{"id":221,"date":"2017-05-03T10:53:23","date_gmt":"2017-05-03T07:53:23","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=221"},"modified":"2023-01-18T16:37:17","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T13:37:17","slug":"aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/05\/03\/aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet\/","title":{"rendered":"Ayd\u0131nlar ve toplumsal muhalefet"},"content":{"rendered":"

Ayd\u0131n \u00c7ubuk\u00e7u<\/strong><\/p>\n

Marksizm-Leninizm bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ayd\u0131n toplumsal kategorisi, tarihte oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi ile ili\u015fkileri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan her zaman \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yine bu iki \u00f6zellik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketi ve T\u00fcrkiye solu i\u00e7in her zaman tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan bir \u201cayd\u0131n sorunu<\/em>\u201d da olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\n

Tarihsel bir rolleri oldu\u011fu ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi ile ili\u015fkilerinin \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin bu iki de\u011ferlendirme, yaln\u0131zca teorik bir varsay\u0131ma m\u0131 dayanmaktad\u0131r, yoksa nesnel kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal hareket i\u00e7inde bulunan bir ger\u00e7eklik midir? G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de, toplumsal muhalefetin i\u00e7indeki rolleri ve etkileri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n konumu hakk\u0131ndaki bu de\u011ferlendirmelerin de\u011feri nedir?<\/p>\n

TEOR\u0130DE<\/strong><\/p>\n

Marx ve Engels, Alman \u0130deolojisi<\/em>\u2019nde, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal i\u015fb\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn belli bir d\u00fczeyinde, zihinsel faaliyetin fiziksel faaliyetten ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 sonucunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015flerdir. Marx ve Engels a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlarda ayd\u0131nlar, felsefi ve siyasal tutumlar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ikiye b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015flerdir. Bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, egemen s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n ideolojik \u00fcreticisi durumunda ve onlar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131yken, di\u011fer bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ilerlemeyi ve ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 temsil etmi\u015fler, onlar i\u00e7in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcp hareket etmi\u015flerdir. \u0130kinci gruptaki ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n, yeni ve geli\u015fmekte olan s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 veya toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim e\u011filimlerini, \u00f6zlemlerini ifade ettiklerini ve bu e\u011filim ve \u00f6zlemlere bi\u00e7im verdiklerini ifade etmi\u015flerdir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Kutsal Aile<\/em>\u2019de Frans\u0131z materyalistlerini, yaln\u0131zca metafizi\u011fin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olarak de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda Frans\u0131z burjuvazisinin monar\u015fi ve aristokrasiye kar\u015f\u0131 meydan okumas\u0131n\u0131 haz\u0131rlayan s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc olarak da de\u011ferlendiriyorlard\u0131. Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto\u2019<\/em>da proletaryan\u0131n saflar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015flemesini \u00f6rneklerken, \u201ckendilerini t\u00fcm tarihsel hareketi teorik olarak kavrama d\u00fczeyine ula\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olan kesimi<\/em>\u201d tan\u0131mlamas\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak, kendilerinin ve benzeri ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n yan\u0131nda yer al\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 da bir ba\u015fka a\u00e7\u0131dan a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yorlard\u0131. Di\u011fer yandan, yine Kom\u00fcnist Manifesto<\/em>\u2019da \u201cAlman Sosyalizmi veya Ger\u00e7ek Sosyalizm<\/em>\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan ak\u0131m\u0131 ve teorisyenlerini ele\u015ftirirken, \u201cyersiz soyutlamalarla hayal \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc teoriler icat<\/em>\u201d eden bir ba\u015fka ayd\u0131n t\u00fcr\u00fcne de i\u015faret ettiler. Belirleyici \u00f6zelikleri, Frans\u0131z Sosyalizmini s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinden ayr\u0131, \u201c\u0130nsan Do\u011fas\u0131’n\u0131n, hi\u00e7 bir s\u0131n\u0131fa ait olmayan, hi\u00e7 bir ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi bulunmayan, yaln\u0131zca felsefi fantezinin puslu d\u00fcnyas\u0131nda var olan genel olarak insan\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d savunan bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce olarak yorumlamalar\u0131yd\u0131. Bu \u201csosyalizmi bozan<\/em>\u201d ayd\u0131nlara y\u00f6nelik ele\u015ftirinin klasik \u00f6rne\u011fi, Engels’in D\u00fchring’e kar\u015f\u0131 yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapsaml\u0131 polemiktir. A\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r ki, Marx ve Engels, ayd\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda yapt\u0131klar\u0131 ayr\u0131m \u00fczerinden geli\u015ftirdikleri ele\u015ftirilerde, sosyalizm ad\u0131na konu\u015ftu\u011funu iddia eden fakat s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ger\u00e7e\u011fini g\u00f6rmezden gelen ya da \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rten ayd\u0131nlara \u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem vermi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

