{"id":297,"date":"2017-08-01T09:58:12","date_gmt":"2017-08-01T06:58:12","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=297"},"modified":"2023-01-18T16:16:20","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T13:16:20","slug":"bonapartizm-mi-fasizm-mi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/08\/01\/bonapartizm-mi-fasizm-mi\/","title":{"rendered":"Bonapartizm mi fa\u015fizm mi?"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ali Ya\u015far<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7mi\u015f tarihi olaylarla, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekte olan politik olaylar aras\u0131nda benzerlikler kurmak, genellikle ba\u015fvurulan bir y\u00f6ntemdir. E\u011fer ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f olaylar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131, toplumsal, tarihsel geli\u015fmelerin maddi temellerini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmiyor, sadece y\u00fczeysel benzerliklerle yetiniliyorsa bu y\u00f6ntemin bir sak\u0131ncas\u0131 olmayabilir. Ama tarihsel ve toplumsal ko\u015fullar g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ediliyor, y\u00fczeysel benzerlikler bug\u00fcn\u00fcn olaylar\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme ko\u015fullar\u0131 gibi kabul ediliyorsa, kabaca ayn\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yorsa o zaman bu yakla\u015f\u0131mda ciddi sorunlar var demektir.<\/p>\n

Maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131n, s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fki ve m\u00fccadelesinin zemininin b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle farkl\u0131 oldu\u011fu iki ayr\u0131 tarihsel ve toplumsal d\u00f6nemde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen olaylar ancak somut durumun ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir ara\u015ft\u0131rma ve incelenmesiyle anla\u015f\u0131labilir. \u00d6rne\u011fin antik bir toplumun s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, feodal bir toplumun s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle farkl\u0131 oldu\u011fu gibi, feodal bir toplumun s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi de, hem ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6nemlerinden ve onun \u00f6zg\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan, hem de modern kapitalist bir toplumun s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden olduk\u00e7a farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Toplumsal zemin ve s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkiler b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle farkl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Fa\u015fizm \u00fczerine tart\u0131\u015fmalarda da benzer bir durumun ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bug\u00fcn tek adam ve tek parti rejimi \u00fczerinden fa\u015fist bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck in\u015fa edilmektedir. Bug\u00fcn s\u00f6z konusu olan; tekeller ve emperyalizmin egemen oldu\u011fu ko\u015fullarda g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015f olan fa\u015fist bir rejimdir. Ancak sol \u00e7evrelerde, en az\u0131ndan bir k\u0131sm\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de i\u00e7inden ge\u00e7ilen s\u00fcre\u00e7 Bonapartizm olarak de\u011ferlendirilmektedir. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortas\u0131nda Fransa\u2019daki \u00f6zg\u00fcn bir siyasal \u015fekillenme g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze aktar\u0131lmakta, y\u00fczeysel benzerlikler \u00fczerinden tahliller yap\u0131lmakta, bunlar\u0131n yetmedi\u011fi yerde de gerekli \u201ckatk\u0131lar\u201d yap\u0131larak tablo tamamlanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu tart\u0131\u015fma ku\u015fkusuz sadece bug\u00fcn yap\u0131lmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. 1920\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda \u0130talya\u2019da fa\u015fist hareketin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 ve fa\u015fist bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kurulmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda da benzer tart\u0131\u015fmalar ya\u015fanm\u0131\u015f, kurulan diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn Bonapartist bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortas\u0131nda Fransa\u2019da Bonapartist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck kuruldu\u011funda buna \u201csezarizm\u201d diyenler de bulunmu\u015ftur! \u0130leride g\u00f6rece\u011fimiz gibi Marx, Bonapart darbesini yorumlarken, sezarizm diyenlere sadece maddi ve tarihsel ko\u015fullardan hareketle gerekli yan\u0131t\u0131 vermekle kalmam\u0131\u015f, tarihsel olaylara nas\u0131l yakla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi konusunda tarihsel materyalizmin y\u00f6ntemini de g\u00f6stermi\u015fti.<\/p>\n

Bu makalede; fa\u015fizm ve Bonapartizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 ele al\u0131p, farkl\u0131 tarihsel ve toplumsal ko\u015fullarda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bu devlet bi\u00e7imlerinin birbirinden farkl\u0131 oldu\u011fu g\u00f6sterilecektir. \u00d6ncelikle Bonapartizm\u2019in ya\u015fam buldu\u011fu ko\u015fullar sergilenecek, okur a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan d\u00f6nemin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na dikkat edilecektir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc yaz\u0131n\u0131n amac\u0131 Bonapartist ve benzeri devlet bi\u00e7imlerinin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi zemini ortaya koymak, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde o d\u00f6neme yap\u0131lan at\u0131flar\u0131n durumu ne \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n olabildi\u011fince ger\u00e7ek\u00e7i bir bi\u00e7imde anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunmakt\u0131r. Konunun anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan baz\u0131 al\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131 uzun tutmak bir zorunluluk olmaktad\u0131r. Sonras\u0131nda da fa\u015fizmi, bug\u00fcn \u00fclkede ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekte olan\u0131n genel \u00e7er\u00e7evesini \u00e7izmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015faca\u011f\u0131z. Burada ayr\u0131nt\u0131ya girilmeyecek \u2013\u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc Teori ve Eylem\u2019in ge\u00e7mi\u015f say\u0131lar\u0131nda bu yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00a0<\/strong>BONAPART\u0130ZM\u0130 DO\u011eURAN KO\u015eULLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

1848, ba\u015fta Fransa olmak \u00fczere pek \u00e7ok Avrupa \u00fclkesinde burjuva devrimlerinin pe\u015f pe\u015fe patlak verdi\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemdir. Fransa\u2019da \u015eubat Devrimi krall\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u2013Louis-Philippe- devirmi\u015f, cumhuriyet kurulmu\u015ftur. Bu devrimde proletarya, burjuvazi, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi m\u00fcttefik durumundad\u0131r. Marx, \u201cDevrimi haz\u0131rlayan ya da yapan b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6\u011feler, haneden muhalefeti, cumhuriyet\u00e7i burjuvazi, cumhuriyet\u00e7i-demokrat k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi, sosyal-demokrat i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, hepsi, \u015eubat h\u00fck\u00fcmetinde ge\u00e7ici olarak yerlerini buldular<\/em>\u201d (al\u0131nt\u0131lar aksi belirtilmedik\u00e7e Louis Bonaparte\u2019in 18 Brumaire\u2019i kitab\u0131ndand\u0131r) demektedir. Bu devrimin ilk d\u00f6nemidir. Bankac\u0131lar\u0131n tekelci egemenli\u011fi \u2013bunu emperyalizm d\u00f6neminde i\u00e7inde bankalar\u0131n da yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 mali sermaye ile kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131rmamak gerekir- k\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f, sanayi burjuvazisinin \u00f6n\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Devrimin ikinci d\u00f6nemi 4 May\u0131s 1848\u2019den 29 May\u0131s 1849\u2019a kadar cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fu ya da Kurucu Ulusal Meclis d\u00f6nemidir. Marx, bu d\u00f6nemi, \u201c4 May\u0131s 1848\u2019den May\u0131s 1849\u2019un sonuna kadar giden ikinci d\u00f6nem, anayasa d\u00f6nemi, burjuva cumhuriyetinin temelinin at\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 d\u00f6nemi<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlamaktad\u0131r. Ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle \u015eubat\u2019\u0131n hedeflerini revize etme ve devrimi burjuvazinin \u00e7\u0131kar ve hedeflerine uydurma d\u00f6nemidir. Proletarya bu giri\u015fime Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131 ile yan\u0131t vermi\u015f ve yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r:<\/p>\n

