{"id":178,"date":"2017-04-01T09:57:06","date_gmt":"2017-04-01T06:57:06","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=178"},"modified":"2023-01-18T16:44:26","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T13:44:26","slug":"demokratik-modernitede-sinif-kavrami-ve-isci-sinifi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/demokratik-modernitede-sinif-kavrami-ve-isci-sinifi\/","title":{"rendered":"Demokratik Modernite\u2019de \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d kavram\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131"},"content":{"rendered":"

Arif Ko\u015far<\/strong><\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite Dergisi\u2019nin \u201cKuramsal Marksizm\u2019in t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131<\/em>\u201d konulu say\u0131s\u0131nda, \u201ckapitalist modernitenin \u2018sol\u2019 destek\u00e7isi<\/em>\u201d, \u201cekonomik indirgemeci<\/em>\u201d, \u201cdeterminist<\/em>\u201d, \u201cdevlet\u00e7i<\/em>\u201d, \u201cpozitivist<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen Marksizm, \u00e7e\u015fitli a\u00e7\u0131lardan de\u011ferlendirme konusu yap\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\n

Teori ve Eylem\u2019in bir \u00f6nceki say\u0131s\u0131nda[1]<\/a>, Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin Marksizm\u2019e ili\u015fkin daha genel diyebilece\u011fimiz, esasen onun tarihsel materyalist y\u00f6ntemini konu edinen \u201cekonomizm<\/em>\u201d, \u201cekonomik indirgemecilik<\/em>\u201d, \u201czihin<\/em>\u201d, \u201czihniyet<\/em>\u201d ve \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel unsurlar\u0131n g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmesi gibi iddialar\u0131 ele alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131k. Marksizm\u2019e y\u00f6nelik \u201cekonomik indirgemecilik<\/em>\u201d itham\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ekle uzaktan yak\u0131ndan ilgisi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131, Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201ckaba materyalizm<\/em>\u201d ele\u015ftirisi, tarihsel \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 ve Engels\u2019in tarihsel materyalizm \u00fczerine uyar\u0131lar\u0131ndan yola \u00e7\u0131k\u0131larak vurgulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u201cEkonomik indirgemecili\u011fe<\/em>\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda kapitalist \u00fcretim ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin etkin rol\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eden, \u201cdevlet\u00e7i zihniyete<\/em>\u201d birincil rol verip iktidar ile bin y\u0131llar \u00f6ncesinden gelen \u201cdo\u011fal toplum<\/em>\u201d de\u011ferleri aras\u0131ndaki m\u00fccadeleyi merkezine alan genel konseptiyle Demokratik Modernite Dergisi; bir \u00e7ok \u201cba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d yeniden yorumlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Devlet, toplumsal hareketler, din, k\u00fclt\u00fcr, ahlak, ideoloji, pozitivizm, bilim ve tarihe ili\u015fkin tart\u0131\u015fmalar, \u201cdo\u011fal toplum\u201d ve \u201cdevlet\u00e7i uygarl\u0131k\u201d \u00e7eli\u015fkisi \u00fczerinden okunmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin politik m\u00fccadele ve ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 temelinde teorile\u015ftiren bu okuma; s\u0131k s\u0131k polemik yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Marksizm\u2019in merkezi bir kavram\u0131 olarak \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d ve \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi\u201dni de kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131na alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin bahsi ge\u00e7en say\u0131s\u0131nda Haydar Erg\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcn \u201cS\u0131n\u0131f De\u011fil Kom\u00fcnalite<\/em>\u201d, Turan Uysal ve Ramazan Besili\u2019n\u0131n \u201cSermaye Birikiminin Esas Kayna\u011f\u0131 Art\u0131 De\u011fer mi?<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 yaz\u0131lar\u0131 do\u011frudan s\u0131n\u0131flara ili\u015fkin bir tart\u0131\u015fma y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcrken; ba\u015fta Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cKapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat<\/em>\u201d makalesi ve di\u011fer yaz\u0131lar yer yer \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201dlara ili\u015fkin a\u00e7\u0131k bir tutum almakta, toplamda ise ortak bir \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131\u201d ta\u015f\u0131maktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu makalede, Demokratik Modernite dergisinin bazen a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ifade edilen bazen de bir yakla\u015f\u0131m olarak de\u011ferlendirmelere sinen s\u0131n\u0131f kavray\u0131\u015f\u0131 ele al\u0131nacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cTAV\u0130ZC\u0130\u201d YA DA \u201cAYRICALIKLI\u201d \u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin ilk yaz\u0131s\u0131 olan \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n \u201cKapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat<\/em>\u201d makalesinde; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ili\u015fkin \u00e7e\u015fitli tezler dile getirilmektedir: \u201c\u0130\u015fletme y\u00f6neticileri ve usta i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, toplumun en ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 kesimi haline geldi\u011fi<\/em>\u201d ifadesi ile sadece \u201custa i\u015f\u00e7iler<\/em>\u201d hakk\u0131nda bir de\u011ferlendirme yap\u0131l\u0131yor gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrken; birden bu t\u00fcr ayr\u0131cal\u0131klar\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i kavram\u0131n\u0131 giderek \u00f6nemsiz k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 tespitine ge\u00e7i\u015f yap\u0131l\u0131r. \u201cSermaye tekelleri[nin] \u2018\u00e7ok hisseli ortakl\u0131k\u2019 projeleriyle i\u015f\u00e7i kavram\u0131n\u0131 iyice anlams\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131r<\/em>\u201dd\u0131\u011f\u0131 ifade edilir. \u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7inin giderek toplumu sermaye tekeline ba\u011flayan kay\u0131\u015f rol\u00fcne indirgendi\u011fini g\u00f6rmek \u00f6nemlidir.<\/em>\u201d Buna g\u00f6re; \u201cklasik \u00f6zel kapitalizm<\/em>\u201d her zaman \u201ctavizci i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>\u201dye dayanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cTavizci i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>\u201d \u201ctoplum kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cekonomi olarak tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan<\/em>\u201d kapitalist \u201c\u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye eklenmi\u015ftir<\/em>\u201d, onun bir uzant\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.[2]<\/a> \u201cSanayi ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 birlikteli\u011fi (…) e\u015fitlik, \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck ve demokratikle\u015fme a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tekelci devlet kapsam\u0131ndad\u0131r. \u0130kisi birlikte anti-toplumculu\u011fa \u00e7ok daha yak\u0131n bir duru\u015f sergilerler.<\/em>\u201d[3]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00d6ncelikle olas\u0131 bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nlemek i\u00e7in \u015fu not d\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmelidir: Demokratik Modernite\u2019ye g\u00f6re \u201ctavizci i\u015f\u00e7i\u201d, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00f6rece daha iyi ko\u015fullara sahip olan \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131\u201d bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc de\u011fil; \u00fccretli i\u015f\u00e7ileri yani i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131 karakterize eden fig\u00fcrd\u00fcr.[4]<\/a> Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201ctavizci\u201d ya da \u201csermayenin uzant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d olma tespiti; sermaye ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 iktidar ili\u015fkilerinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 olarak de\u011ferlendiren genel analizin bir sonucudur. Bu b\u00f6l\u00fcmde; bu genel analizin temeli de\u011fil ama g\u00fc\u00e7 ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 unsurlardan birisi olarak \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131\u201d ve \u201ctavizci\u201d i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 alg\u0131s\u0131na de\u011finilecektir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n elde etti\u011fi haklarla \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131<\/em>\u201d bir s\u0131n\u0131f oldu\u011fu, bu nedenle kapitalist hegemonyan\u0131n bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline geldi\u011fi fikri iki tarihsel gelenekle ili\u015fkili olarak ele al\u0131nabilir:<\/p>\n