Lenin de, \u00f6zellikle Rusya\u2019daki burjuva, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva ayd\u0131nlar hakk\u0131nda kimi zaman \u015fiddetli ve alayc\u0131 ele\u015ftiriler yazm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle 1905 yenilgisinden sonra Bol\u015fevik ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n y\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011fa d\u00fc\u015fmeleri ve bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n ideolojik bak\u0131mdan son derece geri noktalara savrulmalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Lenin’in ele\u015ftirileri daha da \u015fiddetlenmi\u015ftir. Fakat ayn\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7te, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bakarak, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan \u00f6nemlerini de vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Lenin, devrimde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z rol\u00fcn\u00fc anlamayan, proletarya ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131f farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6rtbas eden ya da proletaryan\u0131n, k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn ve ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n t\u00fcrde\u015f toplumsal g\u00fc\u00e7ler olduklar\u0131n\u0131 savunan Narodnikleri de k\u0131yas\u0131ya ele\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Marx, Engels ve Lenin\u2019in geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi ele\u015ftirilerde dikkat \u00e7eken temel \u00f6zellik, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi ve devrimde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n rol\u00fc k\u0131staslar\u0131n\u0131n \u015fa\u015fmaz bir bi\u00e7imde kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Lenin, bu k\u0131stas\u0131 parti teorisinde de kullanm\u0131\u015f, ayd\u0131nlar, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve parti ili\u015fkisine dair olduk\u00e7a zengin bir literat\u00fcr yaratm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Marksizm-Leninizmin teorik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal rol\u00fcyle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve halk kitlelerinin hareketi aras\u0131nda dolays\u0131z bir ba\u011f g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Elbette bu mekanik bir nedensellik ba\u011f\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 de\u011fildir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketinin y\u00fckselmesi ve toplumsal etkisini artt\u0131rmas\u0131, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n hareketini de etkiler ve g\u00fc\u00e7lendirir. Bununla birlikte, hi\u00e7 de nadir olmayan kimi durumlarda ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir siyasal muhalefet yaratabildikleri, kitle hareketini tetikleyebildikleri ya da y\u00f6nlendirebildikleri g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bunu abartan ve \u201cMarksist<\/em>\u201d bilinen kimi ideologlar, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel devrimci rol\u00fc hakk\u0131ndaki teoriyi terk ederek bunun yerine ayd\u0131nlar\u0131 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karan teoriler ileri s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

\u00a0TAR\u0130HSEL S\u00dcRE\u00c7TE<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal hareket \u00fczerinde d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel etkisinin a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a g\u00f6r\u00fcnd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc tipik \u00f6rnek Frans\u0131z Devrimi\u2019dir. Ku\u015fkusuz feodal krall\u0131klar\u0131n ve aristokrasinin y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131, b\u00fct\u00fcn Avrupa \u00e7ap\u0131nda uzun ve karma\u015f\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7lerin e\u015fzamanl\u0131 olmayan bir sonucudur ve esas olarak temelinde ekonomik ve siyasi geli\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin bulundu\u011fu bir de\u011fi\u015fimdir. Ne var ki, bu k\u00f6kl\u00fc de\u011fi\u015fimin g\u00f6r\u00fcnen y\u00fcz\u00fc bilimsel, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel ve sanatsal alandaki b\u00fcy\u00fck ilerlemeler olmu\u015ftur; devrimin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrlerin eseri gibi yorumlanmas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni de budur.<\/p>\n