\u201cParis proletaryas\u0131n\u0131n istemleri, kesin olarak defedilmesi gereken birtak\u0131m \u00fctopik martavallard\u0131r. Ulusal Kurucu Meclisin bu bildirimine, Paris proletaryas\u0131, Avrupa i\u00e7 sava\u015flar tarihinde en yaman olay olan Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131 ile kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k verdi. Burjuva cumhuriyeti \u00fcst\u00fcn geldi. Burjuva cumhuriyetinin yan\u0131nda, mali aristokrasi, sanayi burjuvazisi, orta s\u0131n\u0131flar, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuvazi, ordu, seyyar muhaf\u0131z olarak \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmi\u015f l\u00fcmpen-proletarya, ayd\u0131nlar, rahipler ve b\u00fct\u00fcn k\u0131r n\u00fcfusu vard\u0131. Proletaryan\u0131n yan\u0131nda ise kendinden ba\u015fka kimse yoktu.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Proletaryan\u0131n ge\u00e7ici h\u00fck\u00fcmet d\u00f6nemindeki durumunu betimleyen Marx, daha sonra geli\u015ftirece\u011fi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerin temellerini burada atar:<\/p>\n

\u201cProletaryan\u0131n Ulusal Meclisteki ve bas\u0131ndaki ba\u015fl\u0131ca liderleri birbiri ard\u0131ndan mahkemelere verildi ve onlar\u0131n yerini, gittik\u00e7e daha \u015f\u00fcpheli tipler ald\u0131. Bir bak\u0131ma, proletarya, de\u011fi\u015fim bankalar\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i ortakl\u0131klar\u0131 gibi doktriner denemelere, yani kendisine \u00f6zg\u00fc olan b\u00fcy\u00fck ara\u00e7lar\u0131n yard\u0131m\u0131yla eski d\u00fcnyan\u0131n bi\u00e7imini de\u011fi\u015ftirmekten vazge\u00e7ti\u011fi bir harekete at\u0131l\u0131yor, ama d\u00fcnyay\u0131 de\u011fi\u015ftirmek yerine kurtulu\u015funu, deyim do\u011fru olursa, toplumun arkas\u0131nda, \u00f6zel bir bi\u00e7imde, kendi varl\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n dar s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7ersinde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeye bak\u0131yor<\/strong>, bu y\u00fczden de zorunlu olarak ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131zl\u0131\u011fa u\u011fruyor.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Burjuva cumhuriyetinin temellerinin at\u0131labilece\u011fi ve geli\u015ftirilebilece\u011fi zemini Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131n\u0131n yenilgisi haz\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Bunun di\u011fer bir anlam\u0131 art\u0131k burjuva cumhuriyetinin, onun arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile burjuvazinin di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fczerinde mutlak iktidar\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131yd\u0131. Ama s\u0131n\u0131flar hen\u00fcz tam olarak yerine oturmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r ve ne kendi i\u00e7lerinde, ne de aralar\u0131nda ili\u015fkilerde bir istikrar bulunmaktad\u0131r. Cumhuriyet\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcndeki kralc\u0131 hizipler bu tabloyu daha da renklendirmektedir. Ama istikrarl\u0131 ve geli\u015fmi\u015f olan bir mekanizma vard\u0131r ki bu da b\u00fcrokrasisiyle, ordusuyla, din g\u00f6revlileri ile dev bir devlet mekanizmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu durum Bonapartizmin hangi zeminde boy verdi\u011fini de a\u00e7\u0131klayacak \u00f6zelliklere sahiptir.<\/p>\n

Devrimin \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc d\u00f6nemi 29 May\u0131s 1849\u2019dan 2 Aral\u0131k 1851\u2019e kadar anayasal cumhuriyet ya da Ulusal Yasama Meclis d\u00f6nemidir. Bu d\u00f6nem asl\u0131nda \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki t\u00fcm \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin kendini a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa vurdu\u011fu, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n birbirine kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fcvensizli\u011finin had safhaya ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemdir. Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n 10 Aral\u0131k 1848\u2019de cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 se\u00e7ilmesi t\u00fcm bu \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 bir \u00fcst boyuta ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 t\u00fcm y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin ba\u015f\u0131yd\u0131 ve baz\u0131 i\u015flerde meclisin onay\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 duysa da ger\u00e7ek iktidar\u0131 temsil ediyordu. Bu d\u00f6nemi de kendi i\u00e7inde farkl\u0131 d\u00f6nemlere ay\u0131ran Marx, geli\u015fen olaylar\u0131n ger\u00e7ek anlamlar\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Ama burada bu kadar ayr\u0131nt\u0131ya girmeye gerek yoktur.<\/p>\n

Marx\u2019\u0131n meclisle cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131n konumunu ortaya koyan \u015fu tespitlerini aktarmak durumun anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131na yard\u0131m edecektir:<\/p>\n