\u0130lki; daha 1930\u2019lardan ba\u015flayarak Frankfurt Okulu teorisyenlerinin k\u00fclt\u00fcr end\u00fcstrisine yapt\u0131klar\u0131 vurgu ile \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci\u201d rol\u00fcn\u00fc y\u00f6nelik itirazlar\u0131d\u0131r. Bu itirazlar; okulun \u00f6nemli isimlerinden Herbert Marcuse\u2019un, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201crefah devleti\u201d ve \u201ct\u00fcketim toplumu\u201d taraf\u0131ndan \u201ci\u00e7selle\u015ftirildi\u011fi\u201d; siyahlar, cinsel bask\u0131lara konu olanlar ve \u00f6zellikle \u00f6\u011frencilerin toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimin temel g\u00fcc\u00fc haline geldi\u011fi fikri ile mant\u0131ksal sonucuna ta\u015f\u0131nd\u0131.[5]<\/a> Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m, daha sonra; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir az\u0131nl\u0131k olarak tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 ile \u201cyeni toplumsal hareket\u201d kuramc\u0131lar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan \u201csanayi sonras\u0131 toplum\u201d teorileri i\u00e7inde yeniden dile getirildi. Kad\u0131n, gen\u00e7lik, \u00e7evre, bar\u0131\u015f, e\u015fcinsel vb. toplumsal hareketlerin y\u00fckseli\u015fi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ampirik verilere dayanmaks\u0131z\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fclmesinin bir g\u00f6stergesi kabul edildi. \u201cHizmet toplumu\u201d, \u201cbilgi toplumu\u201d ve di\u011fer postkapitalist toplum kuramlar\u0131 da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131, sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri ile s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 ve \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131\u201d bir kategori olarak de\u011ferlendirdi.<\/p>\n

\u0130kincisi; ikinci d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k kazanan, \u00f6zellikle sosyal demokrat partiler taraf\u0131ndan temsil edilen Keynesyen s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 i\u015fbirli\u011fi teorisidir. Buna g\u00f6re; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, sermaye ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 uzla\u015fma sonucu ad\u0131m ad\u0131m haklar\u0131n\u0131 kazanmakta, \u201crefah <\/em>devletinin olanaklar\u0131ndan yararlanmakta<\/em>\u201d, \u201ct\u00fcketim toplumundan pay <\/em>almaktad\u0131r<\/em>\u201d. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla eski, yoksul ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ge\u00e7mi\u015fte kalm\u0131\u015f; \u201crefah devleti\u201dnin temel bir dayana\u011f\u0131 haline gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6ncelikle; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 sanayi i\u015f\u00e7ileri ile s\u0131n\u0131rlayan sekt\u00f6rel yakla\u015f\u0131m -ki bu tipik yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n en \u00f6nemli temsilcisi Nicos Poulantzas\u2019t\u0131r[6]<\/a>– s\u0131n\u0131f tan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ger\u00e7ekli\u011fi ile \u00e7eli\u015fmektedir. Bu alg\u0131n\u0131n yerle\u015fmesinde, d\u00f6nemin Avrokom\u00fcnist partilerinin belirleyici etkisinden bahsedilebilir. Poulantzas\u2019\u0131n yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 toplumun k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck\/marjinal bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ve post-kapitalist yazarlarla \u201corta s\u0131n\u0131f toplumu\u201d imaj\u0131n\u0131 payla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirilmi\u015ftir. \u00d6rne\u011fin Erik Olin Wright, 1969\u2019da ABD\u2019de yap\u0131lan bir ara\u015ft\u0131rman\u0131n sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 Poulantzas\u2019\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tan\u0131m\u0131 uyar\u0131nca tasnif etti. Buna g\u00f6re; n\u00fcfusun y\u00fczde 20\u2019sinden daha az\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, y\u00fczde 70\u2019i kadar\u0131 da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvaziden olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. B\u00f6ylece Wright, Poulantzas\u2019\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 toplumun k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve etkisiz bir az\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131na indirgemekle ele\u015ftirdi.[7]<\/a> Bug\u00fcn de i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131m\u0131z kapitalizmi \u201corta s\u0131n\u0131f toplumu\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlayanlar; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 bu bi\u00e7imde tan\u0131mlamaktad\u0131r. Oysa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sadece sanayi sekt\u00f6r\u00fc ile s\u0131n\u0131rlayan bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n Marksizm\u2019le ilgisi yoktur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde sermaye ile girdi\u011fi s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkisi temelinde olu\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Emek\u00e7iyi, i\u015f\u00e7i haline getiren \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 ve emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc sermayeye satmak zorunda kalmas\u0131d\u0131r.[8]<\/a><\/p>\n

Yeninden \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131\u201d i\u015f\u00e7iler tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 \u00fczerinden Demokratik Modernite\u2019ye d\u00f6necek olursak; \u00d6calan makalesinde \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemektedir:<\/p>\n

\u201cKapitalizmle m\u00fccadele \u00fczerine yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131mda akl\u0131ma hep kar\u0131 koca ili\u015fkisi gelir. Kocas\u0131n\u0131n ortama g\u00f6re kar\u0131s\u0131na normal bir ya\u015fam sunmas\u0131 \u00a0 durumunda bu kad\u0131n\u0131 kocas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye \u00e7ekmek ne kadar zorsa, dolgun bir \u00fccret vermesi halinde i\u015f\u00e7iyi de efendisi kapitaliste kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye \u00e7ekmek o kadar zordur. \u00d6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmeyi bir yana b\u0131rak\u0131n, basit bir \u00fccret s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda bile kapitalist efendi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda takla atan i\u015f\u00e7i, toplumsal \u00e7okluklara kar\u015f\u0131 art\u0131k efendisinin sistemati\u011finin bir u\u015fa\u011f\u0131d\u0131r. Hele i\u015fsizler ordusu \u00e7\u0131\u011f gibi b\u00fcy\u00fcrken, konumu g\u00fcvencede olan bir i\u015f\u00e7i aynen devlet memuru kadar, belki de ondan daha fazla kendini g\u00fcvencede sayar.<\/em>\u201d[9]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201cDolgun \u00fccretli<\/em>\u201d, i\u015f g\u00fcvencesine ve geni\u015f sosyal haklara sahip \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d imgesinin, yanl\u0131\u015f bir analize dayansa da Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019da 1960\u2019lar\u0131n sonunda nesnel bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 vard\u0131, ancak bug\u00fcn de\u011fil. Yanl\u0131\u015f bir analiz, \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201crefah devleti\u201d kapitalizmi taraf\u0131ndan \u201csat\u0131n al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131\u201d iddia eden postkapitalist kuramc\u0131lar, bu haklar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r ve yo\u011fun m\u00fccadeleler sonucu kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmi\u015flerdir. Bu \u00fclkelerde sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcl\u00fck d\u00fczeyi olduk\u00e7a y\u00fcksek oldu\u011fu gibi, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak haklar\u0131n\u0131 koruma konusunda olduk\u00e7a ileri bir seviyede idi. G\u00f6receli y\u00fcksek \u00fccret, i\u015f g\u00fcvencesi, y\u0131ll\u0131k izinler, i\u015fyerinde s\u00f6z hakk\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i sa\u011fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nlemleri konusunda elde edilen haklar, m\u00fccadele ile kazan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve m\u00fccadele edilmedi\u011finde fiilen ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edildi\u011finde, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kapitalizmin \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201csat\u0131n al\u0131nan<\/em>\u201d, Demokratik Modernite\u2019de ifade edildi\u011fi bi\u00e7imiyle \u201cbasit bir \u00fccret s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131nda bile kapitalist efendi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda takla atan i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>\u201dsi olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Elbette, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, sendikal bilincin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde verdi\u011fi m\u00fccadele sonucu elde etti\u011fi kimi haklar; onun kapitalizm i\u00e7inde \u201cuzla\u015fmac\u0131\u201d bir tutumla yetinmesine neden olabilir. Ancak bu s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n nesnel varl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla de\u011fil, politik m\u00fccadelesi ve s\u0131n\u0131f bilinci ile ilgilidir. Politik s\u0131n\u0131f bilincini edinmi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131; bu haklar\u0131 kapitalizmin sundu\u011fu bir olanak de\u011fil, m\u00fccadelenin kazan\u0131m\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi; bu k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 haklar\u0131n \u00f6tesinde, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcz bir toplumu kurmak i\u00e7in kendi iktidar\u0131n\u0131 kurma gere\u011finin fark\u0131ndad\u0131r.[10]<\/a> Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda yayg\u0131nla\u015fan \u201csosyal devlet\u00e7i\u201d uzla\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011fa s\u0131k\u0131\u015fmas\u0131; \u00f6z\u00fc itibar\u0131yla \u201ctavizci\u201d olduklar\u0131n\u0131 de\u011fil; devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinde politik parti ve bununla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin \u00f6nemini g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, sendikal bir bilin\u00e7le bu haklar\u0131 bir \u201cuzla\u015fma\u201d e\u011filimine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrme ihtimali olsa da kapitalizmin genel e\u011filimi; d\u00fc\u015fen kar oranlar\u0131 ve rekabetin bask\u0131s\u0131 ile \u00fccretlerin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi ve haklar\u0131n geriletilmesidir. Bug\u00fcnse, \u201ctavizci i\u015f\u00e7i\u201d alg\u0131s\u0131na zemin haz\u0131rlayan ekonomik ve sosyal haklardan bahsetmek olduk\u00e7a zorla\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Son 40 y\u0131ld\u0131r d\u00fcnya genelinde neoliberal politikalarla reel \u00fccretler d\u00fc\u015fmekte, esnek \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma uygulamalar\u0131 yayg\u0131nla\u015fmakta, i\u015f g\u00fcvencesi kald\u0131r\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de d\u00fcnyadaki e\u011filime paralel olarak; ta\u015feronla\u015ft\u0131rma, s\u00f6zle\u015fmeli i\u015f\u00e7ilik, yak\u0131n zamanda kanunla\u015fan \u00d6zel \u0130stihdam B\u00fcrolar\u0131yla kiral\u0131k i\u015f\u00e7ilik gibi g\u00fcvencesiz istihdam bi\u00e7imleri, toplam istihdam\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturuyor. K\u0131dem tazminat\u0131n\u0131n fona devredilmesi, i\u015fe giri\u015f-\u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f maliyetlerinin azalt\u0131lmas\u0131, \u201cyat\u0131r\u0131m ortam\u0131n\u0131n iyile\u015ftirilmesi<\/em>\u201d gibi \u00f6nlem ve planlar; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n tamam\u0131n\u0131 g\u00fcvencesizlik girdab\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fckl\u00fcyor.<\/p>\n

Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201cg\u00fcvenceli\u201d, \u201cdolgun \u00fccretli<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131\u201d bir kesim oldu\u011fu fikri, 1970\u2019lerde hatal\u0131 analize dayanan zeminini dahi kaybetmi\u015ftir. Bug\u00fcn k\u00f6y\u00fcn kapitalistle\u015fmesi, k\u00f6yden kente g\u00f6\u00e7 ve proleterle\u015fme s\u00fcre\u00e7leri ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 geni\u015flemekte, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131 k\u00f6t\u00fcle\u015fmekte, \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131k\u201d say\u0131lan haklar\u0131n\u0131 yitirmektedir. O nedenle, \u201cdolgun \u00fccret<\/em>\u201d alan, elde etti\u011fi ayr\u0131cal\u0131klarla patronu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u201ctakla atan<\/em>\u201d bir i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan bahsetmek, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, \u00f6zellikle de son 40 y\u0131lda, savunan\u0131 ve kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan\u0131 ile herkesin \u00fczerinde mutab\u0131k kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 neoliberal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm ve bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn istihdam ili\u015fkileri \u00fczerindeki etkisini dikkate almamak anlam\u0131na gelir. Bu, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimin en temel ger\u00e7eklerinin yok say\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131; \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131\u201d de\u011fil, yoksullu\u011fun, i\u015fsizli\u011fin, e\u015fitsizli\u011fin, i\u015f cinayetlerinin, hak gasplar\u0131n\u0131n, bask\u0131 ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn bizzat muhatab\u0131d\u0131r. Tam da bu nedenle, i\u015fyerlerinde irili ufakl\u0131 sendikala\u015fma ve hak alma m\u00fccadeleleri eksik olmamakta; s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi g\u00f6r\u00fcnen ve g\u00f6r\u00fcnmeyen bi\u00e7imleriyle devam etmektedir.<\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite\u2019de dile getirilen bir ba\u015fka sorunlu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f de, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, hatta genel olarak s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman kesin \u00e7izilemeyen ve her g\u00fcn ge\u00e7i\u015fler ya\u015fayabilen<\/em>\u201d[11]<\/a> toplumsal kategoriler oldu\u011fu, bu nedenle de birbirinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n zor oldu\u011fu, giderek birbirine kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikridir. Hatta, \u201cGeli\u015fmi\u015f end\u00fcstri katmanlar\u0131, tekelci ticari ve finansal kesimler, yani sermaye tekelleri \u2018\u00e7ok hisseli ortakl\u0131k\u2019 projeleriyle i\u015f\u00e7i kavram\u0131n\u0131 iyice anlams\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[12]<\/a><\/p>\n

Yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 \u00fclke ve b\u00f6lgelerde de bu t\u00fcr hisse da\u011f\u0131t\u0131mlar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u015firketin sahipleri oldu\u011fu anlam\u0131na gelmeyen, karar hakk\u0131 olmayan, genellikle hak gasplar\u0131 ve tavizlerle g\u00fcndeme gelen uygulamalard\u0131r. ABD\u2019de 2010 y\u0131l\u0131nda, 10 milyon \u00e7al\u0131\u015fana sahip 11 bin 500 i\u015fletmede (2006 y\u0131l\u0131nda ABD\u2019deki i\u015fletme say\u0131s\u0131 26 milyondu) Personel Hisse Senedi Sahipli\u011fi Plan\u0131 uygulan\u0131yordu. Bu t\u00fcr planlardaki hisse senetleri, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u015firketi kontrol edebilmesini imkans\u0131z k\u0131lan oy s\u0131n\u0131rlamalar\u0131na sahiptir. Bu planlar, i\u015f\u00e7ilere ya bir emeklilik program\u0131 \u015feklinde ya da \u00fccretlerinin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131nda dayat\u0131lan d\u00fczenlemelerdir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, United Airlines \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131, \u015firket 1994\u2019te zora d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, bu t\u00fcr bir Personel Hisse Senedi Sahipli\u011fi Plan\u0131 dayatmas\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131. Temmuz 1998\u2019de, bu program kapsam\u0131ndaki 19 bin rezervasyon eleman\u0131, kap\u0131 g\u00f6revlisi ve bilet sat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131, \u201csahip olduklar\u0131\u201d hisselere pek de ald\u0131rmadan bir i\u015f\u00e7i gibi davranmaya devam etti ve Uluslararas\u0131 Teknisyenler Birli\u011fi sendikas\u0131na kat\u0131lma karar\u0131 ald\u0131. \u015eirket 2002\u2019de iflas etti\u011finde, Hisse Senedi Sahipli\u011fi uygulamas\u0131 do\u011fal olarak sona erdi ve i\u015f\u00e7iler yeniden yap\u0131lanmada bu uygulamadan hi\u00e7bir \u015fey kazanamad\u0131.[13]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u00c7e\u015fitli mekanizmalar ve g\u00f6stergeler \u00fczerinden s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 ayr\u0131m\u0131n silikle\u015fti\u011fi iddias\u0131; sadece 1990\u2019lar\u0131n postmodernizminin de\u011fil \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131 Amerikan sosyolojisi, liberal t\u00fcketim toplumu ideolojisi ve g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz egemen sosyal bilim anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n temel yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131d\u0131r. \u00d6zellikle \u201ct\u00fcketim\u201d \u00e7\u0131lg\u0131nl\u0131\u011f\u0131, marka tutkusu, ortak \u201ctarz\u201d ve \u201cmoda\u201dlara bakarak farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan gelen insanlar\u0131n \u201ct\u00fcketim\u201dcilikte birle\u015fti\u011fi ya da egemen k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn ortak etkisi alt\u0131nda bulunduklar\u0131; b\u00f6ylece s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n \u201canlams\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131; s\u0131n\u0131fsal e\u015fitsizliklerin gizlenmesi i\u00e7in kullan\u0131lan ideolojik bir tezdir.<\/p>\n