Toplumu ve do\u011fay\u0131 insan akl\u0131yla d\u00fczenlemeyi ama\u00e7layan, metafizikle, dogmatizmle ve skolastikle tavizsiz sava\u015fan \u00f6zellikleri dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Frans\u0131z Ayd\u0131nlanmas\u0131 kendi ba\u015f\u0131na b\u00fcy\u00fck bir devrimci ad\u0131md\u0131r ku\u015fkusuz. Ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n tarihsel rol\u00fc ve s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkilerindeki yeri hakk\u0131nda yap\u0131labilecek her yorumun kayna\u011f\u0131nda olmalar\u0131 bu bak\u0131mdan do\u011fald\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ayn\u0131 bi\u00e7imde, Klasik Alman Felsefesi\u2019nin ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019de bilim ve felsefenin geli\u015fmesi de skolastik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme tarz\u0131n\u0131n, dinsel gericili\u011fin ve politik istibdad\u0131n sona ermesinde \u00f6nemli rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00f6rnekler, ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n, tek tek bireysel \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n, d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelerinin ve eylemlerinin de\u011fil, ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131klar\u0131 toplam toplumsal ko\u015fullar i\u00e7inde anlaml\u0131 ve etkili oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir. Lenin, Fransa\u2019da Dreyfus Davas\u0131 s\u00fcrecinde Emile Zola\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 kampanyan\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck bir kitle muhalefetine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesini, neredeyse bir devrim durumunu ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan siyasal kriz olarak de\u011ferlendirir. Lenin\u2019in \u201cgerici askeri kast\u0131n binlerce hilesinden biri<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu dava \u00f6ncesindeki siyasal ve toplumsal geli\u015fmeler g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, Emile Zola yaln\u0131zca bir k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m \u00e7akm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r oysa.<\/p>\n

Toplumsal muhalefet \u00fczerindeki ayd\u0131n etkisi, esas olarak bir tan\u0131mlama, \u00e7er\u00e7eve \u00e7izme, hedef g\u00f6sterme bi\u00e7imindedir. \u00d6zetle, zaten var olan bir toplumsal, nesnel, maddi bir temeli varsayar. Toplumsal muhalefetin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 ve onun s\u00f6zc\u00fcs\u00fc olarak hareket etme imk\u00e2n\u0131 bulamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda, yaln\u0131zca ayd\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda bir eylem niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131r. Ku\u015fkusuz, \u201cayd\u0131n sorumlulu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d gibi kimi etik \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fctlerle harekete ge\u00e7en, bireysel ya da mesleki veya yaln\u0131zca toplumun belli bir kesiminin talep ve \u00f6zlemlerini dile getiren \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131n da anlam\u0131 ve de\u011feri vard\u0131r. Ancak bunlar, genel ve toplumun b\u00fct\u00fcn muhalefet dinamiklerini kapsayacak etki g\u00f6stermeyebilir.<\/p>\n

T\u00dcRK\u0130YE\u2019DE AYDIN MUHALEFET\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

12 Mart 1971 askeri darbesi sonras\u0131nda, Deniz Gezmi\u015f ve arkada\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n idam\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 imza toplanmas\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fclen ayd\u0131nlar tepkisi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yeni bir muhalefet ve direni\u015f bi\u00e7iminin ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 olmu\u015ftur. Toplu imzal\u0131 dilek\u00e7e verme, daha sonra 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980 askeri darbesine kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cAyd\u0131nlar Dilek\u00e7esi<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131yla yeniden g\u00fcndeme gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