\u201cBir yanda sorumsuz, da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lamaz, b\u00f6l\u00fcnmez bir Ulusal Meclisi, her \u015feyin \u00fcst\u00fcnde olan bir yasama g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc elinde bulunduran, sava\u015f, bar\u0131\u015f ve ticaret antla\u015fmas\u0131 konular\u0131nda son merci olarak karar veren, genel af yapma hakk\u0131na yaln\u0131z kendisi sahip bulunan ve s\u00fcrekli niteli\u011fi ile hep sahnenin \u00f6n\u00fcnde yer alan bir Ulusal Meclisi olu\u015fturan, genel oyla se\u00e7ilmi\u015f, yeniden se\u00e7ilebilir 750 halk temsilcisi. \u00d6te yanda, krall\u0131k erkinin b\u00fct\u00fcn hassalar\u0131 ile, bakanlar\u0131n\u0131 Ulusal Meclisten ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak atamak ve g\u00f6revden almak hakk\u0131 ile, y\u00fcr\u00fctme g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn b\u00fct\u00fcn eylem olanaklar\u0131na sahip, t\u00fcm devlet g\u00f6revlerini elinde bulunduran ve b\u00f6ylece de Fransa\u2019da her r\u00fctbe ve k\u0131demden 50.000 memur ve subaya ba\u011fl\u0131 bir-bu\u00e7uk milyonun kaderini elinde tutan cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131. O, \u00fclkenin b\u00fct\u00fcn silahl\u0131 kuvvetlerinin komutan\u0131d\u0131r. O, herhangi bir su\u00e7luyu ba\u011f\u0131\u015flamak, ulusal muhaf\u0131zlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa almak, Dan\u0131\u015ftay\u0131n onamas\u0131 ile yurtta\u015flarca se\u00e7ilen eyalet ve belediye kurulu \u00fcyelerinin g\u00f6revine son vermek gibi bir ayr\u0131cal\u0131ktan yararlan\u0131r. Yabanc\u0131larla her t\u00fcrl\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fme yapma inisiyatifine sahiptir ve bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fmelerin y\u00f6netimini elinde tutar.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Ayr\u0131ca meclisle halk oyuyla se\u00e7ilmi\u015f cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n konumunu anlamak bak\u0131m\u0131ndan, ki bug\u00fcne benzerlik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da ilgin\u00e7 olan \u015fu tespitleri de buraya aktarmak gerekir:<\/p>\n

\u201cAma, yasa maddeleri ile manevi bir g\u00fc\u00e7 yaratman\u0131n olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ba\u015fka, cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131 tek dereceli se\u00e7imle b\u00fct\u00fcn Frans\u0131zlara se\u00e7tirmekle, anayasa, bir kez daha kendi kendini y\u0131k\u0131yor. Fransa\u2019n\u0131n oylar\u0131 Ulusal Meclisin 750 \u00fcyesine da\u011f\u0131l\u0131rken, burada, tersine, tek bir ki\u015fi \u00fczerinde toplan\u0131r. Her milletvekili yaln\u0131z \u015fu ya da bu partiyi, \u015fu ya da bu kenti, \u015fu ya da bu k\u00f6pr\u00fcba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve hatta, salt yediy\u00fcz ellinci herhangi bir kimseyi se\u00e7me zorunlulu\u011funu, bir insan \u00fczerindeki e\u015fyadan daha fazla titizlik g\u00f6sterilmedi\u011fi bu se\u00e7me i\u015flemini temsil etti\u011fi halde, o, ulusun se\u00e7ti\u011fidir ve onun se\u00e7imi, egemen halk\u0131n d\u00f6rt y\u0131lda bir oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kozdur. Se\u00e7ilmi\u015f Ulusal Meclis, ulusa metafizik bir ba\u011f ile ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r, ama se\u00e7ilmi\u015f cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131, ulusa ki\u015fisel bir ba\u011f ile ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Ulusal Meclis, elbette ki \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fcyelerinde ulusal ruhun ba\u015fka ba\u015fka y\u00f6nlerini temsil eder, ama bu ulusal ruh, as\u0131l cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131nda cisimle\u015fir. Ba\u015fkan, meclis kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bir \u00e7e\u015fit tanr\u0131sal hakka sahiptir. O, halk\u0131n sayesinde ba\u015fkand\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Bu d\u00f6nemde olanlar \u00f6zetle \u015funlard\u0131r: K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi \u2013Montagne- \u00e7e\u015fitli provokasyonlarla ki buna olmayan ayaklanma su\u00e7lamas\u0131 da dahildir, meclisten ciddi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde tasfiye edilmi\u015ftir. O Montagne, 750 ki\u015filik Ulusal Meclis\u2019te 200 \u00fcyeye sahipti ve bu durumuyla Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cd\u00fczen partisi\u201d dedi\u011fi ve \u00fc\u00e7 ayr\u0131 kesimden herhangi biri kadar g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fcyd\u00fc. \u201cD\u00fczen Partisi\u201d ise t\u00fcm cumhuriyet\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131n burjuvazinin parlamentodaki temsilcileri d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda birbirine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele eden kralc\u0131 iki hizbe de sahipti. \u201cBu \u00e7a\u011f\u0131n parlamento tarihini izlemeden \u00f6nce, incelemekte oldu\u011fumuz d\u00f6nemin niteli\u011fi hakk\u0131nda ola\u011fan kuruntular\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in burada birka\u00e7 uyar\u0131da bulunmal\u0131y\u0131z. Demokratlar\u0131n g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Kurucu Meclis d\u00f6nemi s\u0131ras\u0131nda oldu\u011fu gibi Yasama Meclisi d\u00f6neminde de s\u00f6zkonusu olan, cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerle kralc\u0131lar aras\u0131nda basit bir sava\u015f\u0131md\u0131r.<\/strong><\/em>\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u201cDaha \u00f6nce s\u00f6yledi\u011fimiz gibi, me\u015fruiyet\u00e7iler ve orleanc\u0131lar, d\u00fczen partisinin iki b\u00fcy\u00fck fraksiyonunu olu\u015fturuyorlard\u0131. Bu fraksiyonlar\u0131, kendi fraksiyonlar\u0131n\u0131n taht taliplisine ba\u011flayan ve onlar\u0131 birbiriyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getiren \u015fey, zambak ile \u00fc\u00e7renkli bayraktan, kralc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fik n\u00fcanslar\u0131 olan Bourbon s\u00fclalesi ile Orleans s\u00fclalesinden ba\u015fka bir \u015fey de\u011fil miydi? Bourbon\u2019lar zaman\u0131nda, h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcren, rahipleri ve u\u015faklar\u0131 ile b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak m\u00fclkiyeti idi. Orleans\u2019lar zaman\u0131nda ise, h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcren, avukatlar\u0131, profes\u00f6rleri ve hatipleri ile y\u00fcksek maliye, b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayi, b\u00fcy\u00fck ticaret, yani sermaye idi.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Demek ki o d\u00f6nemin Fransa\u2019s\u0131 oturmam\u0131\u015f ve dengesini hen\u00fcz bulmam\u0131\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkileri ile bir ge\u00e7i\u015f a\u015famas\u0131nda bulunuyordu. Sanayi burjuvazisi Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n di\u011fer \u00fclkelerine g\u00f6re \u2013\u0130ngiltere d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda- daha geli\u015fkin olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n, hen\u00fcz zay\u0131ft\u0131 ve meclisteki temsilcilerine \u00f6fkeli, sessizce Bonaparte\u2019\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 diler durumdayd\u0131. Haziran ayaklanmas\u0131nda yenilmi\u015f proletarya, daha sonra siyasi olarak tasfiye edilmi\u015f k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazi \u2013Montagne- ve aralar\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadelelerin hi\u00e7 bitmedi\u011fi cumhuriyet\u00e7i g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcndeki kralc\u0131 hizipler, finans burjuvazisi ve sanayi burjuvazi. Bu ko\u015fullarda darbe yapan Bonaparte ve onun devletini egemen s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinden ve onlar\u0131n devletinden \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z\u201dm\u0131\u015f gibi g\u00f6steren tam da bu durumdu. Onun toplumsal temeli ise tutucu k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fckt\u00fc.<\/strong><\/p>\n