\u201cAnlams\u0131zla\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131 bir yana s\u0131n\u0131flar, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimleri anlamada temeldir. K\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck m\u00fclk sahiplerinin ellerindeki \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 giderek kaybetti\u011fi, \u00fccretli olarak \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak zorunda kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 devasa bir proleterle\u015fme dalgas\u0131 ya\u015fanmaktad\u0131r. Telefon modelleri benziyor ya da benzer kot pantolonlar[14]<\/a> giyiyorlar diye emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satan ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen milyonlarca insan ile, bu milyonlar\u0131n \u00fcrettiklerine el koyan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck tekelci bir az\u0131nl\u0131k aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131n silindi\u011fi ya da azald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tasavvuru; ger\u00e7ekli\u011fin olduk\u00e7a \u00e7arp\u0131t\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir hali olabilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130ngiliz Yard\u0131m Kurulu\u015fu Oxfam\u2019\u0131n 2015 y\u0131l\u0131 raporuna g\u00f6re; 62 \u201cs\u00fcper zengin\u201din toplam serveti, d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun yar\u0131s\u0131ndan yani 3 milyar insan\u0131nkinden daha fazla. Bir y\u0131l \u00f6nce, d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun en fakir olan yar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n serveti, 80 \u201cs\u00fcper zenginin\u201d servetine denk geliyordu. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n en yoksul y\u00fczde 50\u2019sinin n\u00fcfusu 2010 ile 2015 y\u0131llar\u0131 aras\u0131nda 400 milyon artmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen serveti y\u00fczde 41 (1 trilyon dolar) oran\u0131nda azald\u0131. Oxfam, 2016 y\u0131l\u0131nda d\u00fcnyan\u0131n y\u00fczde 1\u2019lik n\u00fcfusuna denk gelen 70 milyon ki\u015finin d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan y\u00fczde 99\u2019undan (Yakla\u015f\u0131k 7 milyar insan) daha fazla servete sahip olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klad\u0131.[15]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu s\u0131n\u0131fsal u\u00e7urum ko\u015fullar\u0131nda; i\u015f\u00e7ilerin, kolayca zengin olup kapitalist s\u0131n\u0131f saflar\u0131na, \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n ifade etti\u011fi gibi \u201cher g\u00fcn ge\u00e7i\u015fler<\/em>\u201d yapmas\u0131, bu a\u00e7\u0131dan da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile burjuvazi aras\u0131nda \u201cs\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n hi\u00e7bir zaman kesin\u201d <\/em>olarak \u201c\u00e7izilememesi<\/em>\u201d gibi bir durum s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. Elbette s\u0131n\u0131flar, i\u00e7indeki \u00fcyelerinin bulundu\u011fu kapal\u0131 kutular de\u011fildir. Ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131ndan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck de olsa kapitalist olmaya ge\u00e7i\u015f; s\u0131n\u0131f ayr\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00e7izgisini silikle\u015ftirmek bir yana, \u00e7ok istisnai boyutlardad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Di\u011fer yandan s\u0131n\u0131f atlamaya dair bu \u201cAmerikan r\u00fcyas\u0131\u201dn\u0131n ciddi bir tart\u0131\u015fmada ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin temelinde; s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileri de\u011fil, k\u00fclt\u00fcr ya da bilin\u00e7 temelinde tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 gibi bir y\u00f6ntem sorunu da vard\u0131r: \u201cS\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman kesin \u00e7izilemeyen ve her g\u00fcn ge\u00e7i\u015fler ya\u015fayabilen s\u0131n\u0131flarda as\u0131l olan ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 bilin\u00e7 durumudur, i\u00e7inde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 k\u00fclt\u00fcrd\u00fcr. Kendi uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tan\u0131mayan ve olu\u015fturamayan s\u0131n\u0131f zaten yokluk durumundad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[16]<\/a><\/p>\n

Buna g\u00f6re; e\u011fer bir i\u015f\u00e7inin bilinci, i\u015f\u00e7i olman\u0131n gerektirdi\u011fi gibi s\u0131n\u0131fsal bir m\u00fccadele konumu almas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flam\u0131yorsa; \u00f6yleyse i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201cs\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 hi\u00e7bir zaman kesin<\/em>\u201d olarak \u201c\u00e7izilemez<\/em>\u201d; \u201czaten yokluk durumundad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d S\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n analizinde, as\u0131l olan \u201cbilin\u00e7 durumu\u201d ise d\u00fcnyadaki mevcut s\u0131n\u0131fsal \u00e7eli\u015fki ve u\u00e7urumlar\u0131n, s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin zay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na at\u0131fla kolayca g\u00f6z ard\u0131 edilmesi; hatta onun \u201czaten yokluk durumunda<\/em>\u201d kabul edilmesi de makuld\u00fcr. Ancak, s\u0131n\u0131flar, bilin\u00e7 durumuna indirgenemeyecek bir toplumsal ger\u00e7ekliktir. Bilin\u00e7 sorunu; ideoloji, ideolojik hegemonya, meta feti\u015fizmi, kapitalist k\u00fclt\u00fcrel ili\u015fkiler, burjuva aile kurumu, e\u011fitim vb. bir\u00e7ok konu ile birlikte de\u011ferlendirilmelidir. Buna ra\u011fmen \u015fu kadar\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir ki; s\u0131n\u0131fsal ili\u015fkilerin otomatik\/determinist bir bi\u00e7imde bilinci belirlemiyor olu\u015fundan yola \u00e7\u0131karak, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve etkin rol\u00fcn\u00fcn g\u00f6zard\u0131 edilmesi hakl\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131namaz.<\/p>\n

SERMAYE B\u0130R\u0130K\u0130M\u0130N\u0130N KAYNA\u011eI T\u0130CARET M\u0130?<\/strong><\/p>\n

\u00d6calan ve Demokratik Modernite dergisinin kapitalizm de\u011ferlendirmesinde, Braudel\u2019in d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceleri olduk\u00e7a etkilidir[17]<\/a>. Braudel, kapitalizmin \u201cekonomik bir ili\u015fki<\/em>\u201d, bir \u201c\u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmakta; onu anti-ekonomik, anti-toplumsal tekelci fiyat belirlemelerine dayal\u0131 bir \u201ciktidar bi\u00e7imi\u201d olarak g\u00f6rmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sermaye gibi; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 da anti-toplumsal, anti-ekonomik bir s\u0131n\u0131ft\u0131r. Arka plan\u0131na bu tespitleri alan Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131 Turan Uysal ve Ramazan Besili, \u201cSermaye Birikiminin Esas Kayna\u011f\u0131 Art\u0131 De\u011fer mi?\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 ortak makalelerinde, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile sermaye birikimi ve emek ile de\u011fi\u015fim-de\u011feri ve fiyat aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki kopart\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Makalenin temel sorunsal\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131kta da ifade edildi\u011fi gibi; sermaye birikiminin kayna\u011f\u0131. Hen\u00fcz giri\u015fte Marksizme ili\u015fkin \u015fu tespitler yap\u0131l\u0131yor:<\/p>\n

