\u00fczde 20\u2019nin 30 kat\u0131yd\u0131. 2000\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda bu iki kesim aras\u0131ndaki gelir u\u00e7urumu 60 kata \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. D\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde ya\u015fayan y\u00fczde 15\u2019i toplam zenginli\u011fin y\u00fczde 80\u2019ine sahipken, d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun y\u00fczde 56\u2019s\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturan d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck gelirli \u00fclkeler bu zenginli\u011fin sadece y\u00fczde 5\u2019ine sahiptir.<a href=\"#_ftn5\" name=\"_ftnref5\">[5]<\/a><\/li>\n<li>D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n 2000\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda yay\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cYoksullukla M\u00fccadele\u201d raporuna g\u00f6re d\u00fcnyada 1,3 milyar insan g\u00fcnl\u00fck 1 dolar gelirin alt\u0131nda ve 2,8 milyar insan da 2 dolar gelirin alt\u0131nda bir gelirle ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<a href=\"#_ftn6\" name=\"_ftnref6\">[6]<\/a><\/li>\n<li>ILO (Uluslar aras\u0131 \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc) verilerine g\u00f6re 2005\u2019te d\u00fcnyada 192 milyon i\u015fsiz bulunmakta, \u00f6te yandan esnek, g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma nedeniyle \u2018yoksulluk s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131\u2019n\u0131n alt\u0131nda bir \u00fccretle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 da 550-600 milyon ki\u015fiye ula\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu durumun en a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6stergesi i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcr\u00fcn maliyeti i\u00e7indeki oran\u0131d\u0131r. ILO verilerine g\u00f6re Avrupa\u2019da1970\u2019lerde \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin maliyetinde i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc y\u00fczde 55\u2019lik bir orana sahipken g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bu oran y\u00fczde 11-12\u2019lere gerilemi\u015f, yani s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc kat be kat artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<a href=\"#_ftn7\" name=\"_ftnref7\">[7]<\/a><\/li>\n<li>OECD \u00fclkelerinde 1970\u2019lerde y\u00fczde 35-40\u2019larda olan sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck 2000\u2019de y\u00fczde 20,2\u2019ye ve 2012\u2019de ise, y\u00fczde 15,6\u2019ya gerilemi\u015ftir. Bu tablonun di\u011fer y\u00fcz\u00fcnde enformel (kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131) \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n y\u00fczde 40\u2019lara varmas\u0131 ve d\u00fcnyada yasad\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7men i\u015f\u00e7i, m\u00fclteci veya s\u0131\u011f\u0131nmac\u0131 say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n 100 milyona (d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fczde 2\u2019si) ula\u015fmas\u0131 yer al\u0131yor.<a href=\"#_ftn8\" name=\"_ftnref8\">[8]<\/a><\/li>\n<li>2013 verilerine g\u00f6re d\u00fcnyada yakla\u015f\u0131k 800 milyon insan\u0131n temiz i\u00e7me suyundan yoksun olmas\u0131 ve d\u00fcnyadaki evsiz say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n 100 milyonu a\u015fmas\u0131 bu tabloyu tamamlamaktad\u0131r.<a href=\"#_ftn9\" name=\"_ftnref9\">[9]<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>Liberalizmin temel ilkesi olarak kabul edilen \u201cserbest rekabet\u201d, uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin d\u00fcnya ekonomisine h\u00fckmetti\u011fi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz ko\u015fullar\u0131nda i\u00e7i bo\u015f bir slogan olmaktan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7mez. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck 200 \u015firketi neo-liberal d\u00f6nemde d\u00f6rt kat b\u00fcy\u00fcyerek d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin d\u00f6rtte birini denetimleri alt\u0131na al\u0131rken b\u00fcnyeleri alt\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 da y\u00fczde 25 azaltm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<a href=\"#_ftn10\" name=\"_ftnref10\">[10]<\/a> Sadece bu veriler bile neo-liberal d\u00f6nemde sermayenin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ve emek g\u00fcc\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcndeki art\u0131\u015f\u0131n d\u00fczeyini anlamak\/anlatmak i\u00e7in yeterlidir. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle neo-liberal kapitalizmde serbest rekabet, g\u00fcvencesiz, kurals\u0131z, esnek ve \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz (sendikas\u0131z) \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n bir sonucu olarak s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn artmas\u0131na e\u015flik eden tekeller aras\u0131 rekabetten ibarettir ki, bu rekabet s\u00fcreci sermayenin daha fazla yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131ndan ve b\u00fcy\u00fcklerin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckleri yutup yok etmesine do\u011fru geli\u015fmesinden ba\u015fka bir sonuca yol a\u00e7maz.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-liberal d\u00f6nemde \u201c<em>minimal devlet<\/em>\u201d \u2013ki bu politika, \u201c<em>ne kadar az devlet, o kadar \u00e7ok \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\/demokrasi<\/em>\u201d gibi s\u00fcsl\u00fc sloganlar e\u015fli\u011finde liberal\/\u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc<\/em>\u201d sol taraf\u0131ndan da \u00e7ok\u00e7a dillendirildi\u2013 sermayenin s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan hayati \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131yan bir ilke olarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Keynezyen d\u00f6nemdeki sosyal politikalar ve koruma duvarlar\u0131, sermayeye yeni birikim alanlar\u0131 yaratman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00f6nemli bir engel durumundayd\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla eme\u011fe y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme ve g\u00fcmr\u00fck duvarlar\u0131n\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi IMF, DB, DT\u00d6 gibi uluslar aras\u0131 sermaye \u00f6rg\u00fctleri \u00fczerinden dayat\u0131lan uygulamalarla \u201c<em>minimal devlet<\/em>\u201d politikas\u0131 hayata ge\u00e7irildi. D\u00fcnyada 1988-2010 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmelerin ekonomik tutar\u0131n\u0131n 2 trilyon 352 milyar dolara ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme politikalar\u0131n\u0131n sermaye i\u00e7in nas\u0131l bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve ya\u011fma (birikim) alan\u0131 yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6stermektedir.<a href=\"#_ftn11\" name=\"_ftnref11\">[11]<\/a> Uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerde kendi \u00f6nlerindeki engelleri kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in darbeler d\u00fczenleyecek kadar g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi, bu d\u00f6nemin liberal-\u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc<\/em>\u201d demokrasisinin ni\u015fanesi oldu!<\/p>\n<p>Emperyalist-kapitalist sistemin neo-liberal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm s\u00fcrecinde 1994 Meksika, 97 Asya, 98 Rusya ve 1999-2000 T\u00fcrkiye ve Arjantin\u2019deki krizleri 2008\u2019deki genel kriz takip etmi\u015f, bu krizlerin faturas\u0131 g\u00fcvencesiz, \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i kitlelere y\u0131k\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bug\u00fcn neo-liberal kapitalizmin yeni bir ekonomik krizin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 yaratan daralmadan kurtuldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenmez. \u00d6zetle propaganda edilenin aksine neo-liberalizm, i\u015f\u00e7i emek\u00e7i halk kitleleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan refah\u0131 de\u011fil, i\u015fsizlik ve yoksullu\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fctm\u00fc\u015f; burjuvazi ve emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki ekonomik gelir u\u00e7urumunu derinle\u015ftirip d\u00fcnyada e\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k gibi en temel hizmetlere, bar\u0131nma, beslenme gibi en temel insani ihtiya\u00e7lara eri\u015femeyen kitleleri tarihinde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar artt\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Nihayetinde neo-liberalizm, \u00f6nce sosyal devlet\u00e7i-korumac\u0131 Keynezyen politikalar\u0131n tasfiyesi ve sonra finans merkezli bir birikime dayanan bir seyir izlemi\u015f ancak bu d\u00f6nem boyunca kapitalist sistemin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkisi olan \u00fcretimin toplumsal karakteri ile m\u00fclk edinmenin \u00f6zel\/kapitalist bi\u00e7imi \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi derinle\u015ftiren bir hatta ilerlemi\u015f, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla giderek yeni bir krizin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlamaktan kurtulamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ve elbette neo-liberalizmin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m tablosu d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir taraf\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerde ho\u015fnutsuzlu\u011fu b\u00fcy\u00fctm\u00fc\u015f ve bu temelde tepki hareketlerinin ve alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p><strong>BURJUVA SALDIRGANLI\u011eIN YEDEK G\u00dcC\u00dc OLARAK NEO-FA\u015e\u0130ZM<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Sovyetler ve halk demokrasisi rejimlerinin \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve neo-liberal politikalar\u0131n uygulamaya konuldu\u011fu d\u00f6nem, ayn\u0131 zamanda sosyalizmin tarihinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck ideolojik sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nem oldu. Ba\u015fta Avrupa olmak \u00fczere d\u00fcnyada kendine \u201c<em>kom\u00fcnist<\/em>\u201d diyen bir\u00e7ok parti-\u00f6rg\u00fct da\u011f\u0131ld\u0131, kendini tasfiye etti. Bu partilerin etkiledi\u011fi sendikal hareket geriledi, sendikalar g\u00fc\u00e7 kaybetti. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, ayn\u0131 zamanda neo-liberal kapitalist tekellerin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na esnekle\u015ftirme-kurals\u0131z \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131rma, \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fczle\u015ftirmeyi dayatmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Nihayetinde 80\u2019lerin ba\u015flar\u0131ndan bug\u00fcne gelen neo-liberal politikalar, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ciddi bi\u00e7imde zay\u0131flatt\u0131-ki geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerin hemen tamam\u0131nda 1970\u2019lerden bu yana sendikal\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i oran\u0131n\u0131n s\u00fcrekli d\u00fc\u015fmesi bunun en a\u00e7\u0131k g\u00f6stergelerinden biridir. Neo-liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015fen tepki hareketleri sosyalizmin b\u00f6ylesine b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ideolojik sald\u0131r\u0131yla ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ciddi bir tasfiye s\u00fcreciyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131lar. Ba\u015fka bi\u00e7imde s\u00f6ylenirse, bu tepki hareketlerinin bi\u00e7iminin\/karakterinin \u015fekillenmesinde bu durum \u00f6nemli bir rol oynad\u0131. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ba\u015fta liberal demokrasinin kalbi Avrupa\u2019da (Avrupa Birli\u011fi) olmak \u00fczere d\u00fcnyada sa\u011fc\u0131, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, fa\u015fist parti-\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 son 30 y\u0131lda ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmelerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclemez.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-liberal kapitalizmin 2008\u2019deki krizi, i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinde tepki hareketlerini ve alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 h\u0131zland\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yunanistan, \u0130spanya, Portekiz, \u0130zlanda, \u0130rlanda, \u0130talya, Bulgaristan, Romanya, Macaristan ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere b\u00fct\u00fcn Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 etkileyen kriz s\u00fcreci, Avrupa\u2019da \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-fa\u015fist partilerin neo-liberal politikalara kar\u015f\u0131 tepki hareketlerini kullanarak g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6te yandan \u00f6zellikle 2011\u2019den sonra Kuzey Afrika ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019da ya\u015fanan sava\u015f ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar nedeniyle \u2013ki bu sava\u015f ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar, Tunus ve M\u0131s\u0131r diktat\u00f6rlerinin devrilmesinin ard\u0131ndan halk ayaklanmalar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan demokrasi ve de\u011fi\u015fim talebinin emperyalizm ve gericilik taraf\u0131nda yedeklenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucu olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u2013 ya\u015fanan g\u00f6\u00e7 hareketleri, Avrupa\u2019daki tepki hareketlerinin \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-fa\u015fist hareketlere yedeklenmesinde g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemeyecek bir rol oynad\u0131\/oynuyor.<\/p>\n<p>Krizi en fazla hisseden \u00fclkelerin ba\u015f\u0131nda gelen Yunanistan\u2019da fa\u015fist Alt\u0131n \u015eafak Partisi, 2015\u2019te yap\u0131lan son se\u00e7imlerde y\u00fczde 7 oy ald\u0131. Macaristan\u2019da 2014\u2019te yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde fa\u015fist Jobbik Partisi y\u00fczde 20 oy ald\u0131. Bulgaristan\u2019da son se\u00e7imlerde T\u00fcrklerin oy kullanmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemek i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131ra barikat kurmas\u0131yla g\u00fcndeme gelen neo fa\u015fist Ataka\u2019n\u0131n oy oran\u0131 y\u00fczde 10\u2019u buluyor. Fransa\u2019da neo-fa\u015fist FN-Ulusal Cephe\u2019nin lideri Marine Le Pen, cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 se\u00e7imlerinde ikinci tura kalarak, ikinci turda y\u00fczde 34 oy ald\u0131. Hollanda\u2019da \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 fa\u015fist PVV-\u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Partisi son se\u00e7imlerde y\u00fczde 13 oy alarak ikinci parti oldu. Avusturya\u2019da 2015\u2019te yap\u0131lan eyalet se\u00e7imlerinde \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck Partisi (FP\u00d6) Steirmark\u2019ta oylar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fczde 10,6\u2019dan y\u00fczde 27,1\u2019e, Burgenland\u2019da ise, y\u00fczde 9\u2019dan y\u00fczde 15\u2019e \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131. \u0130ngiltere\u2019de a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 UKIP 2015 se\u00e7imlerinde y\u00fczde 16 oy ald\u0131. Yine Almanya\u2019da a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131 Almanya i\u00e7in Alternatif Partisi\u2019nin (AfD) parlamentoya girecek kadar g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi ve \u0130talya ( Kuzey Ligi), \u0130svi\u00e7re (SVP), \u00a0 Danimarka (Halk Partisi-DF), \u0130sve\u00e7 (Demokratlar Partisi), Finlandiya (Hakiki Finler Partisi), Bel\u00e7ika (Flaman \u00c7\u0131kar\u0131- Vlaams Blang) gibi \u00fclkelerde a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011fc\u0131-fa\u015fist partilerin etkinli\u011finin giderek artmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin neo-liberalizme tepkilerinin gerici hareketlere yedeklenmesinin bir sonucu olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r. Burada AB emperyalistlerinin k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtmas\u0131yla Ukrayna\u2019da yap\u0131lan fa\u015fist darbeyi de ayr\u0131ca not etmek gerekiyor.<\/p>\n<p>Irk\u00e7\u0131-fa\u015fist partilerin \u2013ve baz\u0131 \u00fclkelerde radikal sol \u00f6rg\u00fct\/partilerin\u2013 g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131yla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendirilebilecek bir di\u011fer geli\u015fme de uzunca bir s\u00fcredir neo-liberal politikalar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 konusunda aralar\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131mlar ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015f olan merkez sa\u011f ve sol partilerin ciddi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 kayb\u0131na u\u011framas\u0131 \u2013ki Yunanistan\u2019da 2009 se\u00e7imlerinde y\u00fczde 44 oy alan \u2018<em>merkez sol<\/em>\u2019 PASOK\u2019un 2015 se\u00e7imlerinde oylar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczde 6\u2019ya d\u00fc\u015fmesi bunun en \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 g\u00f6stergelerinden biridir\u2013 oldu.<\/p>\n<p>Bu \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-fa\u015fist partilerin ortak \u00f6zelli\u011fi i\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk, e\u011fitim ve sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetlerinden eskisi gibi faydalanamama gibi neo-liberal politikalar\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 bu politikalar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda nedenlere ba\u011flama, ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle sistemden kaynakl\u0131 sorunlar\u0131 ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde sistemin ma\u011fdur etti\u011fi ba\u015fka toplumsal kesimlere fatura etme y\u00f6nelimi i\u00e7inde olmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (zenofobi), g\u00f6\u00e7menleri ekonomik-sosyal sorunlar\u0131n nedeni olarak g\u00f6rme ve \u0130slam kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n (\u0130slamofobi) bu hareketlerin s\u00f6ylem ve politikalar\u0131nda belirleyici oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Bu \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-fa\u015fist partiler, neo-liberalizmin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131, emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerine g\u00f6\u00e7menlerin-m\u00fcltecilerin kendilerinin hakk\u0131 olan i\u015fi, ekme\u011fi gasp etti\u011fi\/edece\u011fi bi\u00e7iminde sunarak, bu i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin sorunun ger\u00e7ek nedenlerini g\u00f6rmesini (neo-liberal politikalar) ve tepkilerini bu politikalar\u0131n kayna\u011f\u0131na (kapitalizm) y\u00f6neltmesini engellemekte ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla d\u00fczene kar\u015f\u0131 tepkileri \u00e7arp\u0131tarak emperyalist-kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fczeninin devam\u0131na hizmet etmektedir.<\/p>\n<p>Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ikinci b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomisi (Almanya\u2019dan sonra) olan \u0130ngiltere\u2019de Haziran 2016\u2019da yap\u0131lan referandumda AB\u2019den ayr\u0131lma (Brexit) karar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n, neo-liberal politikalar etraf\u0131nda olu\u015fturulmu\u015f bir birlik olan AB\u2019nin ve neo-liberal politikalar\u0131n gelece\u011fi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan k\u0131r\u0131lgan sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furdu\u011funu\/do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u015fimdiden s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki \u2018<em>\u2019brexit<\/em>\u201d karar\u0131nda UKIP gibi sa\u011f-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 partilerin arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131 etkili olmu\u015f olsa da, bu karar esas olarak \u0130ngiltere emek\u00e7ilerinin AB\u2019nin neo-liberal politikalar\u0131na bir tepkisi olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmemektedir. Irk\u00e7\u0131-neo fa\u015fist hareketler, Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerinin sosyal haklar\u0131n\u0131n tasfiye edilmesine kar\u015f\u0131 tepki ve kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 yabanc\u0131-g\u00f6\u00e7men d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden gerici mecralara \u00e7ekmekte ve sorunun ger\u00e7ek nedenlerinin \u00fczerini \u00f6rtmektedir. \u0130ngiltere\u2019deki referandum\u2019da da bu \u00e7evrelerin T\u00fcrkleri korku unsuru olarak \u00f6n plana \u00e7\u0131karan g\u00f6\u00e7 aleyhtar\u0131 propagandalar\u0131 \u0130ngiltere i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerinin g\u00fcvencesizli\u011fin ve yoksullu\u011fun nedenini d\u0131\u015far\u0131dan gelen\/gelecek \u201c<em>tehdit<\/em>\u201dlerde (g\u00f6\u00e7men-m\u00fclteci) aramas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>Bu s\u00fcrecin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir di\u011fer sonu\u00e7 da Trump\u2019\u0131n ABD\u2019nin ba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilmesidir. 2001 11 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcnden bu yana g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan \u0130slam korkusu (\u0130slamofobi), Meksika s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131na duvar \u00f6rme, 11 milyon g\u00f6\u00e7meni geri g\u00f6nderme, Suriyeli s\u0131\u011f\u0131nmac\u0131lar\u0131 kabul etmeme, k\u00fcrtaja ceza, NATO\u2019yu ABD\u2019nin s\u0131rt\u0131nda y\u00fck olarak g\u00f6sterme ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n yoksulla\u015fmas\u0131nda \u00f6nemli rol oynayan NAFTA (Kuzey Amerika Serbest Ticaret B\u00f6lgesi), Trans-Pasifik Ortakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 (TPP) gibi neo-liberal ticaret anla\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftirmesi ABD\u2019li emek\u00e7ilerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131(g\u00f6\u00e7men ve siyahi emek\u00e7ilerin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalanlar) \u00fczerinde etkili olmu\u015f ve gerici bir politik \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015fa yedeklenmi\u015f olsa da Trump\u2019\u0131n kazanmas\u0131, neo-liberal politikalara tepkilerin \u00f6nemli rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir sonu\u00e7 olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Bu tablonun di\u011fer ucunda neo-liberal y\u0131k\u0131m politikalar\u0131ndan en fazla etkilenen Asya ve Afrika\u2019n\u0131n yoksul halklar\u0131 yer almaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle son 30 y\u0131lda Afrika\u2019da D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 ve IMF gibi uluslar aras\u0131 finans kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018bor\u00e7-para-bor\u00e7\u2019 k\u0131skac\u0131, bu co\u011frafyada emperyalist rekabet s\u00fcrecini derinle\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. ABD\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda egemen oldu\u011fu Ortado\u011fu\u2019da ise, 2011\u2019den sonra Suriye \u00fczerinden ya\u015fanan \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve kampla\u015fma yeni bir payla\u015f\u0131m sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n (ABD ve Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalistler ile Rusya-\u00c7in Bloku aras\u0131nda) \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu d\u00f6nem boyunca ya\u015fanan\/ya\u015fanmaya devam eden emperyalist payla\u015f\u0131m, ya\u011fma ve y\u0131k\u0131m politikalar\u0131, 1960-70\u2019lerde sosyalizmden etkilenen ve ulusal kurtulu\u015f hareketleriyle g\u00fcndeme gelen bu co\u011frafyada (Ortado\u011fu ve Afrika) ya\u015fayan halklar\u0131n o d\u00f6nem elde ettikleri kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n neo-liberal politikalarla ciddi bi\u00e7imde tasfiye edildi\u011fi g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, bu ya\u011fma ve y\u0131k\u0131m politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6fkesinin el Kaide gibi radikal \u0130slamc\u0131 gruplara yedeklenmesi sonucunu do\u011furmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>\u00d6zetle neo-liberal \u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fc<\/em>\u201d kapitalizmin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, ya\u011fma, y\u0131k\u0131m politikalar\u0131 bir yandan geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerde sosyal kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 tasfiye ederek i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ileri g\u00fcvencesiz b\u0131rakmakta ve \u00f6te yandan da ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerde payla\u015f\u0131m m\u00fccadelesinin tetikledi\u011fi ekonomik-siyasi (sava\u015flar) g\u00f6\u00e7lerin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 korku \u00fczerinden bu i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ileri \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-neo fa\u015fist politikalara yedeklemektedir. Yani sistem kendi yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerini bu gerici siyasi hareketler \u00fczerinden yine kendine yedeklemenin bir arac\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmektedir. Elbette ba\u015fta da belirtti\u011fimiz gibi sosyalizmin tarihinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck ideolojik sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn ciddi bi\u00e7imde tahrip edildi\u011fi ko\u015fullar, neo liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 bu tepki hareketlerinin emperyalist kapitalizmin daha gerici bi\u00e7imlerine yedeklenmesine yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r-ki bu gidi\u015fat\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmenin, bu tepki hareketlerinin ger\u00e7ek d\u00fc\u015fmana y\u00f6nelmesinin yolu da ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n bir politik \u00f6zne olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinden ve bu temelde y\u00fcr\u00fctece\u011fi m\u00fccadeleden ge\u00e7mektedir.