Fransa\u2019da 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortas\u0131nda Bonapartizmin iktidara gelme ko\u015fullar\u0131 k\u0131saca b\u00f6yleydi.<\/p>\n

Peki bu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck \u201csezarizm\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131labilir mi? Bu soru gereklidir, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc o d\u00f6nemde bu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc sezarizm olarak adland\u0131ranlar bulunuyordu. Marx 18. Brumairei\u2019in Almanca 2. bask\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6ns\u00f6z\u00fcnde bunu \u015f\u00f6yle yan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r:<\/p>\n

\u201cSon olarak, bu yap\u0131t\u0131n, bug\u00fcn, \u00f6zellikle Almanya\u2019da pek \u00e7ok kullan\u0131lan sezarc\u0131l\u0131k teriminin art\u0131k bir yana at\u0131lmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 umuyorum. Bu sezarc\u0131l\u0131k deyimi ile yap\u0131lan y\u00fczeysel tarihsel \u00f6rneksemede, i\u015fin \u00f6z\u00fc, yani eski Roma\u2019da, s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131 yaln\u0131z ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n i\u00e7inde, varl\u0131kl\u0131 \u00f6zg\u00fcr yurtta\u015flar ile yoksul \u00f6zg\u00fcr yurtta\u015flar aras\u0131nda ge\u00e7erken, halk\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00fcretici kitlesinin \u00e7arp\u0131\u015fanlara k\u0131saca basit bir basamak meydana getirdi\u011fi unutuluyor.<\/strong> (ab\u00e7) Sismondi\u2019nin, \u00fcnl\u00fc \u2018Roma proletaryas\u0131, toplumun s\u0131rt\u0131ndan ge\u00e7iniyordu, oysa modern toplum, proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131rt\u0131ndan ge\u00e7iniyor\u2019, s\u00f6z\u00fc unutuluyor. Antik\u00e7a\u011fda ve modern zamanlarda s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n maddi ekonomik ko\u015fullar\u0131 aras\u0131nda tam bir fark oldu\u011fundan, bu ko\u015fullardan do\u011fan siyasal bi\u00e7imler aras\u0131nda da, Canterbury piskoposu ile b\u00fcy\u00fck rahip Samuel aras\u0131ndaki benzerlikten daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir benzerlik olamaz.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

Marx a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan durum bu kadar a\u00e7\u0131k ve nettir. Bu al\u0131nt\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda tarihsel, toplumsal olaylara nas\u0131l yakla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi konusunda da, materyalist tarih g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnden ve onun y\u00f6nteminden kaynaklanan bir temel sunmaktad\u0131r. Fransa gibi 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortas\u0131ndaki bir ge\u00e7i\u015f toplumunda kendine \u00f6zg\u00fc ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir bi\u00e7imi, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk \u00e7eyre\u011finde, serbest rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizmin tekelci kapitalizme yani emperyalizme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan fa\u015fist devlet bi\u00e7imi ile, bug\u00fcn\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinde in\u015fa edilmekte olan fa\u015fist devlet bi\u00e7imi ile \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirmek, aradaki y\u00fczeysel benzerliklerle olup biteni Bonapartizm ile a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak tarihsel ve toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmek anlam\u0131na gelmektedir.<\/p>\n

Lenin de Devlet ve \u0130htilal\u2019de Bonapartizmi \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r: Antik devletle feodal devlet, k\u00f6lelerle serflerin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesi organ\u0131 oldular; ama yaln\u0131zca onlar de\u011fil, \u201cmodern temsili devlet de, \u00fccretli eme\u011fin sermaye taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin aletidir. Bununla birlikte istisna olarak, sava\u015f\u0131m durumundaki s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n denge tutmaya \u00e7ok yakla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 \u00f6yle baz\u0131 d\u00f6nemler olur ki, devlet g\u00fcc\u00fc s\u00f6zde arac\u0131 olarak, bir zaman i\u00e7in bu s\u0131n\u0131flara kar\u015f\u0131 belirli bir ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k durumunu korur.<\/em>\u201d Yani, 17. ve 18. y\u00fczy\u0131llar\u0131n mutlak h\u00fck\u00fcmdarl\u0131klar\u0131 gibi, Fransa\u2019da birinci ve ikinci imparatorlu\u011fun Bonapartizmi gibi, Almanya\u2019da Bismarck gibi.<\/p>\n

Buna, Sovyetlerin, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva demokratlar taraf\u0131ndan y\u00f6netilmeleri nedeniyle hen\u00fcz g\u00fc\u00e7s\u00fcz, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k burjuvazinin de Sovyetleri da\u011f\u0131tmak i\u00e7in hen\u00fcz yeterince g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir anda devrimci proletaryay\u0131 ezmeye ba\u015flad\u0131ktan sonra, Cumhuriyet\u00e7i Rusya\u2019daki Kerenski h\u00fck\u00fcmeti gibi, diye ekleyece\u011fiz.<\/p>\n

Burada Lenin\u2019in soruna bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve ortaya koyu\u015fu olduk\u00e7a nettir ve Bonapartizmin hangi ko\u015fullarda boy verdi\u011fi \u00fczerine herhangi bir bulan\u0131kl\u0131k bulunmamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00dc\u00c7\u00dcNC\u00dc ENTERNASYONAL\u2019DEK\u0130 TARTI\u015eMA<\/strong><\/p>\n

Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019de Bonapartizm sorunu g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015f ve tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Thalheimer 1928 y\u0131l\u0131nda Kominternin VI. Kongresine sundu\u011fu \u201cProgramla \u0130lgili Sorunlar\u201d adl\u0131 yaz\u0131s\u0131nda fa\u015fizm \u00fczerine \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201cBonapartizm, burjuva devletin, proletarya devrimine kar\u015f\u0131 kendini savunmas\u0131, tahkim etmesi ve yerini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131n\u0131n bir bi\u00e7imidir. Sermayenin a\u00e7\u0131k diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn bir bi\u00e7imidir. Bunun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda bir ba\u015fka bi\u00e7im, \u00e7ok yak\u0131n bir ba\u015fka bi\u00e7im daha vard\u0131r ki, bu, fa\u015fist devlet bi\u00e7imidir. Her ikisinin ortak yan\u0131, sermayenin a\u00e7\u0131k (ama dolayl\u0131) diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Her ikisinin g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc bi\u00e7imi, y\u00fcr\u00fctme erkinin kendi ba\u015f\u0131na buyruklu\u011fu, burjuvazinin siyasi egemenli\u011finin yok olmas\u0131 ve toplumdaki t\u00fcm di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n, y\u00fcr\u00fctme erkinin boyunduru\u011fu alt\u0131na girmeleridir.<\/strong> Ancak, her ikisinin toplumsal ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal i\u00e7eri\u011fi, burjuvazi ve \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131flar \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fidir.<\/em>\u201d[1]<\/a><\/p>\n

Thalheimer\u2019in bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal (KE) dergisinde ele\u015ftirilmektedir. Dergide \u015f\u00f6yle denmektedir: \u201cBay Thalheimer, bize, fa\u015fizmi, ge\u00e7en y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ortas\u0131ndaki ekonomik, toplumsal ve politik ili\u015fkilerden hareket ederek a\u00e7\u0131klamak istemektedir. Ona g\u00f6re bonapartizmin do\u011fdu\u011fu kapitalizmin ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 ile fa\u015fizmin biricik temeli olan emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 aras\u0131nda hi\u00e7 fark yoktur.<\/em>\u201d Thalheimer 1921-22\u2019den beri bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flere sahiptir ve \u0130talyan fa\u015fizmini de bonapartizm olarak nitelemi\u015ftir. Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019de \u0130talyan fa\u015fizmi tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Thalheimer\u2019in g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini oybirli\u011fi ile reddetmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

    \n
  1. Remmele, Thalheimeir\u2019in yaz\u0131s\u0131 \u00fczerine KE\u2019in VI. Kongresi\u2019ndeki etkiyi \u015f\u00f6yle yazmaktad\u0131r:<\/li>\n<\/ol>\n

    \u201cBir yolda\u015f, Thalheimeir\u2019in bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinin Lenin taraf\u0131ndan \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc anlatt\u0131. Lenin kan\u0131tlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ki, Bonapartizm, feodal toplumdan kapitalist topluma ge\u00e7i\u015fte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclebilirdi. Monar\u015fi, kendi varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n toplumsal temeli ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman, yok olmamak i\u00e7in, yeni ekonomik bi\u00e7imleri ve \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imlerini temsil eden yeni s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131nda kendine yer aramaktad\u0131r. Fa\u015fizmin tarihsel ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00e7ok farkl\u0131d\u0131r. Fa\u015fizm, kapitalist toplum bi\u00e7iminin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f d\u00f6neminde, \u00e7ok ayr\u0131 ekonomik ve siyasal ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Bu \u015fu demektir: \u00d6z ve nitelik olarak fa\u015fizm hi\u00e7 bir bi\u00e7imde Bonapartizmle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lamaz.<\/em>\u201d[2]<\/a><\/p>\n

    1935\u2019te fa\u015fizm \u00fczerine verdi\u011fi derslerde de Togliatti, Bonapartizm teorisini ele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir. Ona g\u00f6re Bonapartizm teorisinin k\u00f6keninde, emperyalizmin \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fcn bilinmemesi yatmaktad\u0131r. Konuya y\u00fczeysel ve bi\u00e7imsel yakla\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Bonapartizm ile fa\u015fizm aras\u0131nda baz\u0131 ortak noktalar\u0131n bulundu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Thalheimeir \u201cortak noktalara<\/em>\u201d \u00f6zellikle, \u201cy\u00fcr\u00fctme erkinin kendi ba\u015f\u0131na buyruklu\u011funa, burjuvazinin siyasal egemenli\u011finin yok olmas\u0131n\u0131…<\/em>\u201d katmakta, ancak onun toplumsal egemenli\u011fi ayakta kalmaktad\u0131r. Thalheimeir\u2019e g\u00f6re, sermaye, toplumsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 yitirmemek i\u00e7in fa\u015fist \u00e7etelerle i\u015fbirli\u011fine girer ve siyasal iktidardan fa\u015fizm lehine \u00e7ekilir. Bu durumda fa\u015fistler, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlerini da\u011f\u0131tarak, sermayenin toplumsal egemenli\u011finin s\u00fcrmesini g\u00fcvence alt\u0131na almay\u0131 ama\u00e7lar. Burjuvazinin egemenli\u011finde politik ve toplumsal ayr\u0131mlara gitmekle Thalheimeir, fa\u015fizmde tekelci sermayeye belli bir sorumluluk y\u00fckleyen, ama fa\u015fizmi emperyalist sisteme \u00f6zg\u00fc bir g\u00f6r\u00fcng\u00fc olarak g\u00f6rmek istemeyen t\u00fcm \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f fa\u015fizm yorumcular\u0131na kat\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/strong> Tart\u0131\u015fma \u00f6zet olarak b\u00f6yledir.<\/p>\n

    Enternasyonal\u2019deki tart\u0131\u015fmalar sorunun \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131k bir bi\u00e7imde ortaya koymaktad\u0131r. Ancak bunlara ek olarak Thalheimeir\u2019de y\u00fczeysel benzetmelerin yan\u0131s\u0131ra, Marx\u2019\u0131n somut durumu tahlil ederken yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tespitlerin ezbere tekrarlanmas\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6rmekteyiz. \u00d6rne\u011fin bu \u201cge\u00e7i\u015f toplumuna \u00f6zg\u00fc<\/em>\u201d durumu bir yerde Marx \u015f\u00f6yle a\u00e7\u0131klamaktad\u0131r:<\/p>\n