\u201cK. Marx\u2019\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesini i\u015f\u00e7i eme\u011finin s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc \u00fczerinden ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirdi\u011fini iddia etti\u011fi bu egemen kesimi [sermayeyi- a.k.] ekonominin bir bile\u015feni olarak de\u011ferlendirmesi bir ironi olsa gerektir. Art\u0131 de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc b\u00f6yle bir tan\u0131mlama \u00fczerinden \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcmlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan Marksizmin bu anlamda ciddi eksiklikler bar\u0131nd\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmek gerekir.<\/em>\u201d[18]<\/a><\/p>\n

Yazarlar, Marx\u2019\u0131n sermayeyi kapitalist ekonominin bir bile\u015feni olarak tan\u0131mlamas\u0131na \u015fa\u015f\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, bunu \u201cironik<\/em>\u201d bulmu\u015ftur. Oysa; ne Adam Smith, David Ricardo gibi ekonomi politi\u011fin kurucu isimleri, ne g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz anaak\u0131m neoliberal iktisat\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131, ne de farkl\u0131 disiplinlerdeki sosyal bilimcilerin farkl\u0131, hatta kar\u015f\u0131t g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine ra\u011fmen sermayenin, \u00fcretim s\u00fcreci ve genel olarak ekonominin bir bile\u015feni olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi bir fikirleri olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131n\u0131n, \u00f6zel olarak sermayenin kapitalist ekonominin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 oldu\u011funu belirtmek gibi totolojik bir vurguyu yapma ihtiyac\u0131 bile duymayan Marx\u2019\u0131, bu genel fikir nedeniyle \u201cironik\u201d bulmalar\u0131, bunu da bir eksiklik olarak g\u00f6rmeleri, ger\u00e7ekten ironiktir.<\/p>\n

Braudel\u2019den feyz alan ve \u00d6calan\u2019a referansla dile getirilen bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe g\u00f6re; sermaye ekonominin bile\u015feni de\u011fildir. Ekonomi; bin y\u0131llarca \u00f6ncesinde varolmu\u015f, ama s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131-devletli uygarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n egemenli\u011fiyle birlikte toplumun derinliklerine g\u00f6m\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f, sermaye gibi tahakk\u00fcmc\u00fc kesimlerin m\u00fcdahil olamayaca\u011f\u0131, tertemiz, kutsal, do\u011fal bir aland\u0131r. Ekonomiyi, kapitalizm, sermaye gibi olgularla kirletmek b\u00fcy\u00fck bir hatad\u0131r. \u201cAnti-ekonomik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmenin doru\u011fu olan kapitalizmi de bir \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imi olarak tan\u0131mlamak bizi hi\u00e7bir zaman hakikate ula\u015ft\u0131rmayacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[19]<\/a><\/p>\n

Sermaye birikiminin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bulma yolunda tarihsel s\u00fcreci ele almak isteyen yazarlar; ilkel s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumdan s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 topluma ge\u00e7i\u015fin, \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fc kalpli\u201d \u201ckurnaz adam<\/em>\u201d\u0131n \u201c\u00fcretimin t\u00fcketilmeyen b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fcne el koymas\u0131<\/em>\u201d[20]<\/a> ile ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131na inanarak analizlerine ba\u015flarlar.[21]<\/a> Buna g\u00f6re; ilk s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlarda \u201csermaye birikimi ile \u015fiddet<\/em>\u201d \u201ci\u00e7i\u00e7e<\/em>\u201ddir. Yay\u0131lmac\u0131l\u0131k \u201ctoplu k\u0131r\u0131mlarla<\/em>\u201d ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilir; \u201csava\u015f makinesi gibi hareket eden \u0130mparatorluk<\/em>\u201dlar tarihteki ilk \u201ck\u00fcresel t\u00fcccar giri\u015fimi<\/em>\u201ddir. \u201cEle ge\u00e7irilen yerler h\u0131zla kolonile\u015ftirilip haraca ba\u011flan\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d S\u0131n\u0131rlar geni\u015fledik\u00e7e b\u00f6lgeler aras\u0131 ticaret de geli\u015fir.[22]<\/a><\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131, olduk\u00e7a kabala\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bu tarihsel anlat\u0131dan, makalelerinin konusu olan sermaye birikimi tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u015fu sonucu \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131r: \u201cDevlet eliyle yap\u0131lan ticaretten sa\u011flanan kazan\u00e7 insan eme\u011finden elde edilen k\u00e2rdan kat kat daha fazlayd\u0131. Bunlar birbirleriyle mukayese bile edilemez.<\/em>\u201d[23]<\/a><\/p>\n

Ancak sermaye birikimin kayna\u011f\u0131na ili\u015fkin hala bir yan\u0131t verilmi\u015f de\u011fildir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc \u201cdevlet eliyle yap\u0131lan ticaret<\/em>\u201d servet birikiminin kayna\u011f\u0131 gibi g\u00f6z\u00fckse de, bu ticarette, herhalde, metalar\u0131n de\u011fi\u015filmesi gerekir! Kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 olarak takas edilen ya da para arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla de\u011fi\u015filen metalar olmadan \u201cdevlet eliyle yap\u0131lan bir ticaret<\/em>\u201d m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmasa gerek! \u0130\u015fte devlet eliyle yap\u0131lan ticaretin, bir meta \u00fcretimi s\u00fcrecinin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckseldi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fclmez ise ticaret de, Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131n\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi kendinden menkul bir birikimin kayna\u011f\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr. Oysa; ticareti yap\u0131lanlar, \u00f6zg\u00fcr ve \u00f6zg\u00fcr olmayan eme\u011fin \u00fcretimine dayanan metalard\u0131r. Birikim, bu emek \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc metalar\u0131n ticareti ile sa\u011flanmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Yazarlara g\u00f6re; emek de\u011fer teorisi \u201cpozitivist bilimcili\u011fin a\u011f\u0131r etkisini<\/em>\u201d ta\u015f\u0131makta, kapitalizme gere\u011finden fazla \u201c\u00f6nemli bir paye bi\u00e7mekte<\/em>\u201d, zoraki bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fc olarak \u201cbasit emek<\/em>\u201di \u00f6ne s\u00fcrmektedir. Buna g\u00f6re; emek de\u011fer teorisi ge\u00e7erli de\u011fildir. Hatta \u201c\u2018bir elman\u0131n neden iki armut de\u011ferinde oldu\u011fu\u2019 sorusuna asla kesin bir yan\u0131t verilemez.<\/em>\u201d[24]<\/a><\/p>\n