<\/p>\n<p><strong>\u00a0UMUTSUZ B\u0130R \u2018UMUT\u2019 HAREKET\u0130: RAD\u0130KAL DEMOKRAS\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Yaz\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n giri\u015finde de belirtti\u011fimiz gibi neo-liberalizme tepki hareketlerinin ve alternatif model aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n bir taraf\u0131nda a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sa\u011f-\u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctler yer al\u0131rken, di\u011fer taraf\u0131nda ise sosyalizmin ge\u00e7ici yenilgisini ve tarihinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck ideolojik sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya olmas\u0131n\u0131 hem teorik kalk\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 ve hem de siyasal bir hareket olarak g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n dayana\u011f\u0131 haline getiren \u201c<em>radikal demokrasi<\/em>\u201d hareketleri yer alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu hareketlerin ideolojik arka plan\u0131\u201c<em>sosyalist rejimlerinin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/em>\u201dn\u00fcn ayn\u0131 zamanda Marksizm-Leninizmin teorik ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131m\u0131na ve politik programlar\u0131 ise, \u201c<em>sosyalizmin yanl\u0131\u015f ve eksikliklerini reddetme\/a\u015fma<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131na dayanmaktad\u0131r. Radikal demokrasi hareketlerinin \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f noktas\u0131 olan \u2018<em>yeni sol<\/em>\u2019 \u00f6zellikle 1968\u2019lerde Sovyet revizyonizme (Kru\u015f\u00e7evcilik) ve Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n reformcu \u201c<em>kom\u00fcnist<\/em>\u201d partilerine (avrokom\u00fcnizm) ve \u201c<em>kapitalizmle bir arada ya\u015famay\u0131<\/em>\u201d savunan bu uzla\u015fmac\u0131 siyasi odaklar\u0131n s\u00f6zde temsil ettikleri \u2018s\u0131n\u0131f siyaseti\u2019ne bir tepki olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f ve 1990\u2019larda Sovyet-Do\u011fu Bloku rejimlerinin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden sonra da bu \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f-tasfiyenin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bo\u015flu\u011fu doldurarak kendine geni\u015f bir etki alan\u0131 yarat\u0131p g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle Kru\u015f\u00e7ev revizyonizminin ve avrokom\u00fcnist partilerin Marksizm-Leninizme ihanetiyle belirlenen siyasal atmosferde s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetinin ge\u00e7ersizle\u015fti\u011fi, \u201c<em>emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin temel \u00e7eli\u015fki olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131na dayanan ve etnik, cinsel, ekolojik vb. hareketleri merkezine alan \u2018<em>yeni sol<\/em>\u2019-radikal demokrasi hareketleri kendilerine ya\u015fam alan\u0131 bulmu\u015f\/yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak bu hareketlerin kitleselle\u015fip siyasi etki g\u00fcc\u00fc kazanmas\u0131 esas olarak geni\u015f halk kesimlerinin neo-liberalizme tepkisinin bir sonucu olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>Radikal demokrasi hareketleri i\u00e7inde b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada yank\u0131 uyand\u0131r\u0131p \u2018umut\u2019 yaratan en \u00f6nemli hareket Zapatistalar olarak bilinen Zapatista Ulusal Kurtulu\u015f Ordusu (EZLN) oldu. 1980\u2019lerde bir grup ayd\u0131n\u0131n kurdu\u011fu bu hareket Meksika yerliler (Mayalar) i\u00e7inde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f ve Meksika\u2019n\u0131n ABD ve Kanada aras\u0131nda imzalanan NAFTA\u2019ya (Kuzey Amerika Serbest Ticaret Anla\u015fmas\u0131) kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00fcn olan 1 Ocak 1994\u2019te Chiapas eyaletinden ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ayaklanma ile b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada sesini duyurmu\u015ftur. Meksika\u2019n\u0131n neo-liberal sisteme entegrasyonunun \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engelleri kald\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan NAFTA\u2019n\u0131n, \u00f6zellikle yerli halk\u0131n elindeki topraklar\u0131n \u2018\u00f6zel m\u00fclk\u2019 say\u0131l\u0131p sat\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ya da yat\u0131r\u0131m yap\u0131lmaya uygun hale getirilmesini ama\u00e7lamas\u0131, binlerce yerlinin bu neo-liberal sald\u0131r\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bu neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131k, Zapatistalar\u0131n Lacandon Orman\u0131\u2019ndan ilk bildirgesinde \u201c<em>Neredeyse hi\u00e7bir \u015feye, hatta ba\u015f\u0131m\u0131z\u0131n \u00fczerinde bir \u00e7at\u0131ya, topra\u011fa, i\u015fe, sa\u011fl\u0131\u011fa, yiyece\u011fe, e\u011fitime bile sahip olmamam\u0131z umurlar\u0131nda de\u011fil<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6zleriyle ortaya konuyordu.<\/p>\n<p>Ayaklanman\u0131n ard\u0131ndan Zapatistalar ve Meksika H\u00fck\u00fcmeti aras\u0131nda yap\u0131lan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerde \u2018<em>San Andres Mutabakat\u0131<\/em>\u2019 imzalansa da \u2013ki bu mutabakat yerli halklar\u0131n toprak ile kendi geleneklerine dayanan \u00f6zerklik ve \u00f6zy\u00f6netim haklar\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131na dayan\u0131yordu\u2013 h\u00fck\u00fcmetin bu mutabakata uymamas\u0131 Zapatistalar\u0131 bu \u00f6zerkli\u011fi fiili olarak in\u015fa etmeye y\u00f6neltti. Zapatistalar, yerli halk\u0131n ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Chiapas\u2019ta her biri 80 k\u00f6yden olu\u015fan 38 \u00f6zerk-otonom belediye bi\u00e7iminde \u00f6rg\u00fctlendiler. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme ekonomik olarak yerli halk\u0131n geleneklerine uygun bi\u00e7imde topra\u011f\u0131n kom\u00fcn-kooperatifler bi\u00e7iminde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesine ve her kom\u00fcn-kooperatifin kendi ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamas\u0131na dayal\u0131 \u00fcretim ve de\u011fi\u015fim (takas-ticaret) ili\u015fkisine dayanmaktad\u0131r. Bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme siyasi olarak ise, \u201c<em>a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan demokrasi<\/em>\u201d modeline dayanmakta, halk\u0131n kendisiyle ilgili karar s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine meclisler \u00fczerinden kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 esas almaktad\u0131r. Hareketin sembol ismi Marcos\u2019un kendini Subcomandante (komutan yard\u0131mc\u0131s\u0131) olarak adland\u0131rmas\u0131 da Zapatistalar\u0131n hiyerar\u015fiye kar\u015f\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan demokrasiyi savunan modelinin simgelerinden biri durumundad\u0131r. Zapatistalar\u0131n \u00f6zerk-otonom belediyelere dayal\u0131 sisteminin neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131 yerli halk\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 savunmaya dayal\u0131 ilerici-demokratik bir y\u00f6netim modeli oldu\u011fu a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Ancak bu modelin-sistemin d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde uyand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 umut-beklentinin ve neo-liberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018<em>ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131n<\/em>\u2019 aksine kapitalist sistemi a\u015fma ufkuna sahip olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7izmek gerekiyor.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u00f6ncelikle \u015funu belirtmek gerekir ki; Zapatistalar\u0131n otonom-\u00f6zerk y\u00f6netim sistemi, topra\u011f\u0131n hen\u00fcz metala\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, yani kapitalist entegrasyonun olduk\u00e7a s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 d\u00fczeyde oldu\u011fu Chiapas b\u00f6lgesinde ve yerli halk\u0131n devlet taraf\u0131ndan ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmak istenen toprak \u00fczerindeki kom\u00fcnal m\u00fclkiyet ve \u00fcretime dayal\u0131 ili\u015fkilerinin korunmas\u0131 temeline dayanmaktad\u0131r. Bu bak\u0131mdan bu \u00f6zerk b\u00f6lgeler, kapitalizmin etkisinin s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 oldu\u011fu ge\u00e7imlik ekonomiye dayanan \u2018adac\u0131klar\u2019 olarak tan\u0131mlanabilir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla her ne kadar Zapatistalar, salyangoz i\u015faretiyle sembolize edilen \u201c<em>yava\u015f\u00e7a ama emin ad\u0131mlarla ilerleme<\/em>\u201d slogan\u0131n\u0131 kullansalar da iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irme hedefinin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda \u2013ki Zapatistalar iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irme fikrini a\u00e7\u0131ktan reddediyorlar\u2013 bu ilerlemenin kapitalist ku\u015fatman\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kal\u0131nabildi\u011fi oranda yerli halk\u0131n hayat\u0131n\u0131n \u2018<em>iyile\u015ftirilmesi<\/em>\u2019 beklentisinde ifadesini bulan bir reformculuk ufkunu a\u015fmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Burada 2001 krizinden sonra Arjantin\u2019de ya\u015fanan fabrika i\u015fgallerini ve bu i\u015fgal fabrikalar\u0131ndaki \u00f6zy\u00f6netim deneyimlerini (patronsuzlar hareketi) hat\u0131rlamakta\/hat\u0131rlatmakta yarar var. \u00d6zy\u00f6netim fabrikalar\u0131nda ne kadar demokratik bir \u00fcretim modeli geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f olursa olsun nihayetinde bu fabrikalar kapitalist pazar taraf\u0131ndan ku\u015fat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f ve bu pazara \u00fcretim yapan fabrikalar olmaktan kurtulamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle sistemi de\u011fi\u015ftirme, ortadan kald\u0131rma gibi bir hedefi olmayan bu modelin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde kendisini ku\u015ftan kapitalist sistem taraf\u0131ndan belirlenmektedir. \u00a0 Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla do\u011frudan kapitalist pazara \u00fcretim yapan \u00f6zy\u00f6netim fabrikalar\u0131 Zapatistalar kadar \u015fansl\u0131 da de\u011fildir. Ancak sonu\u00e7 olarak ister Zapatistalar ve ister \u00f6zy\u00f6netim fabrikalar\u0131 olsun, bu hareketlerin neo-liberal kapitalist sistemi de\u011fi\u015ftirmeyi de\u011fil, onun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sonu\u00e7larla m\u00fccadeleyi merkezlerine alan ve bu nedenle sistemi ortadan kald\u0131rma kapasitesine-ufkuna sahip olmayan deneyimler durumundad\u0131r. Zapatistalar\u0131n ilk y\u0131llarda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 heyecan\u0131n bug\u00fcn giderek kaybolmaya y\u00fcz tutmas\u0131 da bu ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin bir sonucudur.