    \u201cBurjuvazi, kendisinin feodalizme kar\u015f\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn silahlar\u0131n, \u015fimdi bizzat kendisine kar\u015f\u0131 d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, kendisinin kurumla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn e\u011fitim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u015fimdi onun kendi k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 d\u00f6nd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ve kendi yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tanr\u0131lar\u0131n hepsinin \u015fimdi kendisini y\u00fcz\u00fcst\u00fc b\u0131rakt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 fark ediyordu…. Ama burjuvazinin anlamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fey, onun kendi \u00f6z parlamenter d\u00fczeninin, genellikle kendi siyasal egemenli\u011finin de, s\u0131ras\u0131 geldi\u011finde, ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak, sosyalist diye mahkum edilece\u011fi idi. Burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n egemenli\u011fi, t\u00fcm\u00fcyle \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmemi\u015f oldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece, kendi saf siyasal ifadesini bulmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131, \u00f6teki s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n uzla\u015fmaz \u00e7eli\u015fkileri de belirgin bir bi\u00e7imde kendini g\u00f6steremiyordu <\/strong>ve kendini g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi yerde de, devlet g\u00fcc\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131 her t\u00fcrl\u00fc sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131, sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131ma d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren bu tehlikeli gidi\u015fi g\u00f6remiyordu.<\/em> …<\/p>\n

    \u201cDemek ki burjuvazi, b\u00f6ylece, eskiden \u2018liberal\u2019 olarak kutlam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu, \u015fimdi \u2018sosyalist\u2019 diye su\u00e7layarak, kendi \u00f6z \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131n self-government\u2019\u0131n tehlikelerinden kurtulmay\u0131 emretti\u011fini; \u00fclkede huzuru geri getirmek i\u00e7in her \u015feyden \u00f6nce huzuru burjuva parlamentosuna getirmek gerekti\u011fini; toplumsal g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc muhafaza edebilmek i\u00e7in siyasal g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131rmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini; burjuvalar\u0131n ancak kendi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n da \u00f6teki s\u0131n\u0131flarla ayn\u0131 siyasal hi\u00e7li\u011fe mahkum olmas\u0131 ko\u015fuluyla \u00f6teki s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrmeye ve m\u00fclkiyetin, ailenin, dinin ve d\u00fczenin rahat rahat zevkini \u00e7\u0131karmaya devam edebileceklerini;<\/strong> kesesini kurtarmak i\u00e7in burjuvazinin zorunlu olarak tac\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmesi gerekti\u011fini ve kendisini koruyacak olan k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde as\u0131l\u0131 bir Demokles k\u0131l\u0131c\u0131 oldu\u011funu teslim ediyor.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\n

    Marx\u2019\u0131n ge\u00e7i\u015f toplumuna \u00f6zg\u00fc yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tespitin yani burjuvazinin \u201ctoplumsal g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc muhafaza edebilmek i\u00e7in siyasal g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc k\u0131rmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi<\/em>\u201d b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc kendi somut ba\u011flam\u0131ndan kopar\u0131larak, bunun o ko\u015fullarda ne anlama geldi\u011fi g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilerek fa\u015fizm-bonapartizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131nm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Enternasyonaldeki tart\u0131\u015fmada da bu a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. D\u00f6nemin Fransa\u2019s\u0131nda siyasal egemenli\u011fini tam kuramam\u0131\u015f burjuvazinin, t\u00fcm muhalefetin a\u00e7\u0131k hedefi olmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nmak, s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fini sessiz ve derinden sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak iste\u011fiyle kendini bir d\u00f6nem geri plana \u00e7ekmesi, emperyalizm d\u00f6nemine ve fa\u015fizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131na d\u00fcz bir mant\u0131kla aktar\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    BAZI Y\u00dcZEYSEL BENZERL\u0130KLER<\/strong><\/p>\n

    Ku\u015fkusuz tarihsel-toplumsal ko\u015fullar ve somut s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerinden soyutlanarak yap\u0131lan benzerlikler yukar\u0131da aktar\u0131lanlardan ibaret de\u011fildir. Gerici parti ve ak\u0131mlar kitlelerin \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde etkileri alt\u0131na ald\u0131klar\u0131nda referandumlar\u0131 \u2013plebisitcilik- kendi egemenliklerini sa\u011flamla\u015ft\u0131rmak i\u00e7in kullanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu y\u00f6ntem onlara \u201chalka dayal\u0131 bir \u00e7o\u011funluk\u201d elde etme konusunda etkili bir ara\u00e7 sunuyordu. Ama burada da tarihsel ve toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131 g\u00f6zard\u0131 etme yoluyla Bonapartist ve fa\u015fist rejimler aras\u0131nda \u00f6zde\u015flikler kurulabiliyor.<\/p>\n

    Keza g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde tek adam, tek parti diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn in\u015fas\u0131 s\u00fcreci ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te referandumlar\u0131n kullan\u0131lmas\u0131 Bonapartizm olarak de\u011ferlendirilebiliyor. \u00d6rne\u011fin O\u011fuz Oyan taraf\u0131ndan Sol Portal\u2019da yap\u0131lan tespitlere bakal\u0131m:<\/p>\n

    “Kapitalist birikim rejiminin ve s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelelerinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u015fekiller, geri gidi\u015fleri, zikzaklar\u0131, kapitalist d\u00f6nemin erken despotizm \u00f6rneklerini g\u00fcndeme getirecektir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve toplumun ilerici unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n kendi haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi d\u00f6nemlerden (\u00f6rne\u011fin 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci \u00e7eyre\u011finden)\u00a0itibaren bunu bask\u0131laman\u0131n hukuki, idari, askeri normlar\u0131 \u00fcretilmeye ba\u015flanacakt\u0131r. Bonapartizm, tam da buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k vermek \u00fczere somut tarihsel ko\u015fullarda sistem taraf\u0131ndan \u00fcretilmi\u015f bir sistemik despotik y\u00f6netim tarz\u0131d\u0131r. (\u2026) B\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazi, kendisine\/birikim rejimine y\u00f6nelebilecek genel tehditlerden korunabilmek ad\u0131na, burjuva parlamenter sistemin a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na (kendi dolays\u0131z temsilcilerinin yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 parlamentonun nominalle\u015ftirilmesine, d\u00fczenlemelerin parlamentoyu d\u0131\u015flayan cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararnameleriyle yap\u0131lmas\u0131na), kendisine veya bir fraksiyonuna kar\u015f\u0131 iktidarca zor unsurlar\u0131n\u0131n kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na r\u0131za g\u00f6sterebilecek, olu\u015fan diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011fe omuz verebilecektir.\u00a0 <\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cBonapartizm, bir anlamda, kapitalizmin hakim s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de olan demokrasinin y\u00fck\u00fcnden erken d\u00f6nemlerden itibaren kurtulma giri\u015fimidir. Ama bu erken d\u00f6nemlerle de s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201820. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci \u00e7eyre\u011finde bile d\u00fcnya, parlamentonun d\u0131\u015flanma ko\u015fullar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan Bonapartizmin de izlerini ta\u015f\u0131yan Avrupa fa\u015fizmlerinin do\u011fu\u015funa ve d\u00fcnyay\u0131 insanl\u0131k tarihinin en b\u00fcy\u00fck k\u0131y\u0131mlar\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklemesine sahne olacakt\u0131r.\u2019 (Burada yazar \u2013Oyan- 6 Eyl\u00fcl 2016 tarihli kendi yaz\u0131s\u0131ndan al\u0131nt\u0131 yap\u0131yor). Her durumda, kapitalizmin belirli bir geli\u015fme d\u00f6nemine denk d\u00fc\u015fen despotik bir y\u00f6netim tarz\u0131 oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenebilir; ama Bonapartizmin, \u00f6zel olarak bir ayd\u0131nlanma kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 despotizm uygulamas\u0131 oldu\u011fu s\u00f6ylenemez.<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cAKP rejimi, kuvvetler birli\u011fine y\u00f6neli\u015fi ve kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 otoriterlik ara\u00e7lar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bu tarihi uygulaman\u0131n izini s\u00fcrer. Bunda bir \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k yoktur; iktidara demokratik olmayan yollarla el koyma veya demokratik olmayan yollarla iktidarda kalma bi\u00e7imleri ile uygulanan bask\u0131 ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00f6z\u00fcnde benze\u015firler ve bir\u00e7ok ba\u015fka dikta \u00f6rnekleri de kendi n\u00fcanslar\u0131n\u0131 koruyarak bu t\u00fcr y\u00f6ntem ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullanm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/em><\/p>\n