Burada, emek de\u011fer teorisine ili\u015fkin tarihsel ve temel tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131 tekrar etmekten sak\u0131n\u0131larak \u015fu kadar\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir ki; bu soruya sadece Marx de\u011fil, Marx \u00f6ncesi ekonomi-politik\u00e7iler de kesin <\/strong>bir yan\u0131t vermi\u015flerdir. Adam Smith\u2019e g\u00f6re; \u201c\u00d6rne\u011fin bir avc\u0131 toplumunda bir kunduzun \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, bir geyi\u011fi \u00f6ld\u00fcrmek i\u00e7in gereken eme\u011fin iki kat\u0131 eme\u011fe mal oluyorsa, do\u011fal olarak bir kunduz, iki geyikle m\u00fcbadele edilecek yani iki geyik de\u011ferinde olacakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[25]<\/a> Bir metan\u0131n \u00fcretilmesi, di\u011ferinin \u00fcretilmesinden daha fazla emek istiyorsa ya da daha zahmetli ise; bu metan\u0131n di\u011ferinden de\u011ferli olmas\u0131 ola\u011fand\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ticarete konu olan iki metan\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in, en az\u0131ndan ortak bir \u00f6zelli\u011finin olmas\u0131 gerekir. \u201cElma\u201d ve \u201carmut\u201d ya da \u201ckunduz\u201d ile \u201cbu\u011fday\u201d\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan ortak \u00f6zelli\u011fi, bir emek s\u00fcreci<\/strong>nin sonucu olarak \u00fcretilmi\u015f olmalar\u0131, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00fcretimleri i\u00e7in toplumsal olarak gerekli emek zaman\u0131<\/strong>d\u0131r.[26]<\/a> \u0130lk insan topluluklar\u0131ndan bug\u00fcne toplumlar, ya\u015famsal gereksinimlerini kar\u015f\u0131lamak \u00fczere zorunlu olarak \u00fcretmi\u015f; kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerine girmi\u015ftir. Ticaretten \u00f6nce \u00fcretim olmu\u015f; \u00fcretimsiz bir ticaret m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Kapitalist \u00fcretim ve dola\u015f\u0131m ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7inde meta \u00fcretimi ve bu metalar\u0131n piyasada de\u011fer kazanmas\u0131, de\u011ferin fiyata d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi, art\u0131-de\u011ferin \u00fcretilmesi, k\u00e2r, rant ve faiz olarak b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi, ortalama k\u00e2r oran\u0131 vb. ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir \u201cde\u011fer\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n bile\u015fenleri olabilirdi. Ancak; bu tart\u0131\u015fma Demokratik Modernite dergisinin tezleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan gerekli de\u011fil. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc; Uysal ve Besili, de\u011ferin nas\u0131l \u00fcretildi\u011fi sorununa girmeden, sermaye birikimi i\u00e7in \u201cg\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr\u201d bir kaynak aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Yazarlara g\u00f6re; banka sermayesi ile sanayi sermayesinin olu\u015fturdu\u011fu tekelci sistem, \u201creel ekonomiyi ikinci plana iterek, para-d\u00f6viz d\u00f6viz oyunlar\u0131ndan olu\u015fan \u2018sanal\u2019 ekonomiye y\u00f6neldi<\/em>\u201d. Ge\u00e7mi\u015fin \u201ctek art\u0131k de\u011fer yarat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 olan i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>\u201d s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, \u201ci\u015fini kaybedip i\u015fsizler ordusuna kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu<\/em>\u201d. Emek yo\u011fun sanayi, yerini \u201cileri teknolojiye dayal\u0131 sanayiye b\u0131rakt\u0131<\/em>\u201d. B\u00f6ylece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 art\u0131-de\u011ferin kayna\u011f\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Sermaye birikiminin kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131k \u201cy\u00fcksek oranda spek\u00fclasyondu<\/em>\u201d, \u201cpara-d\u00f6viz oyunlar\u0131ndan olu\u015fan \u2018sanal\u2019 ekonomi<\/em>\u201d idi.<\/strong>[27]<\/a> T\u00fcm ili\u015fkiler ticarete, de\u011fi\u015fime tahvil olmu\u015f; b\u00f6ylece emek; de\u011ferin ve birikimin kayna\u011f\u0131 olma i\u015flevini yitirmi\u015ftir<\/strong>. Bir ad\u0131m daha at\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 art\u0131-de\u011ferin \u00fcretimini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmek bir yana, patronla birlikte \u201ctemelde gasp\u00e7\u0131 konumunda<\/em>\u201dyd\u0131.[28]<\/a><\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131, kapitalist sermaye birikiminin belirleyici bir unsuru olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretti\u011fi art\u0131-de\u011fere el konulmas\u0131n\u0131; kapitalizm ve s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc analizinden tamamen \u00e7\u0131kartm\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131mla; toplumu saran, ku\u015fatan ve tahakk\u00fcm alt\u0131na alan sermayenin birikim s\u00fcrecinde \u00f6nemli bir rol oynamayan, hatta art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretmeyen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, do\u011fal olarak gerek ya\u015famda gerek de sosyal bilimlerde dikkate al\u0131nmas\u0131 gerekli de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Peki, de\u011ferin kayna\u011f\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretken faaliyeti de\u011fil de; spek\u00fclasyon ve ticaret oldu\u011fu iddias\u0131n\u0131 nas\u0131l de\u011ferlendirmeli?<\/p>\n

Spek\u00fclasyon… Yani, piyasada \u201ctekelci\u201d g\u00fc\u00e7le, manip\u00fclasyonlarla ya da piyasan\u0131n kurallar\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki \u201cak\u0131ll\u0131\u201d m\u00fcdahalelerle yap\u0131lan \u201cvurgunlarla<\/em>\u201d ger\u00e7ekten de b\u00fcy\u00fck servetler elde edilebilir ve edilmektedir. Sadece ticari arac\u0131l\u0131k faaliyetleriyle de yine b\u00fcy\u00fck servetler kazan\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. G\u00f6r\u00fcnen o ki; spek\u00fclasyon ve ticaret; sermaye birikimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan etkili ara\u00e7lard\u0131r. Ancak; bu, hala sermaye birikimi ve \u00fcretilen art\u0131-de\u011ferin kayna\u011f\u0131 konusunda bize bir \u015fey s\u00f6ylememektedir.<\/p>\n

Sorun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclmeden ortaya yerde durmaktad\u0131r: iki taraf\u0131n ticari faaliyeti sonucunda yeni bir \u201cart\u0131k\u201d yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f m\u0131d\u0131r? \u00d6rne\u011fin 50 TL\u2019lik bir elbiseyi sat\u0131c\u0131 m\u00fc\u015fterisine 70 TL\u2019ye satt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; ma\u011faza sahibi haks\u0131z bir fazla kazan\u00e7 elde etmi\u015f olur. Ancak bir de\u011fer yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmaz. Ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta sat\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n 50 TL\u2019lik elbisesi, m\u00fc\u015fterinin de 70 TL paras\u0131 varken; ticaretin sonunda; sat\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n 70 TL\u2019si ve m\u00fc\u015fterinin 50 TL\u2019lik bir elbisesi vard\u0131r. Toplam de\u011fer; ticari faaliyet sonunda de\u011fi\u015fmemi\u015ftir ve de\u011fi\u015fmez. Engels\u2019in ifadesiyle;<\/p>\n

\u201cBu art\u0131-de\u011fer, ne al\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n metalar\u0131 de\u011ferinin alt\u0131nda sat\u0131n almas\u0131ndan gelebilir, ne de sat\u0131c\u0131n\u0131n onlar\u0131 de\u011ferinin \u00fcst\u00fcnden satmas\u0131ndan. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc her iki durumda da herkes s\u0131rayla bir sat\u0131c\u0131, bir de al\u0131c\u0131 oldu\u011funa g\u00f6re, her bireyin kazan\u00e7 ve yitikleri birbirini \u00f6d\u00fcnler.<\/em>\u201d[29]<\/a><\/p>\n

Borsa, para-d\u00f6viz, tahvil ve t\u00fcrev piyasalardaki spek\u00fclatif faaliyetler de benzer bir mant\u0131kla i\u015fler. Birisinin haks\u0131z k\u00e2r\u0131, di\u011ferinin zarar\u0131d\u0131r; ancak taraflardaki toplam de\u011fer ayn\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist toplumdaki kritik ve belirleyici rol\u00fcn\u00fc g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etmek i\u00e7in; sermaye birikiminde emekten \u00e7ok ticarete a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k vermeye isteklidir. Oysa sermaye birikimi zaten ticareti varsayar. \u00dcretim s\u00fcrecine yat\u0131r\u0131lan para bi\u00e7imindeki sermaye, \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ve emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn faaliyetiyle hammaddeden yeni bir meta \u00fcreterek meta-sermayeye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Bu meta sermaye piyasada sat\u0131larak (ticaretle) yeniden, ancak bu sefer ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7taki para-sermayeden (P) daha b\u00fcy\u00fck bir para-sermayeye (P\u2019) d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr. Bu aradaki fark (P\u2019-P) ticarette de\u011fil, \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde, emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn kendi de\u011ferinden daha fazlas\u0131n\u0131 metaya eklemesi ile ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar.<\/p>\n

