{"id":181,"date":"2017-04-01T09:59:57","date_gmt":"2017-04-01T06:59:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=181"},"modified":"2023-01-18T16:43:32","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T13:43:32","slug":"yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/","title":{"rendered":"Yeni Bir Kad\u0131n Hareketi, Yine Bir Feminizm"},"content":{"rendered":"

Sevda Karaca<\/strong>
\nFulya Aliko\u00e7<\/strong><\/p>\n

2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda Polonya\u2019da kad\u0131nlar, \u00fclkede k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n tamamen yasaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren yasa tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 protesto etmek i\u00e7in greve gitti. Kad\u0131nlar, \u201cKara Pazartesi\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdikleri y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fler kapsam\u0131nda ba\u015fkent Var\u015fova dahil bir\u00e7ok \u015fehirde siyah k\u0131yafetleriyle soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u201cA\u011f\u0131t yakan\u201d kad\u0131nlar, pankartl\u0131 foto\u011fraflar\u0131n\u0131 sosyal medyadan payla\u015ft\u0131. Protestolara kat\u0131lan kad\u0131nlar, i\u015fe ve okula gitmeyi, ev i\u015fleriyle ilgilenmeyi reddetti. Greve destek i\u00e7in baz\u0131 \u015firketler ofislerini kapat\u0131rken baz\u0131lar\u0131 da kad\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131na eylemlere kat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in izin verdi. Bu eyleme 60 kentte 6 milyon ki\u015finin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ifade ediliyor. Eylemciler, 1975\u2019te \u0130zlanda\u2019da kad\u0131nlar taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilen grevden ilham alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

2016\u2019da \u0130zlanda\u2019da erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilere g\u00f6re y\u00fczde 14 ila 18 daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck maa\u015f alan kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7iler e\u015fit \u00fccret talebiyle greve \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Sendikalar\u0131n ve kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 hesaba dayanarak, \u00fccretlerinin mesai g\u00fcn\u00fcndeki sonu anlam\u0131na gelen 14:38\u2019de i\u015f b\u0131rakan binlerce kad\u0131n, \u00fclkenin ba\u015fkenti Reykjav\u00edk\u2019te sokaklar\u0131 doldurdu. 2005 ve 2010 y\u0131llar\u0131nda da e\u015fit \u00fccret talebiyle i\u015f b\u0131rakan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n 2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda 24 Ekim tarihini se\u00e7melerinin ise \u00f6zel bir anlam\u0131 var: 24 Ekim 1975, \u00fclkedeki kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7ilerin y\u00fczde 90\u2019\u0131n\u0131n grev yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tarih. 42 y\u0131l \u00f6nce ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen bu eylemde kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7iler, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal ya\u015fama katk\u0131 sundu\u011fu kabul edilmedi\u011fi i\u00e7in soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. 25 bin kad\u0131n\u0131n kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 1975 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki grev, \u00fclkedeki bir\u00e7ok d\u00fczenleme i\u00e7in tarihi bir ad\u0131m olu\u015fturdu. Eylemin i\u015fe yaramas\u0131n\u0131n ard\u0131ndan 1976 y\u0131l\u0131nda, \u0130zlanda Cinsiyet E\u015fitli\u011fi Konseyi kurulurken; i\u015f yerlerinde ve okullarda cinsiyet ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yasaklayan cinsiyet e\u015fitli\u011fi yasas\u0131 onaylanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

2016\u2019da en \u00e7ok ses getiren kad\u0131n eylemleri Arjantin\u2019de yap\u0131ld\u0131. Arjantin\u2019de ekim ay\u0131n\u0131n 8\u2019ini 9\u2019una ba\u011flayan gece i\u015flenen bir kad\u0131n cinayeti, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u00fccadelesini sadece Arjantin\u2019de patlama noktas\u0131na getirmekle kalmad\u0131, G\u00fcney Amerika k\u0131tas\u0131ndaki bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede \u015fiddetle m\u00fccadelenin ortak bir eksenle ve \u015fiddetin farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerinin kapitalist sistemle ba\u011flar\u0131n\u0131 kurarak y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclmesinin ni\u015fan\u0131 oldu. Buenos Aires\u2019in 400 kilometre g\u00fcneyindeki Mar del Plata kentinde, 16 ya\u015f\u0131ndaki Lucia Perez, kendisine uyu\u015fturucu verilerek tecav\u00fcze u\u011frad\u0131, hayat\u0131n\u0131 kaybetti. Ayn\u0131 hafta sonu Arjantin\u2019de 31. Ulusal Kad\u0131n Bulu\u015fmas\u0131nda 70 bin kad\u0131n bir araya geldi ve kad\u0131nlara kar\u015f\u0131 uygulanan her t\u00fcrl\u00fc \u015fiddete kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi y\u00fckseltme karar\u0131 ald\u0131. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6steri ve y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015flere polisin \u015fiddetle m\u00fcdahale etmesi \u00fczerine kad\u0131n kurulu\u015flar\u0131 \u201cNi Una Menos\u201d (Bir Eksik Olmayaca\u011f\u0131z) slogan\u0131 ile grev ve protesto eylemleri \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131nda bulundu. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131, \u00fclkedeki t\u00fcm kad\u0131nlar\u0131n (ve kad\u0131n haklar\u0131na sahip \u00e7\u0131kan erkeklerin) t\u00fcm \u00fclkede saat 13.00-14.00 aras\u0131nda i\u015fi b\u0131rakmalar\u0131n\u0131 ve saat 17.00\u2019den sonra protesto eylemleri d\u00fczenlemelerini talep ediyordu. Ev kad\u0131nlar\u0131na da hitap edilerek bir saatli\u011fine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 b\u0131rakmalar\u0131n\u0131 ve evlerinde pencerelerinden, balkonlar\u0131ndan siyah \u00e7ar\u015faflar asmalar\u0131 istendi. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131 \u00fclkenin her yan\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck yank\u0131 buldu.<\/p>\n

\u0130zlanda, Arjantin ve Polonya\u2019dan sonra kad\u0131nlar, Fransa\u2019da da greve gitti. Kad\u0131nlar Fransa\u2019da Avrupa \u0130statistik Kurumu (Eurostat) verilerine de yans\u0131yan \u00fccret e\u015fitsizli\u011fini protesto etti. Eurostat verilerine g\u00f6re Fransa\u2019da kad\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7iler, erkek i\u015f\u00e7ilerden ortalama y\u00fczde 15,1 daha az \u00fccret al\u0131yor. Bu verilerle birlikte kad\u0131nlar, y\u0131ll\u0131k 253 i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fcn 38,2\u2019sinde \u00fccretsiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oluyor. Paris\u2019te y\u00fczlerce kad\u0131n \u201cCollectif Les Glorieuses\u201d\u00fcn \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla 16:34\u2019te Republique Meydan\u0131\u2019nda \u201cE\u015fit \u0130\u015fe E\u015fit \u00dccret\u201d talebiyle miting ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi.\u00a0Fransa\u2019daki kad\u0131nlar bu eylem i\u00e7in 24 Ekim\u2019de \u0130zlanda\u2019da\u00a0yap\u0131lan grevden \u201cc\u00fcret bulduklar\u0131n\u0131\u201d ilan ettiler.<\/p>\n

Ge\u00e7en Kas\u0131m ay\u0131nda \u0130talya\u2019da kitlesel kad\u0131n eylemleri ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015f, onbinlerce kad\u0131n yap\u0131lan \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131ya uyarak sokaklara \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Eylemin \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 yapan kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri hastane ve sa\u011fl\u0131k hizmetlerinin b\u00fct\u00e7esini k\u0131rpan, k\u00fcrtaj ve do\u011fum kontrol y\u00f6ntemlerine eri\u015fimi k\u0131s\u0131tlayan kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, t\u00fcm kad\u0131nlar\u0131n cinsel ve \u00fcreme haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen, kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin y\u00f6netti\u011fi \u201ckurumsal\u201d olmayan 77 \u015fiddet merkezini bir araya getiren, ya da UDI (\u0130talya Kad\u0131nlar Birli\u011fi) gibi kad\u0131nlar\u0131n anti-fa\u015fist direni\u015f deneyiminden do\u011fmu\u015f kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc gibi bir ge\u00e7mi\u015fe sahip kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleriydi. Son 3 y\u0131ld\u0131r \u0130talya\u2019da kemer s\u0131kma politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 y\u00fckselen halk protestolar\u0131n\u0131n da \u00f6nemli \u00f6rg\u00fctleyicilerindendi.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda ses getiren bu kitlesel eylemlere \u0130rlanda ve G\u00fcney Kore\u2019de \u00fcreme\u00a0haklar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in yap\u0131lan grev ve eylemleri de eklemek gerekir. Ve elbette 2 y\u0131l\u0131n d\u00f6k\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bu kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi y\u00fckseli\u015fine son 10 y\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015fka yerel m\u00fccadelelerini de ekleyebiliriz; Meksika-ABD s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda Ciudad Juarez\u2019de uyu\u015fturucu \u00e7etelerince katledilen binlerce kad\u0131n tekstil i\u015f\u00e7isiyle dayan\u0131\u015fma kampanyalar\u0131; Arjantinli Piquetor (i\u015fsiz i\u015f\u00e7iler) hareketi i\u00e7indeki kad\u0131na \u015fiddetle m\u00fccadele komiteleri; Brezilya\u2019da MST (Topraks\u0131z \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler Hareketi) kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri; Bask \u00fclkesindeki bar\u0131nma hakk\u0131 m\u00fccadeleleri i\u00e7indeki kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri…<\/p>\n

Bu eylemlerde ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerdeki en dikkat \u00e7ekici olgu, \u00e7o\u011funda \u015fiddete kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcvencesizle\u015ftirilmesi, a\u011f\u0131rla\u015fan ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve \u00fccret e\u015fitsizli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyle birle\u015ftirilmesi, ayn\u0131 zamanda homofobi, transfobi ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 g\u00f6\u00e7 politikas\u0131n\u0131n reddedilmesi, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa, emperyalizme, heteroseksizme ve neoliberalizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan bir s\u00f6ylemle hareket etmeleriydi.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki bu hareketlilik, d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda etkili olacak bir \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131y\u0131 ve tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 da beraberinde getirdi.<\/p>\n

2015 y\u0131l\u0131ndan bug\u00fcne Arjantin\u2019de korkun\u00e7 boyutlara ula\u015fan ve vah\u015file\u015fen kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddete kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in \u00e7ok kitlesel eylemlere \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden geni\u015f bir kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi t\u00fcm Latin Amerika \u00fclkelerindeki kad\u0131nlar\u0131 da kapsayan bir ortak sloganla \u201cNi Una Menos\u201d (Bir Eksik Olmayaca\u011f\u0131z) diyerek y\u00fczbinlerin kat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00f6steriler d\u00fczenledi, i\u015f yerlerinde i\u015f b\u0131rakmay\u0131 i\u00e7eren eylemler ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi. Bu inisiyatif Latin Amerika ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere 8 Mart\u2019ta kad\u0131nlar\u0131 greve \u00e7a\u011f\u0131rd\u0131 ve yeni bir uluslararas\u0131 birlik kurmay\u0131 \u00f6nerdi.<\/p>\n