<\/p>\n<p>Burada Zapatista hareketiyle ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak iki noktaya daha de\u011finmek gerekiyor. Birincisi, Rojava\u2019da K\u00fcrtlerin 2012 yaz\u0131ndan sonra kurduklar\u0131 demokratik kantonlar\u0131n radikal demokrasiyi savunan ayd\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda Zapatistalara benzer bir heyecan yaratmas\u0131 ve dahas\u0131 bu ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n s\u00f6z konusu hareketlerin \u2013Zapatistalar ve Rojava\u2013 \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modeli aras\u0131ndaki benzerlikler \u00fczerinden yeniden \u2018umut\u2019 tazelemeleridir. Ancak \u015fimdiden s\u00f6yleyebiliriz ki, bug\u00fcn Suriye\u2019deki emperyalist kampla\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p gelece\u011finin nas\u0131l \u015fekillenece\u011fi konusunda belirsizlikler olan Rojava\u2019daki yap\u0131lanma ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn demokratik-ilerici \u00f6zelliklere ra\u011fmen kapitalist sistemi ortadan kald\u0131rma ufkuyla hareket etmemekte \u2013ki siyasal program\u0131nda tekelcili\u011fi reddetmesi ve dayan\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 ekonomiden s\u00f6z etmesine ra\u011fmen bu program anti-kapitalist de\u011fildir\u2013 ve zaten iktidar fikrini reddetti\u011fi i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 \u2018otonomi-\u00f6zerklik\u2019le belirlenen bir m\u00fccadele ekseninde yer almaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>\u0130kincisi ise, John Holloway gibi radikal demokrasi kuramc\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n Zapatistalar\u0131 devlet merkezli politikan\u0131n ve Leninist devrim fikrinin reddine dayal\u0131 ideolojik s\u00f6ylemlerine somut bir dayanak-kan\u0131t olarak sunmalar\u0131d\u0131r ki<a href=\"#_ftn12\" name=\"_ftnref12\">[12]<\/a>, radikal demokrasi kuram\u0131n\u0131n temel varsay\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 ileriki b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerde tart\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z.<\/p>\n<p>Avrupa\u2019da radikal demokrat-yeni sol \u00e7evreler i\u00e7inde Zapatistalara benzer bir heyecan yaratan geli\u015fme ise, 2015\u2019te Yunanistan\u2019da Radikal Sol Koalisyon\u2019un (SYR\u0130ZA) iktidara gelmesi oldu. Stratejik hedeflerini \u201c<em>20. yy sosyalizminin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan dersler \u00e7\u0131kartarak 21. yy demokrasi ve sosyalizmini kurmak<\/em>\u201d olarak a\u00e7\u0131klayan \u00c7ipras\u2019\u0131n liderli\u011fini yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Syriza, \u00f6nce Ocak ve ard\u0131ndan Eyl\u00fcl 2015\u2019te yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imleri kazanmay\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>Syriza\u2019y\u0131 iktidara ta\u015f\u0131yan s\u00fcre\u00e7, Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n 2008 kapitalist krizinden en fazla etkilenen Avrupa \u00fclkesi olmas\u0131yla ba\u015flad\u0131. Yunanistan\u2019da Papandreu liderli\u011findeki PASOK (Panhelenik Sosyalist Hareket) H\u00fck\u00fcmeti, ekonomik krizden \u00e7\u0131kmak ve Yunan ekonomisini \u201c<em>g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmek<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131na 2010\u2019da \u2018troyka\u2019(Avrupa Komisyonu, Avrupa Merkez Bankas\u0131 ve IMF) ile \u2018Birinci Troyka Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131 imzalad\u0131. \u201c<em>B\u00fct\u00e7e a\u00e7\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kapat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Yunan ekonomisindeki k\u0131r\u0131lganl\u0131\u011fa son verilmesi<\/em>\u201d gibi gerek\u00e7elerle kamu emek\u00e7ilerinin ve emeklilerin \u00fccretlerinde kesinti yap\u0131l\u0131p sosyal haklar\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131s\u0131lmas\u0131, kamu yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n ve s\u00fcbvansiyonlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131rlanmas\u0131 gibi emek kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 politikalar\u0131 dayat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu anla\u015fman\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 Yunan i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in tam bir y\u0131k\u0131m oldu. \u0130\u015fsiz say\u0131s\u0131 2 milyonu buldu (Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n n\u00fcfusu yakla\u015f\u0131k 11 milyon), 500 bin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck esnaf iflas etti, \u00fccretlerde y\u00fczde 45\u2019lere varan kesintiler yap\u0131ld\u0131 ve emeklilik ya\u015f\u0131 67\u2019ye \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131larak sosyal haklar t\u0131rpanland\u0131, bir\u00e7ok kamu kurum ve i\u015fletmesi \u00f6zelle\u015ftirildi. \u00dclkede i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin de bu dayatmalara kar\u015f\u0131 tepkisi b\u00fcy\u00fcyerek devam etti-ki, 2009\u2019dan Syriza\u2019n\u0131n se\u00e7imleri kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 2015\u2019e kadar 30\u2019u a\u015fk\u0131n genel grev yap\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n<p>Syriza\u2019n\u0131n Troyka\u2019n\u0131n dayatmalar\u0131 ve neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir yol izleyece\u011fini-dolay\u0131s\u0131yla neo-liberal kapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 umut olup olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131- g\u00f6steren ilk ve en \u00f6nemli s\u0131nav, Troyka\u2019n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin haklar\u0131na-kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na sald\u0131r\u0131 temelinde dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201c<em>kurtarma paketi<\/em>\u201dyle ilgili Temmuz 2015\u2019te d\u00fczenlenen referandum ve sonras\u0131nda tak\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 tutum oldu. Referandumda halk\u0131n y\u00fczde 61\u2019i Troyka\u2019n\u0131n paketine \u2018<em>hay\u0131r<\/em>\u2019 diyerek bu dayatmalara kar\u015f\u0131 tutum alma konusunda Syriza\u2019n\u0131n elini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi. Syriza\u2019n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnde iki yol vard\u0131: Ya Troyka ve AB\u2019nin dayatmalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin beklentileri do\u011frultusunda yeni bir programla yola devam edecek ya da AB-uluslararas\u0131 sermayenin bu kurulu\u015flar\u0131 ile uzla\u015fma yoluna girecekti. Syriza, halk\u0131n beklentilerinin tersine referandum sonucunu \u2018troyka\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 bir pazarl\u0131k konusu yapmakla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 bir tutum izleyerek \u201ckurtarma paketi\u201dni kabul etti. Bu paket, kamu \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmelerinin tamamlanmas\u0131 \u2013ki bu \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmeler b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda \u2018bor\u00e7\u2019 \u00f6demeleri i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lacak\u2013, \u00f6zellikle \u00fccretlerde kesinti yap\u0131larak kamu harcamalar\u0131n\u0131n k\u0131s\u0131lmas\u0131, KDV\u2019nin artt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, emeklilik ya\u015f\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckseltilmesi ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere sosyal g\u00fcvenlik sisteminde i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin aleyhine olan d\u00fczenlemelerin kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131, esnaf ve \u00e7ift\u00e7ilere yeni vergiler getirilmesi gibi emek\u00e7i halk kesimlerine a\u011f\u0131r y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fckler getiriyordu. \u00c7ipras h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin Troyka ile \u2018<em>uzla\u015fma<\/em>\u2019 tutumuna ilk tepkilerden biri Syriza i\u00e7inden geldi. Troyka ile \u201ckurtarma paketi\u201dnin imzalanmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in Enerji Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019ndan al\u0131nan Lafazanis\u2019in liderli\u011fini yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018<em>Sol Platform<\/em>\u2019, Syriza\u2019dan ayr\u0131larak \u2018<em>Halk Birli\u011fi Partisi<\/em>\u2019ni kurdu.<\/p>\n<p>Neo-liberal y\u0131k\u0131m politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele eden Yunan emek\u00e7ilerinin umudu olarak iktidara gelen Syriza\u2019n\u0131n daha \u00f6nce PASOK ile Troyka aras\u0131nda imzalanan \u201c<em>kurtarma paketleri<\/em>\u201dnin devam\u0131n\u0131 getirmesi, asl\u0131nda kendini var eden politikalar\u0131n ink\u00e2r\u0131 olarak anlam kazand\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201c<em>kurtarma paketleri<\/em>\u201d Yunan emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in daha fazla i\u015fsizlik, daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccret ve sosyal haklarda kesintinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey getirmemi\u015fken, ayn\u0131 politikay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, Yunan i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerinin de\u011fil, Troyka\u2019n\u0131n temsil etti\u011fi uluslararas\u0131 sermaye kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131na hizmet etmektir. Ve elbette Syriza\u2019n\u0131n bu politikalar\u0131 kendisinden beklenti i\u00e7indeki i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i kitlelerde hayal k\u0131r\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yaratmaktad\u0131r ki, 2017 y\u0131l\u0131nda yap\u0131lan kamuoyu yoklamalar\u0131nda Syriza\u2019n\u0131n oyunun y\u00fczde 20\u2019lerin alt\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesi, emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin deste\u011fini \u00e7ekmekte oldu\u011funa i\u015faret etmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Syriza\u2019n\u0131n \u201c<em>20. yy. sosyalizmi<\/em>\u201dnin (ve Marksizm-Leninizmin) yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmak ad\u0131na i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 iktidar\u0131n\u0131n reddine dayanan radikal demokrasi program\u0131n\u0131n (21. yy demokrasi ve sosyalizmini kurmak iddias\u0131) vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 yer sermaye program\u0131 ile uzla\u015fmak olmu\u015ftur. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle bu program\u0131n ufku, en iyimser s\u00f6ylemle neo-liberal sald\u0131r\u0131 politikalar\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 ile m\u00fccadele etmekle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131d\u0131r ki, bu ufuk, s\u00f6z konusu sald\u0131r\u0131 yasalar\u0131n\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla m\u00fccadeleyi de dar s\u0131n\u0131rlar i\u00e7ine hapsetmektedir.<\/p>\n<p>Yunanistan gibi kapitalist krizden en fazla etkilenen \u00fclkelerden biri olan \u0130spanya\u2019da Aral\u0131k 2015\u2019te yap\u0131lan se\u00e7imlerde y\u00fczde 21 oy alarak dikkatleri \u00fczerine \u00e7eken Podemos (Yapabiliriz) hareketi ise, daha ba\u015ftan AB\u2019nin yap\u0131s\u0131 ve kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesi, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma saatlerinin 35\u2019e d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, t\u00fcm ailelere asgari ge\u00e7im g\u00fcvencesinin sa\u011flanmas\u0131 gibi \u201c<em>reformcu<\/em>\u201d taleplerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sistemi de\u011fi\u015ftirmeyi de\u011fil, olumsuz sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla m\u00fccadeleyi esas alan bir programla ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu hareketin ve program\u0131n\u0131n ufkunu lideri Pablo Iglesias\u2019\u0131n \u015fu s\u00f6zleri b\u00fct\u00fcn a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile ortaya koymaktad\u0131r: \u201c<em>Bizler, 70\u2019ler ve \u201980\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n sosyal demokrasi kapsam\u0131nda de\u011ferlendirilen fikirlerden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey savunmuyoruz. Ama ne ki o g\u00fcn\u00fcn sosyal demokrasi vizyonu, bug\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 sol olarak damgalan\u0131yor. Radikalle\u015fen biz olmad\u0131k. D\u00fcnya sa\u011fa kayd\u0131.