\u0130ki metan\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fimi olarak soyutlanabilecek ticaret ile art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretilemez. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc iki metan\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fimi sonucu elde edilen yine iki metad\u0131r. Sat\u0131c\u0131 al\u0131c\u0131y\u0131 ya da al\u0131c\u0131 sat\u0131c\u0131y\u0131 kand\u0131rm\u0131\u015f olabilir; taraflardan birinin kazanc\u0131 di\u011ferinin zarar\u0131d\u0131r; ancak toplam ayn\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Ayr\u0131ca; Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin de\u011ferlendirmesinin aksine; K\u00fcrt burjuvazisi, K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin eme\u011finin de\u011fer yaratmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 fikrinde de\u011fildir. Tersine; K\u00fcrdistan\u2019daki fabrikalarda, i\u015fyerlerinde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczere d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccret ve a\u011f\u0131r-yo\u011fun \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131 ile daha fazla art\u0131-de\u011fer elde etmek \u00fczere b\u00fcy\u00fck bir bask\u0131 s\u00f6z konusudur. Tam da bu nedenle K\u00fcrt i\u015fadamlar\u0131 ve onlar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctleri; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201cdo\u011fu\u201dsunun ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc cenneti yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren \u201c\u00c7inlile\u015ftirme\u201d plan\u0131n\u0131 co\u015fku ile kar\u015f\u0131lam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cKAP\u0130TAL\u0130ST\u0130N UZANTISI OLARAK \u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin ilk makalesinin ayr\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re, \u201ck\u00f6le ve serf nas\u0131l a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak efendi ve beyin uzant\u0131lar\u0131 durumundaysa, tavizkar i\u015f\u00e7i de her zaman patronun uzant\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[30]<\/a> Bu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n politik bilinciyle ilgili olmaktan \u00e7ok onun i\u00e7sel bir \u00f6zelli\u011fidir, her ko\u015fulda ge\u00e7erlidir. Kapitalizm devlet ve iktidarla kayna\u015fm\u0131\u015f, g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ideolojik ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullanan \u201cgeni\u015f bir \u015febekedir<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cson d\u00f6nemde tavizci i\u015f\u00e7i kesimi de bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeye eklenmi\u015ftir.<\/em>\u201d[31]<\/a> \u201cPatron-i\u015f\u00e7i ikili\u011fi toplumsal do\u011fan\u0131n temel demokratik eylemi olan ekonominin tekelci h\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r.[32]<\/a><\/p>\n

\u201c\u0130\u015f\u00e7inin patronun uzant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131 iddias\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde durmakta fayda var; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ili\u015fkin genel \u00e7izgisini yans\u0131tt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00f6ylenebilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7inin, kapitalist k\u00fclt\u00fcr end\u00fcstrisinin hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n alt\u0131ndaki durumuna umutsuzca i\u015faret eden Theodor Adorno ve Max Horkheimer\u2019dan Marcuse\u2019a kadar i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n devrimci rol\u00fcn\u00fc giderek yitirdi\u011fi fikri, sosyal bilimlerde uzunca bir s\u00fcre tart\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Bunun daha u\u00e7 bir yorumu; neoliberal hegemonyan\u0131n giderek etkili oldu\u011fu 1970\u2019lerde; \u201ci\u015f\u201d ya da \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ideolojisi\u201dnin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile sermayeyi birbirine ba\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ondan kopmas\u0131n\u0131n giderek zorla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 tezi ile ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Buna g\u00f6re; kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i, sermayenin bir uzant\u0131s\u0131 durumuna indirgenmi\u015ftir. Bu, sadece kapitalist i\u00e7in \u00fcretim yap\u0131lmas\u0131 nedeniyle de\u011fil; kapitalizmin \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma\u201d ideolojisinin t\u00fcm toplumu ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 \u201cesir\u201d almas\u0131 nedeniyledir. Andre Gorz, bu tespitlere dayanarak, toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fimin de i\u015f\u00e7i olmaktan \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f, bir bak\u0131ma \u201ci\u015fi reddetmi\u015f\u201d i\u015fsizler taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilece\u011fini varsaym\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Demokratik Modernite de bu postend\u00fcstriyel kuramlardan yo\u011fun bir bi\u00e7imde etkilenmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

\u0130talyan otonomcu gelene\u011fi ise, ba\u015fka bir g\u00fczergahtan benzer bir noktaya varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Althusserci diyalektik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 r\u00fczgar\u0131n etkisiyle; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sermaye ile diyalektik ili\u015fkisi i\u00e7erisinde tan\u0131mlanamayaca\u011f\u0131, onun sermayeden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z, \u201cotonom\u201d bir bi\u00e7imde tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fcler. B\u00f6ylece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcc\u00fc; \u00fcretiminde, \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131\u201dnda de\u011fil \u201ci\u015fin reddi\u201d temelinde \u201cotonom\u201d olarak var olabilme yetene\u011findedir. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 reddetmedi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, sermayenin \u201cdiyalektik birli\u011fi\u201d, onun bir \u201cuzant\u0131s\u0131\u201d olmaktan \u00f6teye gidemeyecektir. Bir Demokratik Modernite yazar\u0131n\u0131n ifadesiyle; \u201cproletarya\u201d <\/em>\u201cburjuvazinin ikizi<\/em>\u201ddir.<\/em>[33]<\/a><\/p>\n

B\u00f6ylece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kimli\u011fi \u00fczerinden m\u00fccadele etmek, sermayenin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunmak olarak tan\u0131mland\u0131. Otonomcu kuram\u0131n en \u00f6nemli temsilcilerinden Antonio Negri, varsayd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu \u201cdiyalektik mant\u0131\u011fa<\/em>\u201d kar\u015f\u0131 \u201calternatif<\/em>\u201d bir Grundrisse okumas\u0131 yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Marx \u00d6tesi Marx kitab\u0131nda[34]<\/a>, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, \u201csermayenin diyalektik mant\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dna kar\u015f\u0131 \u201cayr\u0131lma mant\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 savunmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini s\u00f6yledi. Yani \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d kimli\u011fi reddedilmeli, i\u015f\u00e7i olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131larak \u201ckendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma<\/em>\u201d g\u00fczergah\u0131nda yeni ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131 olu\u015fturulmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Bu diyalektik kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; kimi y\u00f6nleri Hegel\u2019den kaynakl\u0131[35]<\/a> \u201ckaderci\u201d bir diyalektik yorumun etkisi vard\u0131r. Ya da aristokrasinin tarih anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda burjuvazinin, misal Augustin Thierry\u2019nin uzla\u015fmac\u0131 \u201cdiyalektik\u201d yorumu da bunda etkilidir.[36]<\/a> Ancak Marksist diyalektik y\u00f6ntem; otonomcular\u0131n ifade etti\u011fi ve Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131n\u0131n da ba\u015fka bir yoldan benzer bir sonuca vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi \u201cdiyalektik birlik\u201dle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 de\u011fildir.<\/p>\n