Arjantinli kad\u0131n inisiyatifinin 2016 Ekim ay\u0131nda yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilk \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 h\u0131zla yank\u0131 buldu. 30\u2019a yak\u0131n \u00fclkede kad\u0131nlar toplant\u0131lar d\u00fczenleyerek, haz\u0131rlad\u0131klar\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 metinlerini payla\u015farak, sosyal medya etkinlikleri a\u00e7arak 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lad\u0131lar.<\/p>\n

\u00c7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7erdi\u011fi taleplerin tamam\u0131 kad\u0131n hareketinin emek\u00e7i karakterli, antikapitalist ve antiemperyalist nitelikler ta\u015f\u0131d\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret ediyor.<\/p>\n

Arjantinli kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 \u015fu \u015fekilde:<\/p>\n

\u201c<\/em>Kapitalizm bizim kay\u0131ts\u0131z, g\u00fcvencesiz ve yar\u0131 zamanl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmam\u0131zdan besleniyor. Buna dur demek i\u00e7in grevdeyiz; <\/em><\/p>\n

Ulus devletler ve piyasa, bizim bor\u00e7lanmam\u0131zdan besleniyor. Buna dur demek i\u00e7in grevdeyiz;<\/em><\/p>\n

Devletler, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 emek g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fcn\u00fc bir su\u00e7 olarak ele al\u0131yor. Buna dur demek i\u00e7in grevdeyiz;<\/em><\/p>\n

Erkeklerden ayn\u0131 i\u015f i\u00e7in ortalama %27 daha az \u00fccret al\u0131yoruz. Buna dur demek i\u00e7in grevdeyiz;<\/em><\/p>\n

Ev ve bak\u0131m eme\u011fi i\u015f olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclm\u00fcyor ve \u00fccretli i\u015fimizin \u00fczerine her g\u00fcn en az \u00fc\u00e7 saat ekleniyor. Buna dur demek i\u00e7in grevdeyiz;<\/em><\/p>\n

\u00d6zg\u00fcrce k\u00fcrtaj olabilme hakk\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in ve hi\u00e7bir k\u0131z \u00e7ocu\u011fu anneli\u011fe zorlanmas\u0131n diye duraca\u011f\u0131z;<\/em><\/p>\n

Bak\u0131m eme\u011fini g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr k\u0131lmak i\u00e7in duraca\u011f\u0131z. Bak\u0131m eme\u011fi t\u00fcm toplumun sorumlulu\u011fu olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131ndaki s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve kolonyal fark\u0131n zorunlu olarak daha da derinle\u015fmekte oldu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz: \u0130\u015fe gitmek i\u00e7in ba\u015fka kad\u0131nlara ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131y\u0131z. G\u00f6\u00e7 etmek i\u00e7in yine ba\u015fka kad\u0131nlara ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131y\u0131z. Buna dur demek i\u00e7in grevdeyiz;<\/em><\/p>\n

Zor durumlarda ve krizlerde ili\u015fki a\u011f\u0131 olu\u015fturan, dayan\u0131\u015fma \u00f6ren, \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm \u00fcreten ama g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen eme\u011fimize de\u011fer katmak i\u00e7in duraca\u011f\u0131z… \u015eirketlerin i\u015fledi\u011fi su\u00e7lar ve uyu\u015fturucu ticareti kapitalizmi besledi\u011fi i\u00e7in cezas\u0131z kal\u0131rken, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hayatta kalma bi\u00e7imleri su\u00e7a d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc i\u00e7in, \u00e7ocuklara y\u00f6nelik i\u015flenen su\u00e7lar dolay\u0131s\u0131yla kad\u0131nlar hapse at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in duraca\u011f\u0131z. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bir eksi\u011fiz.<\/em><\/p>\n

Grevdeyiz \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc taleplerimiz acil! \u00dccretli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlara, nakit yard\u0131m\u0131 alanlarla, serbest meslek sahipleriyle, \u00f6\u011frencilere birlikte, i\u015fgal edilmi\u015f ve edilmemi\u015f yerlere bar\u0131nak olabilecek, geni\u015f \u00e7apl\u0131 bir kad\u0131n grevindeyiz. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc hepimiz emek\u00e7iyiz. Grevdeyiz.<\/em><\/p>\n

Evlere hapsolmaya, annelik dayatmas\u0131na, kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131ndaki zorunlu m\u00fccadeleye kar\u015f\u0131, patriarkal aile modeline ve onun kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6n\u00fcm\u00fcze s\u00fcr\u00fclen t\u00fcm bi\u00e7imlerine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6rg\u00fctleniyoruz.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n bu i\u00e7erikteki \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n i\u015faret etti\u011fi \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f yolu ise \u201cyeni bir uluslararas\u0131 birlik\u201d oldu. Bu uluslararas\u0131 birli\u011fin temeli ise \u201cZulme kar\u015f\u0131 daha \u00e7ok feminizm!\u201d<\/em> slogan\u0131 ile \u00f6zetleniyordu.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131ndaki bu eylemlerin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi yeni duruma yol haritas\u0131 \u00e7izme \u00e7abas\u0131 ise Amerika\u2019dan \u00e7o\u011fu tan\u0131nm\u0131\u015f feminist akademisyenlerden olu\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 ile ete kemi\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

%99\u2019UN FEM\u0130N\u0130ZM\u0130 VE 8 MART\u2019TA GREV \u00c7A\u011eRISI<\/strong><\/p>\n

20 Ocak\u2019ta Donald Trump\u2019\u0131n yemin t\u00f6reninin hemen ertesi g\u00fcn\u00fcnde yap\u0131lan \u2018Kad\u0131n Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u2019 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131na \u00fclke i\u00e7inde yar\u0131m milyon, ABD d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkede de yakla\u015f\u0131k 2 milyon ki\u015fi, protestolara destek i\u00e7in y\u00fcr\u00fcyerek yan\u0131t verdi.<\/p>\n

Kad\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnde konu\u015fan \u00fcnl\u00fclerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra en fazla ses getiren konu\u015fmalardan biri de kendini sosyalist feminist olarak tan\u0131mlayan ve bir d\u00f6nem ABD Kom\u00fcnist Partisi merkez komite \u00fcyeli\u011fi de yapm\u0131\u015f Angela Davis\u2019ti. Konu\u015fmas\u0131nda \u201cBu bir kad\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr ve bu kad\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, devlet \u015fiddetinin \u00f6l\u00fcmc\u00fcl g\u00fcc\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k feminizmin vaadini temsil etmektedir. Ve kapsay\u0131c\u0131 ve m\u00fccadeleleri kesi\u015ftiren feminizm hepimizi \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011fa, \u0130slamofobiye, anti-Semitizme, kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye kar\u015f\u0131 direni\u015fe davet etmektedir\u201d<\/em>\u00a0diyerek Trump\u2019\u0131n g\u00f6revde kalaca\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fclen s\u00fcre boyunca 1459 g\u00fcnl\u00fck bir direni\u015fin ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ilan etti.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinden \u00e7ok fazla ge\u00e7meden kendilerini sosyalist feminist olarak tan\u0131mlayan, aralar\u0131nda Siyah Hayatlar De\u011ferlidir, Cezaevi Reform Hareketi ve Arap-Amerikan Eylem A\u011f\u0131 gibi etkili kampanyalar\u0131n \u00f6nde gelen isimlerinin de oldu\u011fu 8 kad\u0131n (Linda Mart\u00edn Alcoff, Cinzia Arruzza, Tithi Bhattacharya, Nancy Fraser, Barbara Ransby, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor, Rasmea Yousef Odeh, Angela Davis), \u201cY\u00fczde 99 i\u00e7in Feminizm\u201d<\/em> ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 bir a\u00e7\u0131k mektup yay\u0131mlad\u0131lar. \u201cY\u00fczde 99\u2019un feminizmi i\u00e7in 8 Mart\u2019ta bir kad\u0131n grevi\u201d \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131lar[1]<\/a>. \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131da Amerikal\u0131 feministler, merkeze kendilerini yani ABD\u2019deki hareketi koymadan, Polonya, Latin Amerika, \u0130talya, \u0130rlanda, G\u00fcney Kore\u2019de yap\u0131lan kitlesel kad\u0131n eylemliliklerinin \u201culuslararas\u0131 feminist k\u0131p\u0131rdanman\u0131n \u00f6n habercileri\u201d oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekiyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\n

Lean-in-feminism[2]<\/a>\u2019in ele\u015ftirildi\u011fi \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131da yeni bir dalgan\u0131n yarat\u0131lmakta oldu\u011fu ve yeni dalgan\u0131n \u201cy\u00fczde 99\u2019un feminizmi\u201d olmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi vurgulanarak b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada da kad\u0131n eylemlerinin, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131, anti-emperyalist, heteroseksizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 ve neoliberalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 yeni bir uluslararas\u0131 feminist hareketin m\u00fcjdesini verdi\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar.<\/p>\n

\u201c\u0130lk ad\u0131m olarak 8 Mart\u2019ta erkek \u015fiddetine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmak, \u00fcreme ve yeniden \u00fcretim haklar\u0131n\u0131 savunmak i\u00e7in uluslararas\u0131 bir grev \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yap\u0131yoruz. Bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131m\u0131zla 30 \u00fclkede grev \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapan kad\u0131nlara kat\u0131l\u0131yoruz. Trans kad\u0131nlar da dahil t\u00fcm kad\u0131nlar\u0131 ve onlar\u0131 desteklemek isteyen herkesi grev, eylem, boykot, sokak, k\u00f6pr\u00fc, alan i\u015fgalleriyle dolu bir g\u00fcn i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7irmek d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesindeyiz. 8 Mart\u2019ta ev, bak\u0131m veya seks hizmeti sunulmayacak, kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 politikac\u0131 ve i\u015fverenlerle tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lacak ve e\u011fitim hizmeti veren kurumlarda grev yap\u0131lmas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcl\u00fcyor. Bu eylemlerde kariyer kad\u0131nlar\u0131 feminizminin (lean-in-feminism b\u00f6yle \u00e7evrilmi\u015f) g\u00f6rmezden geldi\u011fi\u201anormal \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hayat\u0131ndaki kad\u0131nlar, toplumsal yeniden \u00fcretim alan\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kad\u0131nlar, bak\u0131m i\u015flerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar, g\u00fcvencesiz i\u015fyerlerinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan veya i\u015fsiz kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 ve talepleri savunulacakt\u0131r.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