    \u201cAKP’nin sivil darbeler silsilesiyle in\u015fa etti\u011fi tek adam rejimi, Meclis’in yasa yapma tekelini ikameye y\u00f6nelen Cumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararnamelerinin s\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131, 15 Temmuz 2016 sonras\u0131 OHAL Kararnameleriyle bunun daha da peki\u015fmesi, Anayasa ve yasalar d\u0131\u015f\u0131na \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131n denetimsiz kalmas\u0131, y\u00fcr\u00fctmenin yarg\u0131y\u0131 da tam denetimine alarak kuvvetler birli\u011finin tamamlanmas\u0131, referandumlarla rejimi d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme bi\u00e7imi, kapitalist sistemin g\u00fcncel evresine (neoliberal birikim tarz\u0131na) gayretke\u015f bir uyum ve sermayenin \u00f6nceliklerinin karar s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinde de \u00f6ncelik almas\u0131 gibi olgusal geli\u015fmeler bak\u0131mlar\u0131ndan bonapartist bir rejim in\u015fas\u0131 olarak tan\u0131mlanmaya uygun \u00f6zellikler sunar.<\/strong><\/em>\u201d[3]<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n

    G\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi bu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerde yukar\u0131da ele\u015ftirilen g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin hemen hemen tamam\u0131 yerini alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Al\u0131nt\u0131n\u0131n 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci \u00e7eyre\u011findeki Fransa ve Bonapartizme ili\u015fkin b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ger\u00e7e\u011fe uygunken, devam\u0131nda emperyalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda fa\u015fizm ve Bonapartizm ili\u015fkisi \u2013K.E tart\u0131\u015fma dikkate al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda- tart\u0131\u015fmal\u0131 ve mu\u011flak ama \u00f6zellikle g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sini anlatan \u2013ki bizi as\u0131l ilgilendiren yan\u0131 bu- b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinde devlete ili\u015fkin yap\u0131lan tespitlerde de\u011fi\u015fen s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkileri ve toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n \u00f6zellikleri dikkate al\u0131nmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u00d6zellikle T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan yap\u0131lan tespitler, yani, referandumlar, kararnameler, kuvvetler birli\u011finin sa\u011flanmas\u0131 gibi olgular Bonapartizmin in\u015fas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmektedir. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar tekeller ve emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda, \u00f6zellikle de ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u00fclkede i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i tekelci burjuvazinin en sald\u0131rgan kesimlerince fa\u015fist bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kullan\u0131labilecek ara\u00e7lard\u0131r ayn\u0131 zamanda. Bu ara\u00e7lar ge\u00e7mi\u015fte Mussolini ve Hitler taraf\u0131ndan da etkili bir bi\u00e7imde kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu durum devletin s\u0131n\u0131f karakterinde herhangi bir bulan\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa yol a\u00e7mamal\u0131d\u0131r. Benzer ara\u00e7lar kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olsa da sonunda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen iktidar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f karakteri, emperyalizm ve tekeller \u00e7a\u011f\u0131na \u00f6zg\u00fc olan \u2013ge\u00e7mi\u015fte \u0130talya, Almanya, \u0130spanya, \u015eili, 12 Eyl\u00fcl darbesi sonras\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de ve benzer ko\u015fullarda di\u011fer \u00fclkelerde ve bug\u00fcn \u00fclkemizde in\u015fa edilmekte olan devlet bi\u00e7imi- fa\u015fist bir karakterdir.<\/p>\n

    Ku\u015fkusuz yukar\u0131daki al\u0131nt\u0131 Bonapartizm konusunda d\u00fc\u015f\u00fclen yan\u0131lg\u0131lar\u0131n tek \u00f6rne\u011fi de\u011fil. \u00d6zellikle Tro\u00e7kist ak\u0131mlar ve Tro\u00e7kistlerde bu tip tahlillere bolca rastlanabiliyor. \u201cYatay s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleri\u201d, \u201cburjuvazinin siyasi temsili tek adama b\u0131rak\u0131p b\u0131rakmayaca\u011f\u0131\u201d gibi tespitler e\u015fli\u011finde, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i tekelci burjuvazinin baz\u0131 kesimlerinin zaman zaman Erdo\u011fan y\u00f6netimine y\u00f6nelti\u011fi ele\u015ftiriler, Erdo\u011fan iktidar\u0131n\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle tekelci sermayeden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z hareket etti\u011fi, kitle g\u00fcc\u00fcyle bu kesimi hizaya soktu\u011fu gibi tahliller yap\u0131labiliyor.<\/p>\n