Her iki eylemin de kamuoyunda b\u00fcy\u00fck ilgi g\u00f6rmesine ra\u011fmen, kitlesel g\u00f6sterilere, siyasal krizlere yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenemez. Bununla beraber, etkileri y\u0131llarca s\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015f, T\u00fcrkiyeli ayd\u0131nlar ad\u0131na onurlu izler b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Daha sonra, bir\u00e7ok kez \u00e7e\u015fitli vesilelerle ayd\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda toplanan imzalar, s\u0131k ba\u015fvurulan ve yap\u0131labilecek ba\u015fka herhangi bir yol aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 da erteleyen \u00f6zellikleriyle giderek etkisiz ve s\u0131radan bir tepki bi\u00e7imine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bir bak\u0131ma, ayd\u0131n dilek\u00e7eleri ve toplu imza kampanyalar\u0131 da sendikac\u0131lar\u0131n bir zamanlar b\u00fct\u00fcn direni\u015f yollar\u0131n\u0131 bir yana b\u0131rakan Ankara\u2019ya y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f eylemleri gibi, s\u0131radanla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve imzac\u0131lar\u0131 dahi heyecanland\u0131rmaktan uzak \u201cyasak savma<\/em>\u201d eylemleri d\u00fczeyinde kalm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bunun temel nedeninin, imza kampanyalar\u0131n\u0131n demokratik kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin temsilcileriyle ya da imzac\u0131lar\u0131n bireysel \u00e7evreleriyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmas\u0131, tepkiyi yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131racak herhangi bir t\u00fcrden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye dayanmamas\u0131 ve bizzat bu eylemlerin \u00f6rg\u00fctleyicilik hedefinden yoksun olmas\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya ve tarih boyutuyla bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, ayd\u0131n eylemlerinin etkisini sa\u011flayan iki temel unsur oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/p>\n

Birincisi, hareket halindeki muhalefet dinamiklerinin genel e\u011filimi \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselmi\u015flerdir.<\/p>\n

\u0130kincisi, toplumsal, siyasal ya da ekonomik i\u015flevli geni\u015f tabanl\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctlerce ve \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc olarak desteklenmi\u015fler, ayn\u0131 zamanda bizzat eylemin kendisi \u00f6rg\u00fctleyici bir rol oynam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki ayd\u0131n eylemleri ise, esas olarak \u201ckamuoyu yaratma<\/em>\u201d gibi bir hedefe y\u00f6nelmi\u015f olarak do\u011fmu\u015f, kendi etkisi hakk\u0131ndaki beklentileri de bununla s\u0131n\u0131rlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cKamuoyu yaratmak<\/em>\u201d belirsiz bir deyimdir ve elde edildi\u011finde bile, bununla ne yap\u0131laca\u011f\u0131 pek de belli de\u011fildir. Genel beklenti, imza verilen konu \u00fczerinde sorumluluk ta\u015f\u0131yan makamlara ses duyurmak, bu kurumlar\u0131 bask\u0131 alt\u0131na alarak taleplerin bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 olsun elde edilebilir hale getirmektir.<\/p>\n