3 \u015eubat\u2019ta\u00a0Viewpoint Magazine<\/em>\u2019de \u201cLean-In\u2019den \u00d6teye: %99\u2019un Feminizmi ve 8 Mart\u2019ta Militan Bir Uluslararas\u0131 Grev \u0130\u00e7in\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yay\u0131nlanan\u00a0\u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 \u015fu s\u00f6zlerle bitiyor:<\/p>\n

\u201c21 Ocak\u2019taki kad\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fleri ABD\u2019de de yeni kad\u0131n hareketinin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmak \u00fczere oldu\u011funu g\u00f6sterdi. \u00d6nemli olan bu at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131n s\u00f6nmesini engellemektir. Gelin 8 Mart\u2019ta g\u00f6steriler yapmak i\u00e7in bir olal\u0131m. Gelin bu uluslararas\u0131 eylem g\u00fcn\u00fcn\u00fc\u00a0kariyer kad\u0131nlar\u0131 feminizminden kurtulmak, onun yerine\u00a0y\u00fczde 99\u2019un feminizmini, tabana ait feminizmi, i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar, aileleri ve t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyadaki destek\u00e7ileriyle dayan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7indeki antikapitalist bir feminizmi kurmak i\u00e7in\u00a0de\u011ferlendirelim.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

ABD\u2019de \u201cen alttakiler\u201d say\u0131labilecek kesimlerden yani siyah ve g\u00f6\u00e7men hareketlerinden feminist isimlerin imzalar\u0131n\u0131 koydu\u011fu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131, \u00f6zellikle geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelerde ama asl\u0131nda d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131nda son yirmi otuz y\u0131ld\u0131r etkili olan feminizme ele\u015ftiri niteli\u011finde.
\nD\u00fczen i\u00e7i bir ideoloji olarak, esasen ko\u015fullar\u0131 iyile\u015fen orta ve \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kariyerlerini geli\u015ftirmekte kulland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir araca d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen, bireysel ilerleme temelli feminist anlay\u0131\u015f ele\u015ftiriliyor ve olu\u015fmakta olan \u201cyeni feminist hareketin\u201d tan\u0131m\u0131 yap\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

\u201cYeni olu\u015fmakta olan feminizmin\u201d manifestosu niteli\u011findeki \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar ve metinler ise 2017 8 Mart\u0131\u2019n\u0131 bir nevi \u201ck\u00f6klere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f ve yeniden do\u011fu\u015f\u201d milad\u0131 olarak ortaya koyuyordu.<\/p>\n

#Siyahlar\u0131nYa\u015fam\u0131De\u011ferlidir\u2019den<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Siyahlar\u0131n \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne<\/em>\u00a0<\/strong>kitab\u0131n\u0131n yazar\u0131 ve ABD Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131n Grevi ABD Ulusal Organizasyon Komitesi \u00fcyesi Keenga-Yamahtta Taylor, \u201c<\/strong>21 Ocak bize feminist hareketin yeniden ortaya \u00e7\u0131kma potansiyelini g\u00f6sterdi; ancak 8 Mart \u00f6zel bir feminist harekete \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diyerek 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i k\u00f6kenlerine d\u00f6nd\u00fcrme \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131[3]<\/a>. \u201cBu 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 bir geri alma projesi olarak, kad\u0131n\u0131n ezilmesini kapitalizme ve serbest piyasaya oturtan, 1960\u2019lar ve 1970\u2019lerin sosyalist feminizmi ve Siyah feminizminin militan ve radikal politikas\u0131yla yeniden ili\u015fkilendirme \u00e7abas\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Uluslararas\u0131 Kad\u0131nlar G\u00fcn\u00fc senelerdir fark edilmeden ge\u00e7mekte ya da depolitize edilmektedir. Art\u0131k \u00e7o\u011fu insan, bu g\u00fcn\u00fcn temelinde ABD\u2019deki kad\u0131n tekstil i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin m\u00fccadelesinin yatt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 veya 1917 y\u0131l\u0131nda Rusya\u2019da 1. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n seferberli\u011finin \u00c7ar\u2019\u0131n devrilmesine yol a\u00e7an ve Rus Devrimini ate\u015fleyen\u00a0ayaklanman\u0131n k\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m\u0131 oldu\u011funu bile bilmiyor. Bu 8 Mart\u2019ta umuyoruz ki kad\u0131nlar ve onlar\u0131 destekleyenler, i\u015f\u00e7i-s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131na ve bu ko\u015fullar\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fclmek i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelenin gerekli oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekmek amac\u0131yla \u00fclkenin d\u00f6rt bir yan\u0131ndaki politik eylemlerde bir araya gelecekler\u201d<\/em> dedi.<\/p>\n

12 \u015eubat\u2019ta leftvoice.org\u2019da\u00a0\u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7i S\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u0130\u00e7inden \u00c7\u0131kan Enternasyonalist Bir Feminizme Do\u011fru\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131y\u0131 kaleme alan Tatiana Cozzarelli<\/strong> \u201c<\/em><\/strong>Bu 8 Mart\u2019\u0131n Amerika\u2019da yeni bir t\u00fcr feminist hareket i\u00e7in s\u0131\u00e7rama tahtas\u0131 olmas\u0131n\u0131 umuyoruz: \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan g\u00fc\u00e7 alan bir feminizm. Bu tarz bir feminizm, Washington\u2019daki Kad\u0131n Y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f\u00fc \u00fcst\u00fcne in\u015fa edilebilir, e\u011fer bir y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015f yerine grev \u00f6rg\u00fctlenirse. Grev, k\u00e2ra dayal\u0131 bir sistemin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc silah\u0131 olan kapital ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na sekte vurur. Grevimiz \u00fccretli ve \u00fccretsiz i\u015fi yapmay\u0131 reddetmek olacak \u2013 evde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z i\u015f ve resmi i\u015fyerinde yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z i\u015f. Grev, kapitalizmi bitirebilecek olan tek s\u0131n\u0131ftan, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan g\u00fc\u00e7 alan bir feminizmin en somut \u00f6rne\u011fidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan g\u00fc\u00e7 alan bir feminizm t\u00fcm ezilen insanlar\u0131n yan\u0131nda yer almal\u0131d\u0131r… Biz b\u00fct\u00fcn kad\u0131nlar\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131lara kar\u015f\u0131 savunan bir feminizm istiyoruz, bu nedenledir ki i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n i\u00e7inden \u00e7\u0131kmal\u0131d\u0131r. Hillary Clinton\u2019un neoliberal feminizmi ve Sanders\u2019\u0131n milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi bizi savunamaz ve savunmaz. Yaln\u0131zca b\u00fct\u00fcn haklar\u0131m\u0131z i\u00e7in taviz vermeden sava\u015fan bir feminizm kurtulu\u015fumuzu sa\u011flayabilir. Y\u00fczde 99\u2019un haklar\u0131n\u0131 kazanabilmek i\u00e7in feminizmimiz, bize sald\u0131ran ve bizi satan Cumhuriyet\u00e7iler ve Demokratlarla ve \u00fccretli ve \u00fccretsiz eme\u011fimizden kazan\u00e7 sa\u011flayan kapitalist sistemle sava\u015fabilecek tek s\u0131n\u0131f olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kuvvetinden g\u00fc\u00e7 almal\u0131d\u0131r. Sadece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sistemi dizlerinin \u00fcst\u00fcne \u00e7\u00f6kt\u00fcrecek g\u00fcce sahiptir. Bu nedenle feminizmimiz Demokrat Parti\u2019den ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olmal\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7ilere k\u0131sa \u00e7\u00f6p\u00fc veren perde arkas\u0131 anla\u015fmalarda ge\u00e7mi\u015fi olan sendika liderleriyle m\u00fccadele etmelidir. Bu nedenle i\u015f\u00e7i sendikalar\u0131n\u0131n 8 Mart\u2019ta grev \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapmalar\u0131n\u0131 talep etmeliyiz ki onlar olmadan kitlesel bir grev neredeyse imkans\u0131zd\u0131r… Bu sistemin i\u015flemesini sa\u011flayan \u00fcr\u00fcnleri ve kazan\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fcreten i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131d\u0131r ve yaln\u0131zca i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 buna bir son verebilir. Kapitalist bir toplumda ya\u015fayan kad\u0131nlar olarak ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z bask\u0131ya son vermek istiyoruz, o halde bask\u0131lanmam\u0131zdan kazan\u00e7 sa\u011flayan s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci sisteme son vermeliyiz\u201d<\/em> diyordu.<\/p>\n

SINIF K\u00d6RL\u00dc\u011e\u00dcN\u00dcN BAK\u0130YES\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

2000\u2019li y\u0131llar sosyalist feminist kuram\u0131 \u201ci\u00e7eriden\u201d ele\u015ftirerek yeniden canland\u0131rma amac\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan feminist yazarlar\u0131n feminizme ili\u015fkin yeni bir tart\u0131\u015fma a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131llar oldu. 2005 y\u0131l\u0131nda Hester Eisenstein\u2019in \u201cFeminizm ve Neoliberal K\u00fcreselle\u015fme Aras\u0131nda Gizli ve Tehlikeli Bir \u0130li\u015fki mi Mevcut?\u201d makalesi, Nancy Fraser\u2019\u0131n 2009 tarihli \u201cFeminizm, Liberalizm ve Tarihin Oyunu\u201d makalesi ve Hester Eisenstein\u2019in 2010 tarihli \u201cBa\u015ftan \u00c7\u0131kar\u0131lan Feminizm: K\u00fcreselle\u015fme ve Toplumsal Cinsiyetin Kullan\u0131mlar\u0131\u201d kitab\u0131yla feminizm hakk\u0131nda \u00f6nemli bir tart\u0131\u015fma a\u00e7\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

Bu \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar 1960 sonras\u0131 feminist hareketin y\u00f6nelimlerinin ve s\u00f6ylemlerinin neoliberal sermayenin y\u00fckseli\u015fine ve krizlerini a\u015fmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunup bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sorguluyor. Buna ek olarak feminist hareketin hala toplumsal bir hareket niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131p ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015f\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

Fraser, \u00f6zellikle 2. dalga feminizmin kapitalist toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmaya hizmet etti\u011fini s\u00f6yler: \u201c\u0130kinci dalgan\u0131n neden oldu\u011fu k\u00fclt\u00fcrel tutumlar\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015fmas\u0131, feminist aktivistler taraf\u0131ndan beklenmedik ve kas\u0131ts\u0131z ba\u015fka bir toplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r; bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm sava\u015f sonras\u0131 kapitalizmin toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminde bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmd\u00fcr. Bu olas\u0131l\u0131k daha a\u00e7\u0131k ve kesin bir bi\u00e7imde ifade edilebilir: \u0130kinci dalgan\u0131n can verdi\u011fi kendi i\u00e7inde olumlu k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fimler, feministlerin adil bir toplum vizyonuna do\u011frudan do\u011fruya z\u0131t olan kapitalist toplumun yap\u0131sal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fcn me\u015frula\u015fmas\u0131na hizmet etti.\u201d<\/em>[4]<\/em><\/a><\/p>\n