<\/em>\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn13\" name=\"_ftnref13\">[13]<\/a> Fakat bu durum, Podemos\u2019un mevcut siyasal atmosferde neo-liberal programlar\u0131 uygulayan \u2018<em>merkez<\/em>\u2019 partilerden kopu\u015f halindeki emek\u00e7i kitleler i\u00e7in alternatif haline gelmi\u015f olmas\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmemektedir. Nihayetinde Yunanistan\u2019da ve d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her taraf\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi \u0130spanya\u2019da da i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitleleri ger\u00e7ek kurtulu\u015fun hangi program\/politikalardan ge\u00e7ti\u011fini kendi deneyimlerinden ya\u015fayarak \u00f6\u011frenecektir.<\/p>\n<p>Radikal demokrasi hareketlerinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde yaratt\u0131klar\u0131 umut ve beklentinin aksine neo-liberal politikalar ile m\u00fccadele ve emperyalist kapitalist sistemi \u201c<em>d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme<\/em>\u201d konusunda Zapatista \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi yetersiz kalmalar\u0131 ve Syriza \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131z olmalar\u0131n\u0131n nedenleri, emek\u00e7i hareketinin bilin\u00e7 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme d\u00fczeyinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle birlikte bu \u201c<em>radikal<\/em>\u201d hareketlerin ideolojik arka plan\u0131nda ve bu temelde olu\u015fturduklar\u0131 politik programlar\u0131nda aranmal\u0131d\u0131r. Elbette \u2018<em>radikal demokrasi<\/em>\u2019 i\u00e7inde de\u011ferlendirilebilecek g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f ve ak\u0131mlar\u0131n birbirinden farkl\u0131 bir\u00e7ok yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir. Ancak bunlar\u0131n ortak paydas\u0131 olan ve politik \u00e7\u0131kmaz\/a\u00e7mazlar\u0131n\u0131n nedenini olu\u015fturan iki temel varsay\u0131mdan s\u00f6z edilebilir.<\/p>\n<p>Birincisi, \u00a0 emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin kapitalist sistemi\/\u00fcretim bi\u00e7imini belirleyen temel \u00e7eli\u015fki oldu\u011funun reddedilmesidir. Bu reddiyenin mant\u0131ksal sonucu elbette s\u0131n\u0131f merkezli politik m\u00fccadeleden vazge\u00e7ilmesi ve s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yerine ba\u015fka \u2018<em>\u00f6zne<\/em>\u2019lerin ge\u00e7irilmesidir.<\/p>\n<p>Radikal demokrasi kuramc\u0131lar\u0131na g\u00f6re Marksizmin emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin sistemin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkisi oldu\u011fu tezi, bug\u00fcn art\u0131k ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirmi\u015f indirgemeci, ekonomik belirlenimci bir tezdir. Bu iddian\u0131n mant\u0131ksal sonucu Marksizm-Leninizmin s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini temel alan m\u00fccadele anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n da ge\u00e7ersizle\u015fmesidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla burada kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za sistemin hangi \u00f6zne-\u00f6znelerle ve nas\u0131l \u2018<em>d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclece\u011fi<\/em>\u2019 sorusu\/sorunu \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Radikal demokrasinin kuramc\u0131lar\u0131ndan Laclau\u2019ya g\u00f6re d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc \u00f6zne \u2018<em>s\u00f6ylem<\/em>\u2019, yani ki\u015finin kendini tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2018<em>kimlik<\/em>\u2019tir ki, s\u0131n\u0131f da bug\u00fcn kimlik siyasetinin \u00f6nemsiz hale gelmi\u015f bir t\u00fcr\u00fcnden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<a href=\"#_ftn14\" name=\"_ftnref14\">[14]<\/a> Bookchin ve Wallerstein\u2019a g\u00f6re \u0131rk, cinsiyet, etnik k\u00f6ken gibi \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin \u201c<em>ikincil<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu tezi ge\u00e7ersizle\u015fmi\u015f ve \u201c<em>s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin yerine bu \u00f6zneleri de kapsayan daha incelikli ve kapsay\u0131c\u0131 bir kavram olan \u2018hiyerar\u015fi\u2019 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn15\" name=\"_ftnref15\">[15]<\/a> Negri\u2019ye g\u00f6re, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yerini iktidar\u0131n d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda olmas\u0131yla tan\u0131mlanan \u2018\u00e7okluk\u2019 alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<a href=\"#_ftn16\" name=\"_ftnref16\">[16]<\/a> Zapatistalar\u0131 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n devrimci m\u00fccadelesinin sembol\u00fc olarak g\u00f6ren Holloway da, Negri\u2019ye benzer bir bi\u00e7imde, \u00f6zne olarak \u2018<em>eyleyen (iktidara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan) insan\u2019<\/em>\u0131 koyar.<a href=\"#_ftn17\" name=\"_ftnref17\">[17]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>Radikal demokrasi kuram\u0131 ile ilgili s\u00f6ylenebilecek ilk \u015fey, bu kuram\u0131n sosyalizmin tarihinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f hareketinin yenilgi y\u0131llar\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan bir kuram olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu d\u00f6nemde kimlik siyasetinin (ekolojik, \u0131rk-etnisite, cinsel, dinsel vb) \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine dair reddiyelerin (s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ge\u00e7ersizle\u015fti\u011fi, \u00f6nemini kaybetti\u011fi iddias\u0131n\u0131n) tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaz do\u011frular olarak sunulmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak meselenin \u00f6z\u00fc \u015fudur: Kapitalizmin sermaye birikimine dayanan bir toplumsal sistem olmas\u0131, yukar\u0131da ad\u0131 ge\u00e7en yazarlar\u0131n da kabul etti\u011fi bir ger\u00e7ektir. Peki, sermaye birikiminin kayna\u011f\u0131 nedir? Elbette kapitalistin, ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak zorunda olan i\u015f\u00e7inin emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kendisine \u00f6dedi\u011fi \u00fccretten daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir de\u011fer (art\u0131-de\u011fer) \u00fcretmesi i\u00e7in kiralamas\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalist birikim, ancak i\u015f\u00e7inin emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcyle (\u00fcretti\u011fi de\u011ferin \u00f6denmemi\u015f k\u0131sm\u0131na, art\u0131-de\u011fere kapitalist taraf\u0131ndan el konulmas\u0131yla) sa\u011flan\u0131r. Ve daha fazla k\u00e2r, sermaye birikimi i\u00e7in ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen bu \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir bi\u00e7imde i\u015f\u00e7i-ile kapitalisti de kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirmekte ve aralar\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi s\u00fcrekli olarak yeniden \u00fcretmektedir. Marx\u2019\u0131n Kapital\u2019de s\u00f6yledi\u011fi gibi, \u201c<em>Kapitalist \u00fcretim \u2026emek\u00e7iyi durmadan, ya\u015famas\u0131 i\u00e7in emek-g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satmaya zorlamakta ve kapitaliste, daha da zenginle\u015fmesi i\u00e7in bu emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc sat\u0131nalma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlamaktad\u0131r\u2026 \u015eu halde kapitalist \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci, kendi i\u00e7 ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde ya da yeniden \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, yaln\u0131z meta \u00fcretmekle, art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretmekle kalm\u0131yor, ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalist ile \u00fccretli i\u015f\u00e7i aras\u0131ndaki toplumsal ili\u015fkiyi de \u00fcretiyor ve yeniden \u00fcretiyor.<\/em>\u201d<a href=\"#_ftn18\" name=\"_ftnref18\">[18]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u00d6yleyse, e\u011fer kapitalist sistem, emek ve sermaye aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiye dayanan bir birikim modeline dayan\u0131yorsa, bu sistemin \u00fczerine oturdu\u011fu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin sistemi belirleyen temel \u00e7eli\u015fki olmas\u0131 gerekmez mi? Dahas\u0131, emek ve sermaye aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkinin \u00f6nemini kaybetti\u011fi, belirleyici olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131, di\u011fer \u00e7eli\u015fkilerle (etnik, cinsel, ekolojik vb) e\u015fitlendi\u011fi iddia ediliyorsa \u00f6nce kapitalist birikimin art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimine dayanan bir birikim s\u00fcreci olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131tlanmas\u0131 gerekmez mi? Ya da tersi bir bi\u00e7imde sermaye birikiminin etnik, cinsel, ekolojik \u00e7eli\u015fki-sorunlar \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmeye ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n kan\u0131tlanmas\u0131. Ancak radikal demokrasi kuramc\u0131lar\u0131 bunu yapamad\u0131klar\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n bile\u015fiminin de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fi gibi s\u00f6ylemlerle arkadan dolanarak s\u0131n\u0131f yerine kafalar\u0131ndaki modele uygun yeni, belirsiz \u00f6zneler yaratmaktad\u0131r. Oysa neo-liberal kapitalizmin esnek, g\u00fcvencesiz, \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 dayatarak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn kazan\u0131mlar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucu olarak s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n yap\u0131s\u0131 ve bile\u015fiminde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan de\u011fi\u015fimler, emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisini \u00f6nemsizle\u015ftirmek bir tarafa Avrupa\u2019da 1970\u2019lerden bug\u00fcne i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcr\u00fcn maliyeti i\u00e7indeki pay\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fczde 55\u2019lerden y\u00fczde 11-12\u2019lere d\u00fc\u015fmesi \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi kat be kat daha fazla b\u00fcy\u00fctm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/p>\n<p>Kald\u0131 ki Marksistler; etnik-\u0131rksal, cinsel, ekolojik vb. \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin-sorunlar\u0131n \u00f6nemini hi\u00e7bir zaman yads\u0131maz. Bizim kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu \u00e7eli\u015fki-sorunlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6rt\u00fclmesinin bir dayana\u011f\u0131 haline getirilmesi ve bu temelde s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine dayanan devrim ve iktidar fikrinin reddedilmesidir. Toparlamak gerekirse, ABD\u2019de \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ya da G\u00fcney Afrika\u2019da Irk\u00e7\u0131 \u201c<em>Apartheid rejimi<\/em>\u201dnin y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131, yasalar \u00f6n\u00fcnde e\u015fitli\u011fi sa\u011flasa da \u2013ki e\u015fitli\u011fin sa\u011flanmas\u0131 ancak bu u\u011furda verilen b\u00fcy\u00fck demokratik m\u00fccadelelerin sonucu olabilmi\u015ftir\u2013 bu \u00fclkelerin emperyalist-kapitalist sistemin birer par\u00e7as\u0131 olmas\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini de\u011fi\u015ftirmedi\u011fi gibi, bu \u00fclkelerde siyah\u00eelerin en a\u011f\u0131r ve g\u00fcvencesiz i\u015flerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ve en fazla s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye maruz kalan toplumsal kesimler olmas\u0131n\u0131 da ortadan kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Fakat bu durum Lenin\u2019in deyimiyle sosyalistlerin bu demokratik talepler i\u00e7in tutarl\u0131 ve \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc bir m\u00fccadeleye girmesini engellemez.