    Tekelci sermayenin baz\u0131 kesimleri ile Erdo\u011fan iktidar\u0131 aras\u0131nda baz\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin oldu\u011fu yads\u0131namaz. Ancak tekelci sermayenin az\u0131msanmayacak bir k\u0131sm\u0131 ve giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcy\u00fcp bu sermayenin aras\u0131na kar\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f \u201cyeni yetmelerin\u201d neredeyse tamam\u0131 bu iktidar\u0131 aktif bir bi\u00e7imde desteklemektedirler. Di\u011fer taraftan, ki \u00f6nemli olan da budur: uygulanan ekonomi politikalar\u0131 ve \u00f6zellikle i\u015f\u00e7iler \u00fczerinde kurulan bask\u0131lar t\u00fcm tekelci gruplar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z korumaktad\u0131r ve itiraz\u0131 olanlar\u0131n itirazlar\u0131n\u0131 da zay\u0131flatmaktad\u0131r. Bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n \u00fcyelerine s\u00f6ylenen \u201cdaha ne istiyorsunuz, T\u00fcrkiye \u00fc\u00e7, bez kez b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fcyse buradakiler on, on be\u015f kez b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc, OHAL\u2019den kim ne zarar g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6zleri bu ger\u00e7e\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a dile getirmektedir. Bu nedenledir ki i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i tekelci burjuvazinin \u201cmuhalif kesimlerinin\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131 dostlar al\u0131\u015fveri\u015fte g\u00f6rs\u00fcn cinsindendir. Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn T\u00fcrkiye\u2019sinde devletin ne s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadelede \u201cba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zm\u0131\u015f gibi\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcnmesi, ne de onlar aras\u0131nda bir \u201cdenge tutmas\u0131\u201d s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. A\u00e7\u0131k ve net olan i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i tekelci burjuvazinin ve b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin egemenli\u011fidir. Egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7inde bu durumun de\u011fi\u015fmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir hareketlenmeden s\u00f6z etmek abart\u0131l\u0131 bir tespit olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Ku\u015fkusuz ihalelerde, vergi indirimlerinde, sipari\u015flerde b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazinin \u00e7e\u015fitli kesimleri aras\u0131nda iktidara yak\u0131nl\u0131k \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde bir da\u011f\u0131l\u0131m ve bu da\u011f\u0131l\u0131mdan kaynaklanan \u00e7eli\u015fki ve ho\u015fnutsuzluklar bulunmaktad\u0131r. Ancak bu tip \u00e7eli\u015fkiler sermaye egemenli\u011findeki her rejimde bulunmaktad\u0131r ve devlet bu \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 belli bir disiplin alt\u0131nda tutmak gibi bir i\u015fleve de sahiptir. Bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilere \u00f6zellikle \u201cBat\u0131 d\u00fcnyas\u0131\u201d ile girilen ili\u015fkilerde bir y\u00f6n de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi olabilece\u011fi kayg\u0131s\u0131yla ele\u015ftiri y\u00f6nelten, Bat\u0131 sermayesi ile i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7mi\u015f kesimlerin ele\u015ftirilerini de eklemek gerekiyor.<\/p>\n

    Ama b\u00fct\u00fcn bu \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin, i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i tekelci burjuvazi ve b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen, emperyalizme ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 bir \u00fclkede in\u015fa edilmekte olan fa\u015fist bir rejim ger\u00e7e\u011fini reddetme noktas\u0131na gitme ve mevcut durumu bonapartizm olarak de\u011ferlendirme yan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131na gitmemesi gerekiyor. Tarihsel ko\u015fullar farkl\u0131, maddi toplumsal zemin ve buradan kaynaklanan s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkileri farkl\u0131, devletin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n niteli\u011fi farkl\u0131d\u0131r. T\u00fcm bu farkl\u0131l\u0131klar bir yana itilip, y\u00fczeysel benzerliklerle kurulabilecek tahlillerle g\u00fcncel politik ve tarihsel olaylara yakla\u015fmak yanl\u0131\u015f tespit ve tahlillere yol a\u00e7mamal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    \u0130n\u015fa edilmekte olan fa\u015fist nitelikteki tek adam, tek parti diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7indeki dayanaklar\u0131ndan soyutlanarak kurulamaz. Bu diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn hem egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar i\u00e7inde, hem kitleler i\u00e7inde \u2013yan\u0131lsamaya dayansa ve zay\u0131flamakta oldu\u011fu tespit edilse de- k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenmeyecek bir deste\u011fi bulunmaktad\u0131r. Hi\u00e7 bir devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n havada as\u0131l\u0131 bir ampul gibi kalamayaca\u011f\u0131 ger\u00e7e\u011fi, verilen bu deste\u011fin \u00f6nemini ortaya koymaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

    Sonu\u00e7 olarak, mevcut politik durumun tespit edilmesinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fclecek yan\u0131lg\u0131 bir ger\u00e7e\u011fin yanl\u0131\u015f tespit edilmesinin \u00e7ok \u00f6tesinde, i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n uyan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 do\u011frudan etkileyecek, m\u00fccadeleci g\u00fc\u00e7lerde da\u011f\u0131n\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa yol a\u00e7acakt\u0131r. Fa\u015fizm, Bonapartizm renklerine boyanmamal\u0131, kullan\u0131lan ara\u00e7lardaki baz\u0131 benzerlikler b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin tek adama dayal\u0131 fa\u015fist bir dikta kurma at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 uyan\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6reltmemelidir.<\/p>\n

    [1]<\/a> E.Lewerenz, Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizmin Tahlili, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131<\/p>\n

    [2]<\/a> H.Remmele, \u201cBonapartizm Teorisi\u201d, Die Kommunistische Internationale, 1930, no 7, s.404-405<\/p>\n

    [3]<\/a> O\u011fuz Oyan, Sol Portal. Ayd\u0131nlanmaya kar\u015f\u0131 yeni hamleler. 27.06.2017 Yazar daha \u00f6nce yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kapitalizm, demokrasi ve fa\u015fizm yaz\u0131s\u0131ndan al\u0131nt\u0131 yap\u0131yor<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Ali Ya\u015far Ge\u00e7mi\u015f tarihi olaylarla, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekte olan politik olaylar aras\u0131nda benzerlikler kurmak, genellikle ba\u015fvurulan bir y\u00f6ntemdir. E\u011fer ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015f olaylar\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131, toplumsal, tarihsel geli\u015fmelerin maddi temellerini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmiyor, sadece y\u00fczeysel benzerliklerle yetiniliyorsa bu y\u00f6ntemin bir sak\u0131ncas\u0131 olmayabilir. Ama tarihsel ve toplumsal ko\u015fullar g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ediliyor, y\u00fczeysel benzerlikler bug\u00fcn\u00fcn olaylar\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle\u015fme ko\u015fullar\u0131 gibi kabul ediliyorsa, kabaca ayn\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yorsa o […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":298,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[478,370,290],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-297","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-9-sayi-agustos-2017","category-kuram","category-ali-yasar"],"yoast_head":"\nBonapartizm mi fa\u015fizm mi?<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/08\/01\/bonapartizm-mi-fasizm-mi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Bonapartizm mi fa\u015fizm mi?\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ali Ya\u015far Ge\u00e7mi\u015f tarihi olaylarla, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekte olan politik olaylar aras\u0131nda benzerlikler kurmak, genellikle ba\u015fvurulan bir y\u00f6ntemdir. 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