Fraser bu \u201cme\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rma hizmetinin\u201d \u201ctarihin bir cilvesi\u201d oldu\u011funu ifade ederek bir anlamda ya\u015fananlar\u0131 \u201ckazaile\u015ftirir.\u201d <\/em><\/p>\n

Eisenstein neoliberalizmle feminizm aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin sorumlusu olarak liberal feminizme i\u015faret eder.[5]<\/a> Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ekonomik ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve otonomi ihtiyac\u0131na vurgu yapan feminist ideallerin emek piyasalar\u0131n\u0131n neoliberal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcnde oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131 rol\u00fc tart\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Feminist idealler, ileri kapitalist \u00fclkelerde yoksul kad\u0131nlar\u0131n emek piyasas\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesi i\u00e7in aile \u00fccretinin ve sosyal devlet kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n tasfiyesini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Azgeli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde serbest b\u00f6lgeler yarat\u0131larak i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn feminizasyonu ve yoksul kad\u0131nlar\u0131n mikrokrediler sayesinde ekonomik akt\u00f6rler olarak disipline edilmesine neden olan s\u00f6ylemler \u00fcretmi\u015ftir.[6]<\/a><\/p>\n

Fraser ve Eisenstein\u2019in \u201cFeminizmin nihayetinde neoliberalizmin bir \u2018bile\u015fimi\u2019 haline gelmi\u015f oldu\u011fu\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na feministlerden yap\u0131lan itiraz daha \u00e7ok \u201cfeminizme haks\u0131zl\u0131k edildi\u011fini\u201d kan\u0131tlamaya d\u00f6n\u00fck oldu. Bu ele\u015ftirilere verilen cevaplardaki temel arg\u00fcman ise bahsi ge\u00e7en feminizmin \u201cbelli bir t\u00fcr\u201d feminizm oldu\u011fu, yani liberal feminizmin \u201csu\u00e7lu\u201d oldu\u011funa d\u00f6n\u00fck arg\u00fcmanlar oldu.<\/p>\n

S\u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc etti\u011fimiz son 30 y\u0131ll\u0131k d\u00f6nem s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131n\u0131n hem politik hem de teorik olarak ge\u00e7ersiz ilan edildi\u011fi, bir m\u00fccadele ekseni olarak indirgemeci, ekonomist, demode vs bulundu\u011fu bir s\u00fcre\u00e7. Sosyalizme sadece reel sosyalizmin y\u0131k\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 olarak, sosyalist birikime sadece kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr-bireysel kimliklerini bast\u0131rmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan dogmatik yap\u0131lar olarak bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu d\u00f6nemde feminist tart\u0131\u015fmalar Marksizmi \u201ccinsiyet k\u00f6r\u00fc\u201d ilan edip ikili sistem teorileriyle bu cinsiyet k\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc a\u015fma iddialar\u0131n\u0131 ve tezlerini ortaya koymu\u015ftu. 1970\u2019ler ve 80\u2019lerde Marx\u2019\u0131n ekonomi kuram\u0131n\u0131 ve metodolojisini feminist teoriye uyarlama ve b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015ftirme giri\u015fimlerinin ard\u0131ndan, Marx\u2019\u0131n kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015f hareketi ba\u011flam\u0131nda hi\u00e7 denecek kadar az \u00f6nerisi oldu\u011funu savunan feminist ele\u015ftiri g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131 feminist harekette.<\/p>\n

Ve bu feminist \u201cele\u015ftiri\u201d, feminist idealleri tahrif etti\u011fi iddia edilen liberal feminist kanattan de\u011fil, bizzat kendilerini Marksist feminist olarak tan\u0131mlayan feministlerden geldi. Bu, ataerki ve kapitalizmi kad\u0131n eme\u011fi \u00fczerinden birbiriyle \u00e7eli\u015fki halinde bulunan iki ayr\u0131 \u00fcretim sistemi olarak tan\u0131mlaman\u0131n bir sonucuydu; ancak Marx\u2019\u0131n metodolojisiyle var\u0131labilecek bir sonucu, kapitalizmin tarihsel bir olas\u0131l\u0131k de\u011fil, tarihsel bir zorunluluk olarak ataerkil do\u011fdu\u011fu ve geli\u015fti\u011fi sonucuna varamaman\u0131n bir g\u00f6stergesiydi. Tarihin diyalektik materyalist kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan yoksunluk kapitalist \u00fcretim bi\u00e7iminin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini kavrayamamay\u0131 beraberinde getirdi. Hal b\u00f6yle olunca \u201cMarksist\u201d, \u201csosyalist\u201d \u00f6nekli feminizmler de dahil teorik ve ideolojik savrulmalar ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz oldu.<\/p>\n

Son 20 y\u0131ldaki feminist teorilerin \u00e7o\u011fu ise postyap\u0131salc\u0131 bir anlay\u0131\u015fa y\u00f6neldi. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmesine ili\u015fkin sorunlar, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc fikrini siyaseten buharla\u015ft\u0131ran bir \u201ckimlik politikalar\u0131\u201d eksenine \u00e7ekildi. Bu, feminizm dikkatini ve s\u00f6ylemini \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u201d sorununa y\u00f6neltirken bir yandan da d\u00f6nemin ruhuna uygun bir bi\u00e7imde \u201cfeminizmin makbulle\u015fmesini\u201d, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n e\u015fitsizli\u011fine ve emek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne ili\u015fkin kavramlar\u0131n bu \u201cmakbul feminizmin\u201d s\u00f6zl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle terc\u00fcme edilmesini de beraberinde getirdi.<\/p>\n

90\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar kad\u0131nlar\u0131n neden ezildi\u011fi sorusuna birer kimlik kategorisi olarak \u201ckad\u0131nl\u0131k ve erkekli\u011fin\u201d \u00f6znelliklerinin nas\u0131l kuruldu\u011fu sorusuna cevap yeti\u015ftirmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak ge\u00e7ti. Kapitalizmin, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerini nas\u0131l kurdu\u011fu ve cinsiyetin bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkisinin kurulmas\u0131nda nas\u0131l bir rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n analizinden \u00e7ok \u201ctoplumsal cinsiyet\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n analizi ba\u015fat mesele haline geldi.<\/p>\n

2000\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131ndan beri esnekle\u015fme, ta\u015feronla\u015fma, g\u00fcvencesizle\u015ftirme vb. temelinde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n yeniden d\u00fczenlenmesi s\u00fcrecinde sermaye, kad\u0131n emek\u00e7ileri \u201cbir dayanak haline getirme\u201d \u00e7abas\u0131nda oldu. Kamu hizmetlerinin \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmesi sonucunda kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in \u201cg\u00fcvencesizlik\u201d, bug\u00fcn d\u00fcnden daha fazla sorun olu\u015fturuyor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc g\u00fcvencesizlik sadece i\u015f ve gelecek g\u00fcvencesinin yitirilmesinden ibaret de\u011fildir. Bu, ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u015f\u00e7i, emek\u00e7i ailelerin sosyal haklar\u0131n\u0131n da tasfiyesi anlam\u0131na geliyor. Bu tasfiyenin y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131, genel olarak i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7iler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan oldu\u011fu gibi \u00f6zel olarak i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da ya\u015fam\u0131 daha \u00e7ekilmez hale getiriyor.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya burjuvazisi ve onun finans kurumlar\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i, i\u015fsiz, emek\u00e7i, k\u00f6yl\u00fc kad\u0131n kitlelerine bi\u00e7ilen bu rol\u00fc iddial\u0131 s\u00f6ylemlerle g\u00fcndeme getirdiler. Ba\u015fta D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 (DB) olmak \u00fczere, sermaye \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinden, burjuva d\u00fczen partilerine kadar egemen g\u00fc\u00e7ler, kad\u0131n n\u00fcfusunu yedeklemek i\u00e7in adeta bir seferberlik ilan etti. DB\u2019nin 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda yay\u0131nlanan raporunda, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201ckurtulu\u015fu\u201d ilan ediliyordu. Bundan b\u00f6yle kad\u0131n erkek \u201cf\u0131rsat e\u015fitli\u011fi\u201dnin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fi ve kad\u0131n eme\u011finin de\u011ferlenece\u011fi s\u00f6yleniyordu. Keza ayn\u0131 kurum \u201ce\u015fitlik k\u00e2rl\u0131l\u0131k getirir\u201d slogan\u0131yla 2012 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 da \u201ckad\u0131n y\u0131l\u0131\u201d ilan etti. Son 10 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 krizlerle ge\u00e7iren neoliberalizm, kendini esasen \u201cbireycile\u015ftirilmi\u015f ve depolitize edilmi\u015f bir g\u00fc\u00e7lenme politikas\u0131\u201d olarak kuran feminizmi ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rarak kad\u0131n eme\u011finin yo\u011fun s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc ve toplam olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcvencesizle\u015ftirilmesi ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n kurals\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 s\u00fcrecine g\u00f6t\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Bunu yaparken de hem evde hem i\u015fte yo\u011fun emek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc ve tam bir g\u00fcvencesizlikle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak zorunda b\u0131rak\u0131lan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n durumunu g\u00f6zetmeden, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesinden \u201cpazar ekonomisine e\u015fit kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 anlayan piyasac\u0131 bir feminizm\u201d ile kad\u0131n eme\u011finin artan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne me\u015fruiyet sa\u011flayan depolitize edilmi\u015f bir \u201ctoplumsal cinsiyet e\u015fitli\u011fi\u201d s\u00f6ylemini kulland\u0131.<\/p>\n