<a href=\"#_ftn19\" name=\"_ftnref19\">[19]<\/a> \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu m\u00fccadele bir yandan proletaryan\u0131n burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 zaferinin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 yaratacak ve \u00f6te yandan bu zafer ulusal, etnik, cinsel vb. gibi sorunlar\u0131n kal\u0131c\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn yolunu a\u00e7acakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>\u0130kinci olarak, radikal demokrat yazarlar\u0131n\/ideologlar\u0131n Marksizmin emek-sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkisinin kapitalist sistemi belirleyen temel \u00e7eli\u015fme oldu\u011fu \u00f6nermesinin reddinden \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131klar\u0131 sonu\u00e7 kapitalist sistemin proleter devrimle\/i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 iktidar\u0131 ile y\u0131k\u0131labilece\u011fi fikrinin art\u0131k ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirmi\u015f bir \u00f6nerme oldu\u011fudur. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle e\u011fer i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 (proletarya) sistemin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkisini \u00e7\u00f6zebilecek \u2018\u00f6zne\u2019 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015fsa art\u0131k i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 devrimi\/iktidar\u0131 da ge\u00e7erlili\u011fini yitirmi\u015ftir. O nedenle radikal demokrat ideologlar proleter devrimi, yani Bookchin\u2019in deyimiyle \u201c<em>devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc ele ge\u00e7irmeye y\u00f6nelik geleneksel sosyalist g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc reddet<\/em>\u201dmekte<a href=\"#_ftn20\" name=\"_ftnref20\">[20]<\/a> ve \u201c<em>D\u00fcnyay\u0131 iktidar olmadan de\u011fi\u015ftirme<\/em>\u201dyi<a href=\"#_ftn21\" name=\"_ftnref21\">[21]<\/a> savunmaktad\u0131r. Ancak Lenin\u2019in deyimiyle her devrimin temel sorunu olan iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irmeden sistemi \u201c<em>d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme<\/em>\u201d aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n prati\u011fi ortadad\u0131r. E\u011fer proletarya devrimi ve iktidar\u0131n\u0131 reddediyorsan\u0131z varaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131z yer ya Zapatistalar gibi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kapitalist sistem belirlenmi\u015f bir \u2018otonomi\u2019 ya da Syriza \u00f6rne\u011finde oldu\u011fu gibi AB burjuvazisi ile \u2018uzla\u015fma\u2019 olmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>\u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc nas\u0131l i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci rol\u00fc Marksizm-Leninizm bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bir keyfiyetin de\u011fil, kapitalizmin i\u015fleyi\u015f yasalar\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkinin bir sonucuysa, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n iktidar\u0131 da kapitalist devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 par\u00e7alay\u0131p ortadan kald\u0131rman\u0131n zorunlu bir arac\u0131d\u0131r. Ve bu arac\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131lan Marksist-Leninistlerin iktidar ve devlet a\u015fk\u0131 de\u011fil, burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7iler \u00fczerinde s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden yaratmas\u0131n\u0131 engellemenin ba\u015fkaca bir yolunun olmamas\u0131d\u0131r. Yoksa Marksist-Leninistler \u2018Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019dan bu yana nihai hedeflerinin devleti ve s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rarak kom\u00fcnizmi kurmak oldu\u011funu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ilan etmi\u015flerdir. Fakat kom\u00fcnist toplumu kurmak i\u00e7in \u201c<em>Kapitalist toplum ile kom\u00fcnist toplum aras\u0131nda, birinden \u00f6tekine devrim yoluyla ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi<\/em>\u201d olan proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fccretli k\u00f6lelikten kurtarmak ve kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fclerin direncini k\u0131rabilmek; s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n egemenli\u011fine dayanan \u00f6nceki b\u00fct\u00fcn devlet bi\u00e7imlerinden farkl\u0131 bir devlet bi\u00e7imi olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendisiyle birlikte b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ve s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n bir egemenlik bi\u00e7imi olan devleti ortadan kald\u0131rmak i\u00e7in zorunlu bir \u201c<em>ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemi<\/em>\u201dnden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fildir.<a href=\"#_ftn22\" name=\"_ftnref22\">[22]<\/a><\/p>\n<p>\u00d6zetle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 iktidar\u0131n\u0131n reddine dayanan \u201c<em>kurtulu\u015f<\/em>\u201d ve sistemi \u201c<em>d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme<\/em>\u201d aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131 ortadayken radikal demokratlar\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ya\u015fanan sorunlar\u0131n nedeni olarak sosyalist iktidar\u0131 g\u00f6stermeleri, a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, kapitalist sistemin par\u00e7alan\u0131p burjuva egemenli\u011finin yok edilmesinin reddi olarak anlam kazanmakta ve bu nedenle en \u00e7ok emperyalist kapitalist sistemin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na hizmet etmektedir. Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin b\u0131rakal\u0131m Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde iktidara gelen i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in anlam\u0131n\u0131, bu devrimden korkan kapitalistlerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na tan\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131\/tan\u0131mak zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 sosyal haklar ve \u00f6te yandan sosyalist iktidar\u0131n d\u00fcnyadaki ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelelerinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck destek\u00e7isi, dayana\u011f\u0131 haline gelmesi bile sosyalist devrim ve iktidar\u0131n d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve ezilen halklar\u0131 i\u00e7in ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemi anlamak i\u00e7in yeterlidir.<\/p>\n<p><strong>NEO-L\u0130BERAL\u0130ZM\u0130N ALTERNAT\u0130F\u0130 YEN\u0130 \u2018EK\u0130M\u2019LERD\u0130R<\/strong><\/p>\n<p>Denilebilir ki, d\u00fcnyada son y\u00fcz y\u0131lda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi ve ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadeleleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Ekim devriminin ya da revizyonist ihanetten sonraki sosyalizmin ge\u00e7ici yenilgisinin olumlu ya da olumsuz bir bi\u00e7imde etkilemedi\u011fi hi\u00e7bir \u00f6nemli bir geli\u015fme yoktur. Sadece buradan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda bile Ekim devrimi olmu\u015f bitmi\u015f bir tarihsel olgu de\u011fil, insanl\u0131k tarihinin bug\u00fcn ve yar\u0131n\u0131n\u0131 da etkileyen\/etkilemeye devam eden tarihsel-toplumsal bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce Ekim Devrimi, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen-emek\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n binlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcz bir d\u00fcnya \u00f6zleminin ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilir oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan insanl\u0131k tarihinde \u2018\u00f6zel\u2019 bir yer tutmaktad\u0131r. 1917 Ekim devrimi ile birlikte d\u00fcnyan\u0131n alt\u0131da birinde-Rusya\u2019da- s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u2013burjuvazinin\u2013 egemenli\u011fi y\u0131k\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, Sovyetlerde \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcler Bol\u015fevik Partisi\u2019nin \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde iktidar\u0131 ele ge\u00e7irerek proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc kurmu\u015ftu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve geni\u015f emek\u00e7i halk kitleleri i\u00e7in demokrasinin en ileri bi\u00e7imini temsil eden proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclenlerin de\u011fil; s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n bask\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir devlet bi\u00e7imi olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015fti. Ancak bu devlet, hem egemenli\u011fi elinde bulunduran s\u0131n\u0131f ve hem de \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7imi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nceki b\u00fct\u00fcn devlet bi\u00e7imlerinden farkl\u0131yd\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc sosyalist devlet, kendi varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6teki devlet bi\u00e7imlerinden farkl\u0131 olarak kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 hedefleyen ve bu anlam\u0131yla klasik anlamda art\u0131k \u2018<em>devlet olmayan bir devlet<\/em>\u2019 olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015fti. Bu ger\u00e7ek ortadayken radikal demokrasi ideologlar\u0131n\u0131n sosyalizmi \u2018<em>iktidarc\u0131<\/em>\u2019 ve \u2018<em>devlet\u00e7i<\/em>\u2019 olmakla su\u00e7lamalar\u0131n\u0131n hi\u00e7bir nesnel dayana\u011f\u0131 yoktur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sadece s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n direncini k\u0131rmay\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131yla birlikte devleti ve t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rmay\u0131 ama\u00e7layan bir devlet bi\u00e7imi olarak proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn reddi, niyet ne olursa olsun \u00f6n\u00fcnde sonunda burjuva s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc d\u00fczeninin devam\u0131na hizmet eder. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc Zapatistalar ve Syriza \u00f6rneklerinde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz gibi emperyalist kapitalist sistem i\u00e7inde \u2018<em>adac\u0131klar-otonom b\u00f6lgeler<\/em>\u2019 kurmaya ya da sistemi \u2018<em>yava\u015f yava\u015f d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme<\/em>\u2019ye dayal\u0131 radikal demokrasi stratejisi ya s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 kendisini ku\u015fatan emperyalist kapitalist sistem taraf\u0131ndan belirlenen bir \u2018<em>ya\u015fam alan\u0131<\/em>\u2019na mahk\u00fbm olma ya da d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme iddias\u0131 ile yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131lan sisteme eklenti olmakla sonu\u00e7lanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Oysa Ekim Devrimi ve sosyalist iktidar\u0131n kurulmas\u0131 sonras\u0131nda \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetine ve art\u0131-de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne dayanan kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri son bulmakla kalmam\u0131\u015f i\u015f\u00e7inin kendi eme\u011finin \u00fcr\u00fcnlerine yabanc\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 da son bulmu\u015f ve dahas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 temel alan bir \u00fcretim sistemi -sosyalist \u00fcretim- kurulmu\u015ftu ki, sosyalist planlama ile bir yandan i\u015fsizlik son bulmu\u015f, \u00f6te yandan e\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k, bar\u0131nma, ula\u015f\u0131m gibi halk\u0131n en temel ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fccretsiz kar\u015f\u0131lanmaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ve bu d\u00f6nem boyunca sosyalizmin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn tasfiyesi konusundaki ba\u015far\u0131lar\u0131 sadece Sovyet halklar\u0131n\u0131n bir kazan\u0131m\u0131 olmakla kalmam\u0131\u015f, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n emperyalist kapitalist sistem i\u00e7inde kalan \u00fclkelerinde i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin sosyal devlet\u00e7i olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan politikalarda ifadesini bulan kazan\u0131mlara yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki, bu kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n tasfiyesi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki sald\u0131r\u0131lar bug\u00fcn de devam etmektedir.