Bir di\u011fer yan\u0131n\u0131 ise, \u201cd\u0131\u015f bask\u0131<\/em>\u201d beklentisi olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle Avrupa Birli\u011fi hakk\u0131nda abart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f de\u011ferlendirmeler, bu t\u00fcrden eylemlerin yayg\u0131n ve s\u0131k kullan\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ku\u015fkusuz uluslararas\u0131 dayan\u0131\u015fma ve bunun yarataca\u011f\u0131 bask\u0131 bu t\u00fcr eylemlerde \u00f6nemli bir ba\u015far\u0131 unsurudur. Ancak bunun her birinin bin bir \u00e7\u0131kar ili\u015fkisiyle birbirine ba\u011flanm\u0131\u015f h\u00fck\u00fcmetler ya da devletler aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki \u00fczerinden sa\u011flanabilmesi her zaman zay\u0131f bir olas\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r. Uluslararas\u0131 destek, ancak t\u00fcrde\u015f meslek, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00f6rg\u00fctleri ya da ortak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncelere sahip ayd\u0131nlar aras\u0131nda kurulan ili\u015fkiler dolay\u0131s\u0131yla etkili olabilmektedir. E\u011fer ama\u00e7, sadece \u201csesini d\u00fcnyaya duyurmak<\/em>\u201d de\u011filse, nesnel ve i\u015flevli bir etki, yine etkin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeler ve zincirleme eylemler sayesinde elde edilebilmektedir. Sendikalar, demokratik kitle \u00f6rg\u00fctleri, siyasal partiler, muhalif medya kurulu\u015flar\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerden ya da parlamentolardan daha etkili olabilmektedir. S\u00f6z konusu olan demokrasi m\u00fccadelesiyse, do\u011fru se\u00e7enek bunlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cBARI\u015e \u0130\u00c7\u0130N AKADEM\u0130SYENLER B\u0130LD\u0130R\u0130S\u0130\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ocak 2016\u2019da K\u00fcrt illerinde ya\u015fanan katliam, a\u011f\u0131r bombard\u0131man ve say\u0131s\u0131z hak ihlalini protesto etmek \u00fczere 1128 akademisyenin yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bildiri, T\u00fcrkiye demokratik m\u00fccadele tarihinin belki de en fazla ses getiren, etkisi bug\u00fcn de devam eden eylemi halini ald\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u00e7eri\u011fi s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve sorunlu, dili de kapsay\u0131c\u0131l\u0131ktan uzak olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen, bu bildiri \u00f6nceden hesap edilemez bir bi\u00e7imde demokratik muhalefetin oda\u011f\u0131 haline geldi. Bunun nedenlerinden birisi, ku\u015fkusuz iktidar \u00e7evrelerinin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi sert ve ahlak d\u0131\u015f\u0131 tepkiydi. \u00d6zellikle imza sahibi akademisyenlerin \u00fcniversiteden kovulmalar\u0131, soru\u015fturman\u0131n en sert usullerle y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesi hakl\u0131 bir \u00f6fke patlamas\u0131na sebep oldu. Ama di\u011fer yandan bildiri, uzun zamand\u0131r en can yak\u0131c\u0131 haliyle s\u00fcren sava\u015f ve bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131n\u0131n sinir u\u00e7lar\u0131na dokunuyor ve bu politikalar\u0131n yasa d\u0131\u015f\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 te\u015fhir ediyordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, birikmi\u015f kamuoyu tepkisinin vurmak i\u00e7in arad\u0131\u011f\u0131 hedefi kendisini \u00f6ne atarak olu\u015fturmu\u015ftu. Bildiri, i\u00e7eri\u011finden ziyade, yay\u0131mland\u0131\u011f\u0131 zaman\u0131n \u00f6zellikleri nedeniyle sava\u015f atmosferinin bunaltt\u0131\u011f\u0131 milyonlarca insan\u0131n taleplerini dile getirme rol\u00fc \u00fcstlendi. K\u0131sacas\u0131, birikmi\u015f bir bunalt\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6fkenin ve kendisine ses arayan muhalif kesimlerin neye itiraz edecekleri, ne i\u00e7in seslerini y\u00fckseltecekleri konusunda yard\u0131mc\u0131 olma durumuna y\u00fckseldi. B\u00f6ylece iktidar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na, yalanlar\u0131na, m\u00fcdahalelerine, diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck heveslerine kar\u015f\u0131 birikmi\u015f tepki bu bildiri vesilesiyle dile getirilme yolu buldu.<\/p>\n