D\u00fcnyan\u0131n her mahallesine s\u0131zan \u201ckad\u0131nlar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi, i\u015f ve aile ya\u015famlar\u0131n\u0131n uzla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131\u201d ideolojik bombard\u0131man\u0131 kad\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan m\u00fccadeleyle g\u00fcndeme gelen tarihi kavramlar\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. 90\u2019lardan bu yana t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada, \u201ckad\u0131n\u0131n insan haklar\u0131\u201d s\u00f6ylemi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ve neoliberal politikalar\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak, kad\u0131nlara \u201ce\u015fit f\u0131rsatlardan yararlanan yurtta\u015fl\u0131k\u201d sunulmas\u0131 kapsam\u0131nda bir e\u015fitlik tan\u0131m\u0131 \u015fekillendi. \u201cF\u0131rsat e\u015fitli\u011fi\u201d politikalar\u0131 e\u011fitimli \u00fcst orta ve \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131f kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in yeni imk\u00e2nlar yarat\u0131rken (holding y\u00f6netim kurullar\u0131nda kota vb gibi), i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in sadece d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler, g\u00fcvencesiz \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve bak\u0131m eme\u011finin t\u00fcm y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc \u00fcstlenerek i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcne kat\u0131labilme \u201chedefi\u201d anlam\u0131na geldi. Piyasa ekonomisinin, kapitalizmin eme\u011fe y\u00f6nelik s\u0131n\u0131r tan\u0131mayan sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131, toplam olarak t\u00fcm emek\u00e7ilerin \u201cvatanda\u015f\u201d stat\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fi\u015ftirirken art\u0131k g\u00fcvenceli bir i\u015f, g\u00fcvenceli bir gelecek ko\u015fulunun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir toplumda s\u00fcrekli i\u015f, sosyal g\u00fcvenlik, emeklilik vb. haklar\u0131n\u0131 yitiren ve gelirleri s\u00fcrekli azalan emek\u00e7iler, aile-cemaat-tarikat ba\u011flar\u0131na s\u0131\u011f\u0131nmak, y\u00fckselen muhafazakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n \u00fczerine in\u015fa edilen zemin olma durumuyla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7, emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc daha da art\u0131r\u0131rken, onlar\u0131, ayn\u0131 zamanda hane reislerinin, cemaatin, mahallenin insaf\u0131na terk etti, ataerkil denetimi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi.<\/p>\n

Ger\u00e7ek b\u00f6yleyken s\u00f6ylemsel d\u00fczlemde ekonomik, siyasal ve toplumsal alanlardaki t\u00fcm politika ve programlar\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerce tasarlanmas\u0131, uygulanmas\u0131 ve de\u011ferlendirilmesine \u201ccinsiyet e\u015fitli\u011fi\u201d zorunlu bir boyut olarak eklendi. Az geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelere yap\u0131lan kalk\u0131nma yard\u0131mlar\u0131 \u201ckad\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi ve kalk\u0131nmaya kat\u0131lmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki projelerin uygulamaya konulmas\u0131\u201d \u015fart\u0131yla da\u011f\u0131t\u0131ld\u0131. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 demokrasiyi bir kat\u0131l\u0131m sorununa indirgeyen ve kad\u0131n-erkek e\u015fitli\u011fini liberal \u201cf\u0131rsat e\u015fitli\u011fine\u201d d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren, b\u00f6ylelikle \u00f6rne\u011fin g\u00fcvenceli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hakk\u0131n\u0131 \u201ckad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcr giri\u015fimcili\u011finin desteklenmesi\u201dne evrilten bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc de beraberinde getirdi. \u201cKat\u0131l\u0131mc\u0131 kalk\u0131nma\u201d s\u00f6yleminin 90\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda ulusal h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin, DB\u2019nin, BM ajanslar\u0131n\u0131n destekledi\u011fi kalk\u0131nma program ve projelerinin temel bile\u015feni haline gelerek d\u00fczen i\u00e7i bir kavrama d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi gibi \u201ckad\u0131nlar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi\u201d de d\u00fczen i\u00e7i bir kavrama d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201ce\u015fitlik, sosyal haklara eri\u015fim, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k, kendi hayat\u0131 hakk\u0131nda s\u00f6z sahibi olma ve demokrasi\u201d talepleri \u201cs\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilir kalk\u0131nma\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7erisine g\u00fczelce yedirildi. Demokrasi bir \u201ckat\u0131l\u0131m\u201d, sosyal haklara eri\u015fim bir \u201cbireysel g\u00fc\u00e7lenme\u201d meselesine indirgendi. Neoliberalizm, feminizmin de deste\u011fiyle vitrinini toplumsal cinsiyet e\u015fitli\u011fi kavram\u0131yla s\u00fcslerken, g\u00fcndelik hayat\u0131n i\u00e7inde kad\u0131n eme\u011fine k\u00f6le olmaktan ba\u015fka se\u00e7enek sunulmuyordu.[7]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 \u00e7e\u015fitli kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin sermaye ve onlar\u0131n ulus\u00f6tesi kurulu\u015flar\u0131yla daha \u00e7ok i\u015fbirli\u011fi geli\u015ftirdi\u011fi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 oldu. Bu i\u015fbirli\u011fi, neoliberalizmin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 derin sefalet kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201cpratik ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131\u201d giderecek \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7lendirme\u201d politikalar\u0131n\u0131n \u201c\u00e7ok acil ve ertelenemez\u201d oldu\u011fu me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Yoksul kad\u0131nlar\u0131n devrime de\u011fil acil \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmler gerektiren somut politikalara ihtiyac\u0131 oldu\u011fu sav\u0131yla y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen m\u00fccadele, kapitalizmi yap\u0131sal bir ele\u015ftiriden muaf tuttu. Dikkatleri kapitalist b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ili\u015fkileri yerine \u201cbireylerin g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmesi\u201dne y\u00f6nelten bu feminist arg\u00fcman toplumsal ili\u015fkilerin analizinde s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir tart\u0131\u015fma ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme modeli ortaya koydu kad\u0131n hareketinin \u00f6n\u00fcne. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fini bir sistem sorunu olarak g\u00f6rmekten ziyade bir \u201cf\u0131rsat e\u015fitli\u011fi\u201d sorununa indirgeyen bu feminist yakla\u015f\u0131m bir yandan piyasalar\u0131 temize \u00e7\u0131karmaya yararken di\u011fer yandan da eme\u011fi g\u00fcvencesizle\u015ftirme giri\u015fimlerinin de asli ilkelerinden birini olu\u015fturdu.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015fte tam da feminizmin bu kuramsal i\u00e7eri\u011fi kad\u0131n eme\u011fini piyasaya seferber eden neoliberal politikalar\u0131n \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde feminist arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n deste\u011fi e\u015fli\u011finde me\u015frula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131l\u0131yor olmas\u0131 sonucunu do\u011furdu. Bu ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lma tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 Fraser\u2019\u0131n ya da Eisenstein\u2019\u0131n ifade etti\u011fi gibi bir \u201ctalihsizlik\u201d ya da \u201cfeminizmin bir kanad\u0131n\u0131n sorumlulu\u011fu\u201d olarak ele almak do\u011fru olmaz. Ne somut ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir sonucu olan toplumsal sorunlar \u201columsall\u0131kla\u201d a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir, ne de feminizmin bu sorunlar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u00f6znel konumlan\u0131\u015f\u0131na bir \u201ckazailik\u201d atfedilebilir. Bu tart\u0131\u015fma, feminist hareketin bir \u201ctaktik\u201d sorunundan ziyade feminist kurama i\u00e7kin olan ideolojik bir tart\u0131\u015fmad\u0131r[8]<\/a>.<\/p>\n

Bu ideolojik tart\u0131\u015fmaya ek olarak \u015fu da ifade edilmeli: 2017 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde, neoliberal d\u00f6nemin kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131 \u201ckimlik\u201d kavram\u0131, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva ve orta tabakalar\u0131 ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu s\u0131n\u0131flara ait kad\u0131nlar\u0131 2008 krizinin tahrip edici sonu\u00e7lar\u0131ndan muaf tutmaya yetmedi. Bug\u00fcn \u201cy\u00fczde 99 i\u00e7in feminizm\u201d slogan\u0131yla \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 yapan ve bu \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131dan heyecan duyan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f konumlar\u0131nda da i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fme y\u00f6n\u00fcnde bir de\u011fi\u015fim g\u00f6zlemlemek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn. Ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131 giderek proleterlerinkine yak\u0131nla\u015fan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva kad\u0131nlar\u0131n proletaryay\u0131 \u201chat\u0131rlamas\u0131\u201d ne tarihin bir cilvesi ne de bir tesad\u00fcf olarak okunabilir. Bu ayn\u0131 zamanda her t\u00fcrden feminizmin kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki ideolojik kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n da s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret eder.<\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak bug\u00fcn geldi\u011fimiz noktada, bu ideolojik kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyaset yapma bi\u00e7imi ve takti\u011finin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015fan, \u00f6zele\u015ftirel bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 olarak sermaye taraf\u0131ndan ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 \u201chatas\u0131n\u0131\u201d d\u00fczeltme zeminini s\u0131n\u0131f siyasetinde arayan feminizm bug\u00fcn \u201cneden s\u0131n\u0131f sorununda bir tutum belirlemek ve saf tutmak zorundayd\u0131k, zorunday\u0131z?\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 yap\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

\u015eimdiki tart\u0131\u015fma kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011finin ekonomi politi\u011fine geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f olarak ifade edilebilir. Ve evet, s\u0131n\u0131f ekseni kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fini tarihsel bir ba\u011flama yerle\u015ftirebilmek, yani kad\u0131nlar olarak \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engelleri ve ona kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi hi\u00e7bir kullan\u0131\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa yer vermeden g\u00f6rebilmek i\u00e7in gerekli olan tek zemindir.<\/p>\n

Bu tart\u0131\u015fma, s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 yads\u0131yan feminist d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnme ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bi\u00e7iminin ge\u00e7mi\u015f 30 y\u0131lda kapitalizmin kriz u\u011fraklar\u0131nda nas\u0131l kurtar\u0131c\u0131 bir rol oynad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sergilerken, bir yandan da feminizme ili\u015fkin derinlikli bir ideolojik tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 da beraberinde getiriyor.<\/p>\n

Bir nevi \u00f6zele\u015ftiri s\u00fcrecinden ge\u00e7en feminizmin d\u00fcnyada y\u00fckselen kad\u0131n hareketine \u201cyeni bir t\u00fcr feminizm\u201d ile y\u00f6n verme ve ajanda olu\u015fturma \u00e7abas\u0131, bu ideolojik tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ele\u015ftirel bir bi\u00e7imde y\u00fcr\u00fctmeyi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da aciliyetli ve \u00f6nemli k\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

YEN\u0130 G\u00d6R\u00dcN\u00dcMLER, ESK\u0130 SINIRLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

Emperyalist kapitalist d\u00fcnyada muhafazak\u00e2rl\u0131k, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131, kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u0131rman\u0131\u015fta. Kapitalizmin onlarca y\u0131ld\u0131r uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 neoliberal politikalar\u0131n d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m, sefalet, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve e\u015fitsizli\u011fi onu harekete ge\u00e7irecek, isyan ettirecek kadar yak\u0131c\u0131 hisseden \u00e7ok daha kalabal\u0131k kad\u0131n y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 var bug\u00fcn. Ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeler de buna i\u015faret ediyor.<\/p>\n