<\/p>\n<p>Proleter devrimler \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015flatan Ekim devrimi, burjuvazinin i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerini kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131n pe\u015finden s\u00fcr\u00fcklemek i\u00e7in kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, e\u015fitlik, karde\u015flik<\/em>\u201d slogan\u0131ndaki taleplerin, ancak i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin kendi iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131 kurarak ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilece\u011fini; burjuvazinin kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131na hizmet eden demokrasisinin bi\u00e7imsel bir demokrasi olmaktan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7medi\u011fini g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n<p>Burjuvazi, \u2018devrimci \u00e7a\u011f\u0131\u2019nda feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 kendini egemen s\u0131n\u0131f olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctleyip kendi devletini kurarken i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerini kendilerini de \u2018egemen\u2019 hissedecekleri bir sistem in\u015fa etmi\u015fti. \u201c<em>Halk\u0131n kendi kendini y\u00f6netmesi<\/em>\u201d slogan\u0131nda ifadesini bulan burjuva demokrasisi, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc sisteminin, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin kutsanmas\u0131n\u0131n en geni\u015f halk kitlelerine kabul ettirilmesinin temel dayana\u011f\u0131 haline getirilmi\u015fti. Nihayetinde demokrasi bir devlet bi\u00e7imi olarak s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir karakter ta\u015f\u0131r ve burjuva demokrasisi de burjuva egemenli\u011fin devam\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamaya y\u00f6nelik mekanizmalara dayan\u0131r. Burjuva demokrasisinde halk\u0131n 4-5 y\u0131lda bir oy kullanmas\u0131na indirgenen demokrasi, se\u00e7imlerin asl\u0131nda \u00fclkeyi egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u2013burjuvazinin\u2013 hangi kesim ya da \u00fcyelerinin y\u00f6netece\u011finin belirlenmesi olarak anlam kazan\u0131r. Bunun da \u00f6tesinde karar al\u0131c\u0131\/yasa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131c\u0131 organ olan parlamentonun ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararlar\u0131n uygulanmas\u0131 yetkisini h\u00fck\u00fcmete\/ba\u015fkana vb. gibi ba\u015fka bir y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fc g\u00fcce devretmesi nedeniyle demokrasi kavram\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7i tamamen bo\u015falt\u0131l\u0131r. Devleti burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n hizmetinde olan bir b\u00fcrokratik kast y\u00f6netirken, parlamentonun g\u00f6revi de halk\u0131n y\u00f6netim s\u00fcre\u00e7lerine kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 alg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ibaret olur. Neo-liberalizmin uygulamalar\u0131nda da g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi burjuva e\u015fitlik ilkesi, yasalar \u00f6n\u00fcnde e\u015fitli\u011fe indirgenmi\u015f, insanlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu ko\u015fullar\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eden dolay\u0131s\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme \u015fans\u0131 olmayan bir ilke olmaktan \u00f6teye ge\u00e7mez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc burjuva m\u00fclkiyet ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin e\u015fitsizli\u011fi s\u00fcrekli yeniden \u00fcretip b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ko\u015fullarda \u2018<em>e\u015fitlik<\/em>\u2019 ilkesi, asl\u0131nda bu e\u015fitsizli\u011fin me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6tesinde bir anlam ifade etmez.<\/p>\n<p>Oysa Ekim Devrimi\u2019nden sonra kurulan sosyalist demokraside iktidar organlar\u0131 olan Sovyetler devletin \u00f6zel bir b\u00fcrokratik kast olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerine devlet y\u00f6netimini bu iktidar organlar\u0131 \u00fczerinden toplumun her \u00fcyesinin g\u00fcndelik olarak kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 haline getirmi\u015ftir. Bu bak\u0131mdan Sovyetler kararlar\u0131 alanlar ile uygulayanlar aras\u0131ndaki ikili\u011fi ortadan kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, y\u00f6neten-y\u00f6netilen ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ki-burada elbette Sovyetlerde emek\u00e7i kitlelerin y\u00f6netmeyi \u00f6\u011frenme s\u00fcrecinde bir\u00e7ok pratik sorun ve a\u00e7mazla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmiyoruz. Bir devlet bi\u00e7imi \u2013i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye son vermek \u00fczere burjuva az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcnde bir bask\u0131 arac\u0131\u2013 olarak sosyalist demokrasi ne kadar tam uygulan\u0131rsa onu gereksiz k\u0131lacak \u2013s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 ve devletin s\u00f6n\u00fcmlenmesini sa\u011flayacak\u2013 ko\u015fullara, insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z-devletsiz \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na o kadar yakla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu klasik anlamda \u2018devlet olmayan devletin\u2019 demokrasisi, kendi sonunu haz\u0131rlaman\u0131n arac\u0131 haline gelir. En somut ifadesini 1936 Sovyetler Birli\u011fi Anayasas\u0131\u2019nda g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz sosyalist demokraside e\u015fitsizli\u011fi yaratan m\u00fclkiyet ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerine son verilerek toplumsal e\u015fitli\u011fin maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131 ger\u00e7ek anlamda yarat\u0131l\u0131r. 1936 Sovyet Anayasas\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma (i\u015f), bar\u0131nma, ula\u015f\u0131m, e\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k, dinlenme gibi en haklardan her milliyet ve inan\u00e7tan kad\u0131n erkek b\u00fct\u00fcn emek\u00e7ilerin e\u015fit bi\u00e7imde faydalanmas\u0131 devlet g\u00fcvencesi alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n<p>Ekim devrimi, Sovyetlerde demokrasin en ileri bi\u00e7iminin \u00f6rg\u00fctlemesinin \u00f6tesinde sanayinin ve tar\u0131mda kolektif \u00fcretimin geli\u015ftirilmesi ve bu geli\u015fmeye ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u00e7ok k\u0131sa zamanda -\u00fcstelik d\u00fcnyada emperyalist-kapitalist sistem b\u00fcy\u00fck bir ekonomik krizi (1929 kirizi) ya\u015farken- toplumsal refah\u0131n hi\u00e7bir kapitalist \u00fclkede \u00f6rne\u011fi olmayan bir bi\u00e7imde att\u0131r\u0131larak i\u015fsizli\u011fin son bulmas\u0131, halklar hapishanesi olan Rusya\u2019da ulusal sorunun uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 temelinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn sa\u011flanmas\u0131 \u2013ki 1930\u2019larda Sovyet okullar\u0131nda 70 farkl\u0131 dilde e\u011fitim verilmesi bu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn en somut ifadelerinden biridir\u2013, toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n kad\u0131n-erkek e\u015fitli\u011finin maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 temelinde d\u00fczenlenmesi, e\u011fitim ve sa\u011fl\u0131kta izleri bug\u00fcne kadar devam eden bilimin halk\u0131n hizmetine sunulmas\u0131na dayanan politikalar gibi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in tarihte e\u015fi benzeri olmayan kazan\u0131mlar sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Daha \u00f6nce de belirtti\u011fimiz gibi bu kazan\u0131mlar Sovyet topraklar\u0131 ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmam\u0131\u015f, hem emperyalist-kapitalist istem alt\u0131nda ya\u015fayan i\u015f\u00e7i emek\u00e7ilerin sosyal haklar\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan b\u00fcy\u00fck kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n yolunu a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f, burjuvaziyi \u00f6nemli tavizler vermeye zorlam\u0131\u015f ve hem de ezilen uluslar\u0131n ulusal hareketlerinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan en b\u00fcy\u00fck dayanak olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n<p>Ekim Devrimi ve in\u015fa edilen sosyalizm i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7iler i\u00e7in tarihi kazan\u0131mlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f olsa da, sosyalizm \u2013proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u2013 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve iktidar\u0131 elinden al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olsa da varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131 tamamen ortadan kalkmam\u0131\u015f olan burjuvazi aras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n devam etti\u011fi bir \u2018<em>ara d\u00f6nem<\/em>\u2019dir ki, bu d\u00f6nemde burjuvazinin varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131 tamamen ortadan kalkmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc art\u0131-de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne son verilmi\u015f olsa da emek-de\u011fer ilkesi meta de\u011fi\u015fimine y\u00f6n veren ilke olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcr ve bunun da \u00f6tesinde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcretim burjuvazinin-kapitalizmin varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrekli \u00fcretmeye devam eder. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kapitalizmin t\u00fcm unsurlar\u0131 ile tasfiyesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde kararl\u0131 ad\u0131mlar at\u0131lmad\u0131\u011f\u0131\/at\u0131lamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bir \u015fekilde kapitalist restorasyonun \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olur. Sovyetlerde Kru\u015f\u00e7ev d\u00f6nemiyle birlikte burjuva-kapitalist unsurlar\u0131n tasfiyesine y\u00f6nelik s\u00fcrecin durdurularak \u201c<em>maddi ilgilenirlik<\/em>\u201d gibi kapitalist t\u00fcketim k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rtan \u201c<em>reform<\/em>\u201dlar\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131 ve dahas\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerinin giderek y\u00f6netim s\u00fcrecinin d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itildi\u011fi b\u00fcrokratik mekanizmalar\u0131n etkinlik kazanmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nde bu s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ge\u00e7ici olarak kaybetmesinin yani kapitalist restorasyonun \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7t\u0131. Sonu\u00e7ta 1956\u2019dan 1990\u2019lara kadar devam eden bu restorasyon s\u00fcrecinden sonra da Sovyet rejimi-Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019daki halk demokrasisi rejimleri ile birlikte-a\u00e7\u0131k kapitalist rejime d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n<p>Ancak her \u015feye ra\u011fmen insanl\u0131k tarihinin \u00e7ok k\u0131sa bir d\u00f6nemini kapsam\u0131\u015f olan Ekim devrimi, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n binlerce y\u0131ll\u0131k egemenli\u011finin y\u0131k\u0131labilece\u011fini, i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilerin kendilerini ger\u00e7ek anlamda y\u00f6netebildikleri s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcz bir