Ayr\u0131ca, Noam Chomsky, David Harvey, \u00c9tienne Balibar, Judith Butler ve Immanuel Wallerstein gibi etkili d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcrler, yazarlar, politikac\u0131lar da kat\u0131l\u0131nca, \u00f6nemli bir uluslararas\u0131 destek de sa\u011flanm\u0131\u015f oldu. Harvard ve Columbia \u00dcniversitesi d\u00e2hil olmak \u00fczere, b\u00fcy\u00fck ve prestijli e\u011fitim kurumlar\u0131nda g\u00f6rev yapan 351 akademisyen ve \u00fcniversite y\u00f6neticisi ve aralar\u0131nda Michael L\u00f6wy, Tar\u0131k Ali, Bertell Ollman, Michael Lebowitz, Vijay Prashad, Neil Faulkner, Robert Brenner, Nancy Holmstrom, Joan Cocks, Suzi Weissmann ve Fred Moseley’nin de bulundu\u011fu akademisyenler, \u201cI\u015e\u0130D\u2019e yard\u0131m ve yatakl\u0131\u011fa son! K\u00fcrtleri ezmeyi ve katletmeyi durdurun!<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan ikinci bir bildiri yay\u0131mlad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

Bildiride, akademisyenler \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131lar\u0131 protesto etmenin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, bu politikalar\u0131 ele\u015ftirenlerin tehdit, eziyet ve soru\u015fturmaya maruz b\u0131rak\u0131lmalar\u0131na son verilmesi de talep edildi.<\/p>\n

Konu uluslararas\u0131 platformda da tart\u0131\u015fma konusu oldu, ABD, Rusya ve bir\u00e7ok Avrupa \u00fclkesi tepkilerini dile getirdi.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6yle bir eylemin ula\u015fabilece\u011fi en y\u00fcksek sonu\u00e7, ku\u015fkusuz soru\u015fturmalar\u0131n durdurulmas\u0131, \u00fcniversitelerden uzakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan akademisyenlerin g\u00f6revlerine iade edilmesi olurdu. Bunun bu ko\u015fullarda sa\u011flanabilmesi i\u00e7in iktidar\u0131n asgari demokratik endi\u015felere sahip olmas\u0131 gerekirdi. Bu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131na g\u00f6re ve zincirleme protesto ve destek eylemlerine giri\u015fenlerin de asl\u0131nda bunun olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 az \u00e7ok tahmin etmelerine bakarak, elde edilen bu etkili birle\u015fmenin olduk\u00e7a iyi bir sonu\u00e7 oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Bug\u00fcn h\u00e2l\u00e2 d\u00fcnyan\u0131n pek \u00e7ok yerinde akademisyenlerle dayan\u0131\u015fma etkinlikleri d\u00fczenleniyor ve art\u0131k iktidar\u0131n \u201ctek adam diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne do\u011fru ilerlemesi<\/em>\u201d konu\u015fuluyor.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece, g\u00fcncel bir olay ekseninde bir araya gelen ve asl\u0131nda akademisyen olmalar\u0131ndan \u00f6te herhangi bir siyasal kimlik ta\u015f\u0131mayan \u00f6nemli say\u0131da ayd\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir bildiri eyleminin uygun ko\u015fullarda kendi \u00e7ap\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furarak ilerlemesine tan\u0131k oluyoruz.<\/p>\n

Bu geli\u015fmede ku\u015fkusuz, akademi d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7evrelerin, sinemac\u0131lar\u0131n, edebiyat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131n, gazetecilerin, kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin, tiyatrocular\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, siyasi partilerin, sendikalar\u0131n destek ve \u00e7abalar\u0131n\u0131n da b\u00fcy\u00fck rol\u00fc vard\u0131r. Elbette, imzac\u0131 akademisyenlerin hemen hemen tamam\u0131n\u0131n bask\u0131lar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda geri ad\u0131m atmay\u0131\u015flar\u0131, daha \u00f6nce imzalamam\u0131\u015f olan bir k\u0131s\u0131m akademisyenin de arkada\u015flar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kmak \u00fczere imzac\u0131lara kat\u0131lmas\u0131 gibi etik de\u011feri y\u00fcksek davran\u0131\u015flar da kamuoyunda deste\u011fi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece, ayd\u0131n eylemlerinin hedefleri ve ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131 gereken \u00f6zelliklerin, asgari d\u00fczeyde de olsa, bu eylemde bulundu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Kitlelerin \u00f6zlem ve beklentilerine s\u00f6zc\u00fc olmak ve bu s\u00f6zlerin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc g\u00fc\u00e7lerce sahiplenilip ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131\u2026 Buna \u00fcniversite \u00f6\u011frencilerinin aral\u0131ks\u0131z s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri destek ve protesto eylemlerini de eklersek, bildirinin ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00f6rg\u00fctleyici biri i\u015flev de \u00fcstlendi\u011fini s\u00f6yleyebiliriz.<\/p>\n