Bu eylemlerin kitleselli\u011finin, geni\u015f yank\u0131 bulmas\u0131n\u0131n nas\u0131l m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funa ili\u015fkin pek \u00e7ok \u015fey s\u00f6ylenebilir elbette. Ancak en rahat s\u00f6ylenecek \u015fey; bu hareketlili\u011fin nedeninin feminizmin \u201cetkili s\u00f6ylem g\u00fcc\u00fc ve kad\u0131n bilincini devrimci bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcme u\u011fratmas\u0131\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Bu hareketlili\u011fin nedenlerine ili\u015fkin b\u00f6yle bir analiz yapmak, tarihi bir yan\u0131lg\u0131 olur. Y\u00fckselen ve emek\u00e7i karakteri daha bask\u0131n bir bi\u00e7imde a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kan kad\u0131n hareketi, g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc kapitalizmin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 e\u015fitsizli\u011fin, adaletsizli\u011fin, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn, \u015fiddetin a\u011f\u0131r sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na art\u0131k daha fazla katlanmak istemeyen geni\u015f kad\u0131n kitlelerinin ba\u015fka bir ya\u015fam hayali ve talebinden al\u0131yor. Bug\u00fcn farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerden yap\u0131lan \u00e7e\u015fitli grev ve eylemlilik \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n bu kadar geni\u015f kad\u0131n kesimleri i\u00e7erisinde kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k buluyor olmas\u0131n\u0131n arka plan\u0131nda \u201cetkili feminist \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u201d de\u011fil, bu somut olgu var.<\/p>\n

Kollontay, Toplumsal Geli\u015fmede Kad\u0131n\u0131n Konumu kitab\u0131nda, feminizmin \u201ctarihi yan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n\u201d ideolojik k\u00f6kenli oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylerken ne demek istedi\u011fimizi ortaya koyan \u00f6rnekler verir:<\/p>\n

\u201cBurjuva kad\u0131n haklan savunucular\u0131, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n e\u015fit haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelelerinin ve insan onuruna sahip olma hakk\u0131 do\u011frultusundaki b\u00fcy\u00fcyen kavray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n, kad\u0131nlar\u0131 meslek ya\u015fam\u0131na girmeye itti\u011fini kan\u0131tlamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken muazzam bir hata i\u015flemektedirler. Tarih, bunun tam tersini kan\u0131tl\u0131yor… Esas olarak \u2018kad\u0131nlar\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn resmi g\u00f6revlere ve mesleklere \u00f6zg\u00fcrce girebilmesi\u2019ne y\u00f6nelik b\u00fct\u00fcn bu talepler, ancak \u2018halktan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u2019, \u00fcretken kad\u0131n eme\u011finin yolunu a\u00e7malar\u0131 sonucu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kabilmi\u015ftir.\u201d[9]<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

Ondokuzuncu y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ellili y\u0131llar\u0131nda, burjuva kad\u0131nlar, e\u011fitim sekt\u00f6r\u00fcnde hak e\u015fitli\u011fi talebinin yerine daha do\u011fru olan \u2018\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma hakk\u0131\u2019n\u0131 ge\u00e7irdiler. Burjuva kad\u0131n hareketi, kad\u0131nlara ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir i\u015f geliri yolunu a\u00e7m\u0131\u015f olmakla gurur duyabilir. Ama o burada, bizzat kad\u0131n hareketinin, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00fcretimle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmesinin bir sonucu oldu\u011fu olgusunu t\u00fcm\u00fcyle unutmu\u015ftur. Bu talebin, hem de feministler taraf\u0131ndan form\u00fcle edilmeden \u00e7ok \u00f6nce, milyonlarca proleter kad\u0131n taraf\u0131ndan pratikte ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fini biliyoruz. Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 ise, de\u011fi\u015fen ekonomik ko\u015fullar\u0131n ve kapitalist sistemin kesin olarak kurumla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bir sonucuydu.\u201d [10]<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

\u015eimdiki \u201cyeni feminizm tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131\u201d da kad\u0131nlar\u0131n insanca bir ya\u015fam, e\u015fitlik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, hayatlar\u0131na ve bedenlerine ili\u015fkin kararlar\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir bi\u00e7imde alma, g\u00fcvenceli i\u015f ve gelecek taleplerinin \u201cfeminizmin geni\u015fleyen etki alan\u0131 ve s\u00f6ylemsel g\u00fcc\u00fc\u201d ile a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015farak, ideolojik k\u00f6rl\u00fckten kaynakl\u0131 bu tarihi hatay\u0131 yeniden yap\u0131yor. Hay\u0131r. Bug\u00fcn b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyada y\u00fckselen kad\u0131n hareketi, feminist hareketin y\u00f6nelim ve tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 \u00e7ok etkili oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in de\u011fil, kapitalizmin tarihsel u\u011fra\u011f\u0131 ve gelinen a\u015famada derinle\u015fen \u00e7eli\u015fkileri bunu zorunlu k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in emek\u00e7i bir karakterle \u015fekilleniyor.<\/p>\n

\u201cKariyer kad\u0131nlar\u0131 feminizminden kurtulmak, onun yerine y\u00fczde 99\u2019un feminizmini, tabana ait feminizmi, i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar, aileleri ve t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyadaki destek\u00e7ileriyle dayan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7indeki antikapitalist bir feminizmi kurmak i\u00e7in\u201d<\/em> harekete ge\u00e7en feministlerin \u201cyeni feminizm\u201d \u00a0 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131yla kad\u0131n hareketine \u00e7izmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 yol haritas\u0131n\u0131, d\u00fcnya kad\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00fckselen hareketinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal karakterinin ve s\u0131n\u0131fsal ilerleyi\u015finin \u00fcst\u00fcne bir \u00f6rt\u00fc olarak sermek, \u00fcstelik bu giri\u015fimin tarihsel milad\u0131n\u0131 8 Mart olarak belirlemek ise ancak oport\u00fcnizmle a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir.<\/p>\n

Kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin karakterinin \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar, aileleri, t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyadaki destek\u00e7ileriyle dayan\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7inde antikapitalist ve enternasyonal bir m\u00fccadele<\/em>\u201d olma gereksinimi Marksist birikimin kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fi sorununu analiz eden ilk d\u00f6nem yap\u0131tlar\u0131nda bile ifade edilir.<\/p>\n

Marksist-Leninist birikimin kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin s\u0131n\u0131fsal ve enternasyonalist karakterine ili\u015fkin s\u00f6ylediklerini \u201ccinsiyet k\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d, \u201cekonomizm\u201d, \u201cindirgemecilik\u201d ve \u201cerkek egemen meta teori\u201d olarak ifadelendirerek de\u011fersizle\u015ftirilmesinin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc a\u00e7an feminizmin bug\u00fcn \u201cba\u015fa d\u00f6nmesi\u201d ise \u015fa\u015f\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7ok, kapitalizmin geldi\u011fi a\u015faman\u0131n tarihsel bir sonucudur. E\u011fer feminizm, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k politikas\u0131n\u0131 terk etmek istiyorsa, her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, kapitalizmin temel \u00e7eli\u015fkisini ve bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin ko\u015fullad\u0131\u011f\u0131 zorunlu y\u0131k\u0131l\u0131\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klayan ve devrim stratejisini geli\u015ftiren Marksizm-Leninizme y\u00f6neltti\u011fi \u201cele\u015ftiri\u201dnin ger\u00e7ek bir \u00f6zele\u015ftirisini yapmak zorundad\u0131r. Aksi halde \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d s\u00f6ylemine geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, bug\u00fcn \u00f6zele\u015ftirel bir tutum tak\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 kapitalizme eklemlili\u011finin s\u00fcreklili\u011fi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle, feminizm, do\u011fu\u015fundan bug\u00fcne geldi\u011fi haliyle \u201cfeminizm\u201d olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece, bug\u00fcn g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi eski s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na geri \u00e7ekilmeye mahkumdur.<\/p>\n

DAHA G\u00dc\u00c7L\u00dc SOSYAL\u0130ZM!<\/strong><\/p>\n

Gelinen noktada \u201cy\u00fczde 99\u2019un feminizmi\u201d olarak ifadelendirilen \u201cyeni feminizm\u201din kad\u0131n hareketinin politik \u00f6znesinin kim oldu\u011fu sorununa feminizm i\u00e7inden verece\u011fi yan\u0131tlar, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 feminizmi\u201d olma iddias\u0131n\u0131 kendi i\u00e7inde \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcten y\u00f6nler ta\u015f\u0131yacak.<\/p>\n

\u201cKad\u0131n hareketinin politik \u00f6znesi kimdir\u201d sorusuna sosyalist feminizmin en genel \u00f6nermesi, feminizmin, belirli bir egemenlik ve iktidar ili\u015fkisini (patriyarkay\u0131) hedef ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve bu nedenle herhangi bir politik hareketin program\u0131na bir alt ba\u015fl\u0131k olarak eklenemeyece\u011fi i\u00e7in ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na politik bir hareket oldu\u011fu; ve bu politik hareketin politik \u00f6znesinin de feministler oldu\u011fu \u00f6nermesidir. Yani \u201ckad\u0131n\u201d \u00f6znesi, politik \u00f6zneye yani feministe d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi beklenen bir \u201ckolektif \u00f6zne\u201d olarak ele al\u0131n\u0131r. Tam da bu noktada feminizmin hem g\u00fc\u00e7 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 hem de ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131n belas\u0131 haline gelen \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131k s\u00f6ylemi\u201d devreye giriyor.[11]<\/a> Birbiriyle \u00e7eli\u015fki i\u00e7erisinde bulunan farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f, ulus, din, k\u00fclt\u00fcr yap\u0131lar\u0131ndan gelen kad\u0131nlar, bu \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131\u201d eritmeden, \u2018ortak ezen\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi kad\u0131n olmalar\u0131ndan, kad\u0131nl\u0131klar\u0131ndan kaynaklanan bir birliktelikle nas\u0131l y\u00fcr\u00fctebilirler?<\/p>\n

\u201cYeni bir feminizm\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na esin veren ve kaynakl\u0131k eden emek\u00e7i karakterli kad\u0131n hareketi, feministlerin kad\u0131n hareketinin \u201cba\u015f \u00f6znesi\u201d oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131n\u0131n da hem do\u011fru hem de anlaml\u0131 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor. Hareketin emek\u00e7i karakteri, kendini politik olarak nas\u0131l tarif ederse etsin s\u0131n\u0131fsal g\u00fcd\u00fclerle ve taleplerle hareket eden \u201ckad\u0131n\u201d \u00f6znesinin harekete ge\u00e7mek i\u00e7in \u201cfeminist\u201d olma \u201czorunlulu\u011fu\u201d ta\u015f\u0131mad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyor.<\/p>\n