d\u00fczenin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermesi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan yok edilemez bir iz b\u0131rakt\u0131. Burjuvazinin sadece sosyalist ideolojiye de\u011fil, bu ideolojinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015febilir oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steren Ekim Devrimi\u2019ne her f\u0131rsatta yeniden ve yeniden sald\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n as\u0131l nedeni de budur. Burjuvazinin sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n ve korkusunun nedeni Ekim devriminin hem i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin iktidar olabileceklerini ve hem de iktidar olduklar\u0131nda neler yapabileceklerini g\u00f6stermi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bug\u00fcn neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131kta ifadesini ulan emperyalist-kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve bask\u0131 sisteminin kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Ekim Devrimi \u2013sosyalizm\u2013 insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ge\u00e7mi\u015fini de\u011fil, gelece\u011fini temsil etmektedir. Bug\u00fcn ge\u00e7mi\u015ften dersler \u00e7\u0131kararak gelece\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z-s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcz toplumunu kurmak i\u00e7in \u00a0 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir taraf\u0131nda yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenip g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmaya ba\u015flayan Marksist-Leninist parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve m\u00fccadeleleri bu ger\u00e7e\u011fin en somut ifadesidir. Marksist-Leninist parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin Latin Amerika\u2019dan Asya\u2019ya ve Kuzey Afrika\u2019dan Avrupa\u2019ya d\u00fcnyan\u0131n d\u00f6rt bir taraf\u0131nda neo-liberal kapitalizme tepki olarak geli\u015fen s\u0131n\u0131f ve halk hareketleriyle birle\u015fmek ve onlar\u0131 tarihe y\u00f6n verecek \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir g\u00fc\u00e7ler haline getirmek i\u00e7in att\u0131\u011f\u0131 her ad\u0131m bizi yeni \u2018Ekim\u2019lere daha da yak\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rmaktad\u0131r. \u0130\u015fte bu nedenle Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin y\u00fcz\u00fcnc\u00fc y\u0131l\u0131nda kriz emarelerini her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha fazla biriktiren ve sadece i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7ilere de\u011fil, en geni\u015f halk kitlelerine s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, sava\u015f, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, gericilik d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda ba\u015fka bir \u015fey vaat etmeyen neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n ger\u00e7ek kurtulu\u015fu ancak yeni \u2018Ekim\u2019lerden ge\u00e7iyor.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref1\" name=\"_ftn1\">[1]<\/a> ABD\u2019li burjuva ideolog Fukuyama taraf\u0131ndan g\u00fcndeme getirilen \u201c<em>tarihin sonu<\/em>\u201d tezi, Marksizmin ilkel d\u00f6nem d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda \u201c<em>b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumlar\u0131n tarihi, s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 tarihidir<\/em>\u201d tezine de g\u00f6nderme yap\u0131yor, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 temsil eden sistem \u2013sosyalizm\u2013 y\u0131k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re tarihin sonunun da geldi\u011fi, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla liberalizmin art\u0131k evrensel ge\u00e7erlili\u011fi olan tek sistem haline geldi\u011fini iddia ediyordu.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref2\" name=\"_ftn2\">[2]<\/a> Prof. G\u00fclten Demir, \u2018K\u00fcreselle\u015fme \u00dczerine\u2019 makalesi, Ankara \u00dcniversitesi SBF Dergisi, s. 56, sf. 82-83<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref3\" name=\"_ftn3\">[3]<\/a> SSCB\u2019de geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn nedenleri kapsaml\u0131 bir tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olmakla birlikte Kru\u015f\u00e7ev revizyonizmi taraf\u0131ndan devlet kapitalizmi ve meta ekonomisi uygulanmas\u0131yla \u201ckapitalizmle bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde bir arada ya\u015fama ve rekabet etme\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n benimsenmesi ve bu temelde sosyalist ya\u015fam k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fc yerine halk\u0131n t\u00fcketim beklentilerinin emperyalist-kapitalist \u00fclkelerdekine uygun bi\u00e7imde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmesi sonucunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ekonomik ko\u015fullar\u0131n yeni bir b\u00fcrokratik kast\u0131n olu\u015fumuna yol a\u00e7mas\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist restorasyonda belirleyici bir rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir.<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref4\" name=\"_ftn4\">[4]<\/a> Klasik liberalizmde de bu ilke insanlar\u0131n i\u00e7inde bulunduklar\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131, ba\u011flam\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eden \u015fekli bir ilke olmaktan, bireyin \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc d\u0131\u015f m\u00fcdahalelere maruz kalmamaktan ibaret g\u00f6rmekten \u00f6teye ge\u00e7mez. Bu bak\u0131mdan mesela bireylerin a\u00e7, i\u015fsiz, e\u011fitimsiz vb. olmas\u0131\/kalmas\u0131, bir \u2018d\u0131\u015f\u2019 m\u00fcdahale olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in liberal ideoloji bak\u0131m\u0131ndan onlar\u0131n \u201c<em>\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>\u201dn\u00fc engellemez!<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref5\" name=\"_ftn5\">[5]<\/a> F. Sapancal\u0131, \u2018Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeni\u2019 ve K\u00fcresel Yoksulluk makalesi, Dokuz Eyl\u00fcl Sosyal Bilimler Enstit\u00fcs\u00fc Dergisi, c. 3, s. 2, 2001<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref6\" name=\"_ftn6\">[6]<\/a> Age<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref7\" name=\"_ftn7\">[7]<\/a> Y\u00fccel Uyan\u0131k, Neoliberal K\u00fcreselle\u015fme S\u00fcrecinde \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc Piyasalar\u0131, Gazi \u00dcniversitesi \u0130ktisadi ve \u0130dari Bilimler Fak\u00fcltesi Dergisi, s. 10 \/ 2 (2008), sf. 209-224<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref8\" name=\"_ftn8\">[8]<\/a> Age<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref9\" name=\"_ftn9\">[9]<\/a> https:\/\/bianet.org\/bianet\/&#8230;\/184714-unicef-su-kitligi-600-milyon-cocugu-etkileyecek<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref10\" name=\"_ftn10\">[10]<\/a> Y\u00fccel Uyan\u0131k, Neoliberal K\u00fcreselle\u015fme S\u00fcrecinde \u0130\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc Piyasalar\u0131, Gazi \u00dcniversitesi \u0130ktisadi ve \u0130dari Bilimler Fak\u00fcltesi Dergisi, s. 10 \/ 2 (2008), sf. 209-224<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref11\" name=\"_ftn11\">[11]<\/a> <a href=\"http:\/\/siyasihaber3.org\/ozellestirme-mi-kitlesel-servet-transferi-mi\">http:\/\/siyasihaber3.org\/ozellestirme-mi-kitlesel-servet-transferi-mi<\/a><\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref12\" name=\"_ftn12\">[12]<\/a> J. Holloway, Kapitalizmin \u0130\u00e7inde, Kapitalizme Kar\u015f\u0131 ve Kapitalizmin \u00d6tesinde, sf. 16-17, \u00a0 \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref13\" name=\"_ftn13\">[13]<\/a> Pablo Iglesias, aktaran Nilg\u00fcn Cerraho\u011flu, \u201c<em>Soldaki umudun ad\u0131 Corbyn<\/em>\u201d yaz\u0131s\u0131, 11 Haziran 2017 tarihli Cumhuriyet Gazetesi<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref14\" name=\"_ftn14\">[14]<\/a> Ernesto Laclau &#8211; Chantal Mouffe, Hegemonya ve Sosyalist Strateji, \u00e7ev: Ahmet Kardam\/Do\u011fan \u015eahiner, Birikim, 1992-\u0130stanbul<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref15\" name=\"_ftn15\">[15]<\/a> M. Bookchin, \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn Ekolojisi, sf. 81, Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1994\/ I. Wallerstein, Liberalizmden Sonra, Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1998, sf. 214-215<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref16\" name=\"_ftn16\">[16]<\/a> M. Hardt-A. Negri, \u00c7okluk, sf. 12, Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2004<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref17\" name=\"_ftn17\">[17]<\/a> J. Holloway, \u0130ktidar Olmadan D\u00fcnyay\u0131 De\u011fi\u015ftirmek, sf. 47, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2011<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref18\" name=\"_ftn18\">[18]<\/a> K. Marx, Kapital, Birinci Cilt, Sol yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 1986, sf. 594<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref19\" name=\"_ftn19\">[19]<\/a> Lenin, Marksizm ve Ulusal Sorun, Evrensel Bas\u0131m Yay\u0131n, sf. 132<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref20\" name=\"_ftn20\">[20]<\/a> J. Holloway, \u0130ktidar Olmadan D\u00fcnyay\u0131 De\u011fi\u015ftirmek, sf. 27, \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2011<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref21\" name=\"_ftn21\">[21]<\/a> M. Bookchin, Toplumu Yeniden Kurmak, Metis Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, T\u00fcrk\u00e7e bas\u0131ma \u00f6ns\u00f6z, sf. 9-19<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"#_ftnref22\" name=\"_ftn22\">[22]<\/a> K. Marx, Gotha ve Erfurt Programlar\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 3. Bask\u0131, sf. 41<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Y. Y\u0131lmaz Karata\u015f\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 G\u0130R\u0130\u015e Bug\u00fcn neo-liberalizmin genel bir krizinden s\u00f6z etmek i\u00e7in erken olsa da Avrupa\u2019dan Kuzey Afrika\u2019ya, Latin Amerika\u2019dan Asya\u2019ya neo-liberalizme tepki hareketlerinin ve farkl\u0131 politik model aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 da g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemez bir ger\u00e7ektir. Avrupa\u2019da bir yandan Yunanistan\u2019daki Syriza ve \u0130spanya\u2019daki Podemos\u2019ta ifadesini bulan \u2018radikal demokrasi\u2019 hareketleri ve di\u011fer yanda \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin \u201cliberal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kalesi\u201d AB\u2019den ayr\u0131lma karar\u0131nda [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":315,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[478,358],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-312","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-9-sayi-agustos-2017","category-y-yilmaz-karatas"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.4 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin 100. y\u0131l\u0131nda\u00a0neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131k ve alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar \u00fczerine<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/08\/01\/ekim-devriminin-100-yilinda-neo-liberal-saldirganlik-ve-alternatif-arayislar-uzerine\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Ekim Devrimi\u2019nin 100. y\u0131l\u0131nda\u00a0neo-liberal sald\u0131rganl\u0131k ve alternatif aray\u0131\u015flar \u00fczerine\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Y. Y\u0131lmaz Karata\u015f\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0\u00a0 G\u0130R\u0130\u015e Bug\u00fcn neo-liberalizmin genel bir krizinden s\u00f6z etmek i\u00e7in erken olsa da Avrupa\u2019dan Kuzey Afrika\u2019ya, Latin Amerika\u2019dan Asya\u2019ya neo-liberalizme tepki hareketlerinin ve farkl\u0131 politik model aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nl\u0131k kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 da g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilemez bir ger\u00e7ektir. 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