Yukar\u0131da belirti\u011fimiz gibi, i\u00e7eri\u011finin ve dilinin ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131 kimi olumsuz \u00f6zelliklere ra\u011fmen, eylemi ba\u015flatanlar\u0131n \u00f6nceden beklemedikleri kadar etkili sonu\u00e7lar elde edilmi\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan nesnel siyasal ve toplumsal ko\u015fullarla ilgisi a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta hi\u00e7 de hesaplanmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde, referandum s\u00fcrecinde HAYIR kampanyalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015flevli bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak g\u00fcndemdeki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 korumas\u0131, i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z ko\u015fullarla ayd\u0131n eylemlerinin etki mekanizmas\u0131 hakk\u0131nda de\u011ferli bir \u00f6rnek olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Ayd\u0131n \u00c7ubuk\u00e7u Marksizm-Leninizm bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ayd\u0131n toplumsal kategorisi, tarihte oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi ile ili\u015fkileri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan her zaman \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yine bu iki \u00f6zellik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketi ve T\u00fcrkiye solu i\u00e7in her zaman tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan bir \u201cayd\u0131n sorunu\u201d da olmu\u015ftur. Tarihsel bir rolleri oldu\u011fu ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi ile ili\u015fkilerinin \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin bu iki de\u011ferlendirme, yaln\u0131zca teorik bir varsay\u0131ma m\u0131 […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":224,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[475,367,292],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-221","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-6-sayi-mayis-2017","category-emek-mucadelesi","category-aydin-cubukcu"],"yoast_head":"\nAyd\u0131nlar ve toplumsal muhalefet<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/05\/03\/aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Ayd\u0131nlar ve toplumsal muhalefet\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Ayd\u0131n \u00c7ubuk\u00e7u Marksizm-Leninizm bak\u0131m\u0131ndan ayd\u0131n toplumsal kategorisi, tarihte oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi ile ili\u015fkileri bak\u0131m\u0131ndan her zaman \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Yine bu iki \u00f6zellik a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, d\u00fcnya sosyalist hareketi ve T\u00fcrkiye solu i\u00e7in her zaman tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lan bir \u201cayd\u0131n sorunu\u201d da olmu\u015ftur. Tarihsel bir rolleri oldu\u011fu ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketi ile ili\u015fkilerinin \u00f6nem ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin bu iki de\u011ferlendirme, yaln\u0131zca teorik bir varsay\u0131ma m\u0131 […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/05\/03\/aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Teori ve Eylem\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/teoriveeylem\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2017-05-03T07:53:23+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2023-01-18T13:37:17+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/05\/02_Ayd\u0131n-\u00c7ubuk\u00e7u.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"696\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"385\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@teoriveeylem\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@teoriveeylem\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Yazan:\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"12 dakika\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/05\\\/03\\\/aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/05\\\/03\\\/aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308\"},\"headline\":\"Ayd\u0131nlar ve toplumsal muhalefet\",\"datePublished\":\"2017-05-03T07:53:23+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2023-01-18T13:37:17+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/05\\\/03\\\/aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":2747,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/05\\\/03\\\/aydinlar-ve-toplumsal-muhalefet\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2017\\\/05\\\/02_Ayd\u0131n-\u00c7ubuk\u00e7u.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"6. 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