\u201cYeni feminizm\u201din kad\u0131n hareketinin \u00f6znesi sorusunun d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda cevaplamas\u0131 gereken bir ba\u015fka soru daha beliriyor: \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na dayanan feminizm\u201d i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve onun ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesinin azami program\u0131ndan, nihai hedefinden farkl\u0131 nas\u0131l bir program \u00f6neriyor?<\/p>\n

Kad\u0131n hareketi farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan, ulus ve topluluklardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, ortakla\u015fabildi\u011fi \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde ortak taleplerinden olu\u015fan asgari bir programa sahip olan, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalardan en geni\u015f kad\u0131n kitlelerini kucaklayabilmesi i\u00e7in kad\u0131nlar\u0131 birle\u015ftiren bir platforma sahip olmas\u0131 gereken bir harekettir. Ve elbette feministler de bu program\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan \u201cyeni feminizm\u201din \u015fimdi kendisini dayand\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n azami program ve nihai hedefini, en genel tabirle, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n, her t\u00fcrl\u00fc s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve bask\u0131 ili\u015fkisinin ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir toplum oldu\u011fu, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesine kopmaz ba\u011flarla ba\u011fl\u0131 olan proleter kad\u0131n hareketinin de program\u0131n\u0131n bu oldu\u011fu \u00e7ok a\u00e7\u0131k. Proleter kad\u0131n hareketi, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Onun \u00f6zel talepleri, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin geli\u015fmesine ve k\u00f6k salmas\u0131na katk\u0131da bulunur.<\/p>\n

Bu durumda \u201cyeni feminizm\u201d asgari program olarak \u201czulme kar\u015f\u0131 daha fazla feminizm\u201d diyerek, dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n program\u0131ndan kopuk ve \u00e7eli\u015fen bir program \u00f6nermesi yap\u0131yor ve daha en ba\u015f\u0131ndan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan uzakla\u015f\u0131yor. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015funu da i\u00e7eren program\u0131 sosyalizmdir.<\/p>\n

Clara Zetkin\u2019in de defalarca ifade etti\u011fi gibi;<\/p>\n

\u201cKad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in m\u00fccadelenin daha geni\u015f tarihsel ba\u011flam\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sosyalizme do\u011fru hamlesi demektir. Proleter kad\u0131n\u0131n nihai amac\u0131 erkekle serbest rekabete giri\u015fmek de\u011fil, proletaryan\u0131n siyasal egemenli\u011finin kurulmas\u0131d\u0131r. Proleter kad\u0131n kendi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan erkekle birlikte kapitalist topluma kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f verir. Ku\u015fkusuz, burjuva kad\u0131n hareketinin taleplerini de onaylar. Fakat o, bu taleplerin ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesini proleter kad\u0131n hareketini kendi s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n saflar\u0131nda ayn\u0131 te\u00e7hizatla silahlanm\u0131\u015f olarak m\u00fccadeleye girmesi i\u00e7in bir ara\u00e7 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr.\u201d[12]<\/a> <\/em><\/p>\n

Yani y\u00fckselen kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin emek\u00e7i karakteri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde hareketin yol haritas\u0131 \u201cZulme kar\u015f\u0131 daha fazla feminizm\u201d<\/em> olarak de\u011fil, ancak \u201czulme kar\u015f\u0131 daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesi\u201d<\/em> olarak ilan edilebilir.<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201cyeni feminizmin\u201d y\u00fckselen kad\u0131n hareketinin emek\u00e7i karakterini t\u00fcmden kendine mal etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan ve kad\u0131n hareketini farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n onlar\u0131 birle\u015ftiren bir program etraf\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir m\u00fccadele olarak de\u011fil topyek\u00fbn feminist bir m\u00fccadele olarak massetmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan tutumu, daha \u015fimdiden, yeni bir tarihsel u\u011frakta yine kapitalizm taraf\u0131ndan ara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7acak bir tutumdur.<\/p>\n

Cinsiyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve ezilme sorununu s\u0131n\u0131f s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc ba\u011flam\u0131 i\u00e7ine yerle\u015ftiren, homofobik, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131, cinsiyet\u00e7i bask\u0131lar\u0131 hi\u00e7bir bi\u00e7imde \u201c\u00f6znel deneyimler\u201d olarak ele almayan, her t\u00fcrden ezilme bi\u00e7imini ve buna kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi tekelci kapitalizmle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki a\u00e7\u0131k m\u00fccadelenin ayr\u0131lmaz bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline getiren Marksist birikim, kad\u0131n hareketinin farkl\u0131 bile\u015fenlerini s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ittifak g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Yani kad\u0131n hareketi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin do\u011fal ittifak g\u00fcc\u00fcd\u00fcr. Kad\u0131n hareketi, gerek \u00fczerinde (nesnel ko\u015fullar nedeniyle) olu\u015ftu\u011fu platform, gerekse saflar\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile m\u00fcttefiki oldu\u011fu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin y\u00f6r\u00fcngesinde seyreden bir harekettir. Ve bu, sadece i\u015f\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n de\u011fil, kad\u0131n cinsinin \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131nad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Elbette hareketin \u00f6nemli bir bile\u015feni olan feminist hareketin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n azami program\u0131na yakla\u015fma \u00e7abas\u0131 ve niyeti hem kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu hem de i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir geli\u015fmedir. Ancak feminizmin \u015fu ya da bu e\u011filiminin kendini kad\u0131n hareketinin \u201cba\u015f \u00f6znesi\u201d ve yol g\u00f6stericisi olarak ifadelendirmesinin ne kad\u0131n hareketine ne de kendini \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 feminizmi\u201d olarak ifade etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan harekete yarar\u0131 olmaz. Zaten, feminizm i\u00e7indeki \u00f6zele\u015ftirel tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 do\u011furan tarihsel s\u00fcrece bakt\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131zda da b\u00f6ylesi bir iddia ve \u00e7aban\u0131n zararlar\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

ULUSLARARASI B\u0130R PLATFORMA DO\u011eRU…<\/strong><\/p>\n

Uluslararas\u0131 Marksist Leninist Parti ve \u00d6rg\u00fctler Konferans\u0131\u2019n\u0131n (CIPOML) 2014 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201ckad\u0131n\u0131n ezilmi\u015fli\u011fi sorunu\u201d \u00fczerine konferans metni, kad\u0131n hareketinin emek\u00e7i karakterinin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesinin yarataca\u011f\u0131 etki g\u00fcc\u00fc ve tart\u0131\u015fmalara ili\u015fkin perspektifini ortaya koyarken i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci partilerinin g\u00f6revine ve sorumlulu\u011funa ili\u015fkin \u00f6nemli bir noktan\u0131n alt\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7iziyordu:<\/p>\n

\u201cKad\u0131n hareketini b\u00f6len bir rol oynamaks\u0131z\u0131n ba\u015fta i\u015f\u00e7iler olmak \u00fczere emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlara dayanan ve m\u00fccadelesini hak e\u015fitli\u011finin sa\u011flanmas\u0131 ve di\u011fer acil taleplerle s\u0131n\u0131rlamayan, kad\u0131n\u0131n tam ve kesin kurtulu\u015fu i\u00e7in, s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z toplumun kurulu\u015fu i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele eden kom\u00fcnist bir hareketi ulusal ve uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte geli\u015ftirmek i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci partilerinin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki g\u00f6revlerden biridir.<\/em><\/p>\n

Farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f ve tabakalardan en geni\u015f kad\u0131n kitlelerini kucaklayabilmesi i\u00e7in, kad\u0131n hareketinin, onlar\u0131 birle\u015ftiren bir platforma sahip olmas\u0131 gerekir. Bu platform, ba\u015fta hak e\u015fitli\u011fi olmak \u00fczere demokratik haklar ve kad\u0131nlar\u0131n di\u011fer acil politik, ekonomik, sosyal talepleri \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselmelidir. En geni\u015f kad\u0131n kitlelerini birle\u015ftirebilecek bir \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme de ancak b\u00f6yle bir platform etraf\u0131nda in\u015fa edilebilir.\u201d[13]<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

Bug\u00fcn t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hak ve talepleri i\u00e7in s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fckleri m\u00fccadele ile \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme \u00e7abalar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcyor ve yay\u0131l\u0131yor. Dahas\u0131 bu m\u00fccadelenin i\u00e7erisinde i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 ve etki g\u00fcc\u00fc de art\u0131yor. Bu durum, cinsler aras\u0131nda hak e\u015fitli\u011fi ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n demokratik hak ve talepleri i\u00e7in y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc m\u00fccadelenin genel i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesiyle birle\u015fme, ondan g\u00fc\u00e7 alma ve ona g\u00fc\u00e7 katma zeminini de geni\u015fletiyor. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesine ba\u011fl\u0131 olan, ancak \u00f6zel talepleri ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleriyle i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin geli\u015fmesine ve k\u00f6k salmas\u0131nda vazge\u00e7ilmez bir rol\u00fc olan proleter kad\u0131n hareketinin bu y\u00fckselen dalga i\u00e7indeki konumunu tart\u0131\u015fmak ve g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc artt\u0131rmak i\u00e7in yapaca\u011f\u0131 hamleleri belirlemek acil bir konu olarak kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131zda duruyor.<\/p>\n

\u201cSermayenin ve \u00fcretimin merkezile\u015fmesi s\u00fcrecinin ilerlemesi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak kad\u0131n hareketinin \u00f6zellikle de kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin uluslararas\u0131 bir hareket olarak geli\u015fmesinin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftiriyor ve artan bir zorunluluk haline getiriyor. Kad\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctleri ve \u00e7evreleri aras\u0131nda da uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkiler ve ortak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma e\u011filimleri geli\u015fiyor. Konferans\u0131m\u0131z ve \u00fcyesi parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctler, kad\u0131n hareketinin uluslararas\u0131 d\u00fczeyde de do\u011fru bir y\u00f6netim ve platform etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fik bir hareket olarak geli\u015fmesi i\u00e7in giri\u015fimlerini ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131 yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rmal\u0131d\u0131rlar.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n

Sonu\u00e7 olarak, emek\u00e7i karakteri g\u00fc\u00e7lenen kad\u0131n hareketinin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma e\u011filimini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirme, bunun zeminini ve olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011ferlendirme g\u00f6revi giderek daha da acil hale geliyor. Feminist hareketin y\u00f6nelimlerini tart\u0131\u015fmak kadar, hatta daha fazla ihtiyac\u0131m\u0131z olan \u015fey, yukar\u0131daki al\u0131nt\u0131da CIPOML\u2019nin \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fc bir bi\u00e7imde koydu\u011fu belirlemenin hakk\u0131n\u0131 vermek i\u00e7in neler yapmak gerekti\u011fini tart\u0131\u015fmaya devam etmektir.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> \u00c7a\u011fr\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrk\u00e7esini \u015fu linkten okuyabilirsiniz http:\/\/www.migrantinnen.net\/abd-kadin\/<\/a><\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> 3 \u015eubat\u2019ta\u00a0Viewpoint Magazine\u2019de \u201cLean-In\u2019den \u00d6teye: %99\u2019un Feminizmi ve 8 Mart\u2019ta Militan Bir Uluslararas\u0131 Grev \u0130\u00e7in\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla yay\u0131nlanan\u00a0\u00e7a\u011fr\u0131, Facebook\u2019un sahibi Mark Zuckerberg\u2019den sonra en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ismi Sheryl Sandberg\u2019in 2013 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131, Lean In\u00a0yani S\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 Zorla isimli kitaba ele\u015ftirel bir at\u0131f i\u00e7eriyor. Sandberg, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u015f hayat\u0131nda \u201ccam tavanlar\u0131\u201d k\u0131rarak, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcven eksikli\u011fi, beklentileri ve hedefleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck tutma t\u00fcr\u00fcnden i\u00e7sel engelleri a\u015fmak i\u00e7in \u00e7aba harcayarak liderli\u011fe oynamalar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zeten, ekonomik ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 beyaz kad\u0131nlar\u0131n feminizmi<\/em>\u00a0<\/em>olarak ifadelendirilen bir t\u00fcr feminizmi savunuyor.<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> Keenga- Yamahtta Taylor\u2019un r\u00f6portaj\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrk\u00e7esini \u015fu linkten okuyabilirsiniz http:\/\/sendika15.org\/2017\/03\/8-mart-grev-cagrisi-uzerine-keenga-yamahtta-taylor\/<\/p>\n

[4]<\/em><\/a> Nancy Fraser, \u201cFeminizm, Kapitalizm ve Tarihin Oyunu\u201d, K\u00fclt\u00fcr ve Siyasette Feminist Yakla\u015f\u0131mlar, Ekim 2009, say\u0131 9. <\/em><\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Simten Co\u015far ve \u0130nci Kerestecio\u011flu da Fraser ve Eisenstein\u2019\u0131n arg\u00fcmanlar\u0131n\u0131 ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7 noktas\u0131 olarak ald\u0131klar\u0131 makalelerinde, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de son 30 y\u0131lda feminizmin neoliberalizmle kurdu\u011fu ili\u015fkinin bir d\u00f6k\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc yap\u0131p, bu 30 y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7te feminizm neoliberal ortam\u0131 \u00f6nce kendi lehine \u00e7evirdi\u011fini, sonra ona eklemlendi\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyorlar. De\u011ferlendirmeleri feminizmin bir kazan\u0131m say\u0131lan toplumsal cinsiyetin anaak\u0131mla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ama\u00e7lanmayan bir sonucu olarak neoliberalizm taraf\u0131ndan emilme ve marjinalle\u015ftirilmesi sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ifade ediyorlar. Simten Co\u015far ve \u0130nci \u00d6zkan-Kerestecio\u011flu.\u201cFeminizmin Neoliberalizmle \u0130mtihan\u0131,\u201d Do\u011fu Bat\u0131, say\u0131<\/em> 64, 2013, sf. 21-36.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Hester Eisenstein, \u201cFeminizm ve Neoliberal K\u00fcreselle\u015fme Aras\u0131nda Gizli ve Tehlikeli Bir \u0130li\u015fki mi Mevcut?\u201d 21. Y\u00fczy\u0131l Feminizmine Do\u011fru: Neoliberalizmin \u00d6tesinde Bir Kad\u0131n Hareketi \u0130\u00e7in Tart\u0131\u015fmalar kitab\u0131 i\u00e7inde, edit\u00f6r, Aynur \u00d6zu\u011furlu, Notabene Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2013, sf. 29-67.<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Bu tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n daha kapsaml\u0131 bir tarihi d\u00f6k\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in \u015fu makaleye bak\u0131labilir: Sevda Karaca, Kapitalizmin \u2018Anneli\u011fi\u2019, \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck D\u00fcnyas\u0131, say\u0131 250, \u015eubat 2014<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Esasen s\u0131n\u0131f k\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu ayn\u0131 \u201cara\u00e7salla\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n\u201d \u00f6rnekleri farkl\u0131 tarihsel u\u011fraklarda da kar\u015f\u0131m\u0131za \u00e7\u0131kar. \u00d6rne\u011fin; 19. y\u00fczy\u0131lda kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in koruma\/koruyucu yasalar talep eden i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131, d\u00f6nemin feminizmi taraf\u0131ndan \u201cayr\u0131mc\u0131\u201d oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131yla reddedilmi\u015fti. 80 sonras\u0131 feminizm de cinsiyet \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ataerkil s\u0131n\u0131rlamalardan \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme olarak tarif edip, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 ise ekonomik olarak kocaya ba\u011fl\u0131 olmamak i\u00e7in kendi hayat\u0131n\u0131 kazanma hakk\u0131, \u00fcreme ve bedene ili\u015fkin haklarla \u00e7izdi. Ama \u00f6rne\u011fin \u201caile \u00fccreti\u201d, gece \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ve kad\u0131n sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na zararl\u0131 i\u015flerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n d\u00fczenlenmesi gibi s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin kazan\u0131mlar\u0131 olan \u00e7e\u015fitli haklar \u201ckad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in ataerkil bir tuzak\u201d oldu\u011fu gerek\u00e7esiyle feminist tart\u0131\u015fman\u0131n oda\u011f\u0131na oturdu ve sonu\u00e7ta \u00fccretleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmek, sosyal haklar\u0131 kesintiye u\u011fratarak haklar\u0131 birer \u201cyard\u0131m\u201da d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmek isteyen sermayenin kamusal alan\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcren politikalar\u0131yla uyumlu bir bi\u00e7imde ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Johanna Brenner \u201cS\u0131n\u0131f Siyaseti ve Kad\u0131n\u201d isimli kitab\u0131nda 1980\u2019ler boyunca feminist ele\u015ftirinin oda\u011f\u0131nda yer alan bu t\u00fcrden s\u0131n\u0131fsal kazan\u0131mlara y\u00f6nelik sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n feminizmin \u201cyan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131na\u201d i\u015faret oldu\u011funu ifade ediyor. Johanna Brenner, S\u0131n\u0131f Siyaseti ve Kad\u0131n, Kalkedon Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> Aleksandra Kollontai, Toplumsal Geli\u015fmede Kad\u0131n\u0131n Konumu, \u0130nter Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2000, sf. 131-132<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> Kollontai, Toplumsal Geli\u015fmede Kad\u0131n\u0131n Konumu, sf. 148<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> Bu konuya ili\u015fkin bir ba\u015fka tart\u0131\u015fma i\u00e7in \u015fu makaleye bakabilirsiniz: Fulya Aliko\u00e7 ve Sevda Karaca, \u201cMarksizm Ve Feminizmin Daimi Ge\u00e7imsizli\u011fi: Bir Konferans\u0131n Ard\u0131ndan Feminizmi Yeniden De\u011ferlendirmek\u201d, \u00d6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck D\u00fcnyas\u0131, say\u0131 224, https:\/\/ozgurlukdunyasi.org\/arsiv\/298-sayi-224\/950-marksizm-ve-feminizmin-daimi-gecimsizligi-bir-konferansin-ardindan-feminizmi-yeniden-degerlendirmek<\/a><\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> Clara Zetkin, Se\u00e7me Yaz\u0131lar, derleyen Philip S. Foner, Nota Bene Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, 2012, sy 106<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> Uluslararas\u0131 Marksist Leninist Parti ve \u00d6rg\u00fctler Konferans\u0131\u2019n\u0131n (CIPOML) ilgili belgesine \u015fu linkten ula\u015f\u0131labilir: http:\/\/www.cipoml.net\/tr\/?p=73<\/a><\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Sevda Karaca Fulya Aliko\u00e7 2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda Polonya\u2019da kad\u0131nlar, \u00fclkede k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n tamamen yasaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren yasa tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 protesto etmek i\u00e7in greve gitti. Kad\u0131nlar, \u201cKara Pazartesi\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdikleri y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fler kapsam\u0131nda ba\u015fkent Var\u015fova dahil bir\u00e7ok \u015fehirde siyah k\u0131yafetleriyle soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u201cA\u011f\u0131t yakan\u201d kad\u0131nlar, pankartl\u0131 foto\u011fraflar\u0131n\u0131 sosyal medyadan payla\u015ft\u0131. Protestolara kat\u0131lan kad\u0131nlar, i\u015fe ve okula gitmeyi, ev i\u015fleriyle ilgilenmeyi reddetti. Greve destek i\u00e7in baz\u0131 \u015firketler […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":182,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[474,366,314,350],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-181","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-5-sayi-nisan-2017","category-toplumsal-cinsiyet","category-fulya-alikoc","category-sevda-karaca"],"yoast_head":"\nYeni Bir Kad\u0131n Hareketi, Yine Bir Feminizm<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Yeni Bir Kad\u0131n Hareketi, Yine Bir Feminizm\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Sevda Karaca Fulya Aliko\u00e7 2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda Polonya\u2019da kad\u0131nlar, \u00fclkede k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n tamamen yasaklanmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren yasa tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 protesto etmek i\u00e7in greve gitti. 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Kad\u0131nlar, \u201cKara Pazartesi\u201d ad\u0131n\u0131 verdikleri y\u00fcr\u00fcy\u00fc\u015fler kapsam\u0131nda ba\u015fkent Var\u015fova dahil bir\u00e7ok \u015fehirde siyah k\u0131yafetleriyle soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u201cA\u011f\u0131t yakan\u201d kad\u0131nlar, pankartl\u0131 foto\u011fraflar\u0131n\u0131 sosyal medyadan payla\u015ft\u0131. Protestolara kat\u0131lan kad\u0131nlar, i\u015fe ve okula gitmeyi, ev i\u015fleriyle ilgilenmeyi reddetti. Greve destek i\u00e7in baz\u0131 \u015firketler […]","og_url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/","og_site_name":"Teori ve Eylem","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/teoriveeylem\/","article_published_time":"2017-04-01T06:59:57+00:00","article_modified_time":"2023-01-18T13:43:32+00:00","og_image":[{"width":696,"height":385,"url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/04\/01_Sevda-Karaca.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@teoriveeylem","twitter_site":"@teoriveeylem","twitter_misc":{"Yazan:":false,"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi":"36 dakika"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/"},"author":{"name":"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#\/schema\/person\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308"},"headline":"Yeni Bir Kad\u0131n Hareketi, Yine Bir Feminizm","datePublished":"2017-04-01T06:59:57+00:00","dateModified":"2023-01-18T13:43:32+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/"},"wordCount":8974,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/yeni-bir-kadin-hareketi-yine-bir-feminizm\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/04\/01_Sevda-Karaca.jpg","articleSection":["5. 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