Kapitalist toplum i\u00e7erisinde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile burjuvazi ger\u00e7ekten g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir bi\u00e7imde ili\u015fkisellik i\u00e7indedir. Modern bir olgu ve kavram olarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n varl\u0131k ko\u015fulu, emek\u00e7ilerin \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131ndan ayr\u0131lmas\u0131 ve sermayeye emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc satmak zorunda kalmas\u0131d\u0131r. Sermaye ile girdi\u011fi bu \u201cticari\u201d ili\u015fkinin sonucu; \u00fcretim s\u00fcrecinde emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn t\u00fcketilmesidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, s\u0131radan bir insan, sermaye ile girdi\u011fi ve emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn sat\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulu bu ili\u015fki ile i\u015f\u00e7i haline gelir, bir s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkiselli\u011fine dahil olur. Sermaye de sahip oldu\u011fu \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131, emek g\u00fcc\u00fc ile bulu\u015fturmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u00fcrece herhangi bir \u015fey \u00fcretemez. \u00dcretim arac\u0131 sahibini kapitalist yapan; onun i\u015f\u00e7i ile girdi\u011fi ili\u015fkidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile sermaye aras\u0131nda \u201cvarolu\u015fsal\u201d bir ili\u015fki vard\u0131r. Ancak bu ili\u015fki; sadece \u201cbirlik\u201d de\u011fil bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, uzla\u015fmaz kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k ve m\u00fccadele ili\u015fkisidir.<\/p>\n

Her ili\u015fki gibi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile sermaye ili\u015fkisinin diyalektik olmas\u0131, bu ili\u015fkinin tarihsel olmas\u0131n\u0131 da i\u00e7erir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile kapitalist aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin genelle\u015fmesi, ancak tarihin belirli bir d\u00f6neminde ve belirli tarihsel ko\u015fullarda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Bu ko\u015fullar\u0131n ortadan kalkmas\u0131 ile i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile sermaye aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkisellik de ortadan kalkabilecektir.<\/p>\n

Diyalekti\u011fin kabaca \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kapitalistin uzant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d haline gelmesi, yani \u201cbirlik\u201d ve \u201ckar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n so\u011frulmas\u0131\u201d olarak anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131[37]<\/a>, b\u00f6ylece onun yerine \u201ci\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fmeme<\/em>\u201dnin \u00f6nerilmesi; diyalekti\u011fin indirgemeci bir yorumudur. S\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve m\u00fccadeleyi \u00f6ng\u00f6ren kar\u015f\u0131tlar\u0131n birli\u011fi, bu birli\u011fin s\u00fcrgit devam etmesini anlam\u0131na gelmez. \u00c7eli\u015fkili birli\u011fin i\u00e7inde pozitif yan\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, negatif yan\u0131 da bu birli\u011fi \u201cdayatan\u201d burjuvazi temsil eder. Bu kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar devam edebilece\u011fi gibi, m\u00fccadelenin geli\u015fimi ile ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131labilir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, sermayenin \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011fini k\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131, kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini par\u00e7alayarak kolektif ili\u015fkileri in\u015fa etti\u011fi ko\u015fullarda zorunlu birlik de ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olur. Bu, belirli tarihsel ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f bir diyalektik birlik ve kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n a\u015f\u0131larak yeni bir sentezin, yeni bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131n do\u011fu\u015fudur. Yeni ili\u015fkisellikte art\u0131k i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ile sermaye s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. Sermaye ve onunla ili\u015fkiselli\u011fi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde varolmu\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 da ortadan kalkm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Art\u0131k \u00fcreticiler i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 de\u011fil, sermaye tahakk\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc tan\u0131mayan \u00f6zg\u00fcr \u00fcreticilerdir.<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015e\u00c7\u0130 M\u00dcCADELES\u0130 K\u00d6LEL\u0130K M\u00dcCADELES\u0130 M\u0130D\u0130R?<\/strong><\/p>\n

Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 \u201cpatronunun uzant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6ren yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n mant\u0131ksal sonucu i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesinin, \u201ck\u00f6le olarak kalma<\/em> m\u00fccadelesi<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. Buna g\u00f6re; i\u015f\u00e7iler, s\u0131n\u0131f kimli\u011fini savunmamal\u0131, tersine i\u015fi ve \u00fccretli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 reddederek, \u201cdemokratik \u00f6zerk\u201d ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131 kurmal\u0131d\u0131r:<\/p>\n

\u201cKapitalizme kar\u015f\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck isyanlar b\u00f6yle i\u015f\u00e7iler haline gelmemek i\u00e7in verilmi\u015ftir. Bu isyanlar i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fmenin de\u011fil, i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fmemenin m\u00fccadelesidir. Yanl\u0131\u015f bir tan\u0131t\u0131mla, \u2018Ya\u015fas\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesi\u2019 demek, \u2018Ya\u015fas\u0131n k\u00f6lelik\u2019 demek \u00f6zde\u015ftir. Do\u011fru olan ve ya\u015fam\u0131n da destekledi\u011fi \u015fey \u00fccretli mahkumiyete kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kmakt\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[38]<\/a><\/p>\n

Negri ve Hardt gibi otonomcular ya da T\u00fcrkiyeli okura \u00f6zellikle \u201c\u0130ktidar Olmadan D\u00fcnyay\u0131 De\u011fi\u015ftirmek\u201d isimli kitab\u0131yla ismini duyuran John Holloway; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kapitalizm i\u00e7inde bir ger\u00e7eklik oldu\u011fu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kimli\u011finde \u0131srar edilerek kapitalizmin a\u015f\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131, \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n ifade etti\u011fi gibi \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesi\u201d<\/em>nin \u201ck\u00f6lelili\u011fi<\/em>\u201d koruma m\u00fccadelesi oldu\u011funu d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnmektedir. \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n iyile\u015ftirilmesi, iktisadi, sosyal ve siyasal hak m\u00fccadelesinin kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde kald\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan hareketle, kapitalizmin kabul\u00fc anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fini varsaym\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kimli\u011fini \u201csavunma\u201dn\u0131n da, \u201cmodernist\u201d, \u201c\u00f6zc\u00fc\u201d bir yakla\u015f\u0131mla onu donukla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131, b\u00f6ylece onun i\u015f\u00e7i olarak kalmas\u0131nda \u0131srar edildi\u011fi kabul edilmektedir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu yakla\u015f\u0131ma g\u00f6re; Marksizm\u2019in \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201dn\u0131 merkezine almas\u0131; i\u015f\u00e7inin i\u015f\u00e7i olarak kalmas\u0131, baz\u0131 haklar kazan\u0131lsa da s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn devam\u0131 ve \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d\u0131n olumlanmas\u0131 demektir ki, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d savunulmas\u0131 de\u011fil terk edilmesi gereken bir \u201ckimlik\u201dtir. Baudrillard\u2019a g\u00f6re; proletaryay\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak kabul etmek, onu hala \u00f6rnek al\u0131nabilecek tek model olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 d\u00fczeninin tan\u0131m\u0131na mahk\u00fbm etmek demektir.[39]<\/a><\/p>\n

Negri ve Hardt, i\u015f\u00e7i kimli\u011fine dayanman\u0131n \u201cmodernite\u201d kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda \u201canti-modernite\u201d ile tan\u0131mlanabilecek \u00f6zc\u00fc bir kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f oldu\u011funu, ancak kimliklere dayanmayan bir \u201calter-modernite\u201d yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ile kimliklere s\u0131k\u0131\u015fman\u0131n engellenebilece\u011fini ifade eder.[40]<\/a> Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d ile tan\u0131mlanan bir \u00f6zne, bu kimli\u011fi benimsedi\u011finde sermaye ile girdi\u011fi diyalektik ili\u015fkinin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 benimsemi\u015f olacakt\u0131r. Ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kimli\u011fine yaslanan bir politik m\u00fccadele, bu nedenle kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015famayacakt\u0131r. \u00d6nemli olan i\u015f\u00e7i olmak de\u011fil i\u015f\u00e7i olmaktan ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f, i\u015f\u00e7i kimli\u011finden uzakla\u015fmak; Demokratik Modernite\u2019deki vurgu ile \u201ci\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fmeme m\u00fccadelesidir\u201d.<\/em>[41]<\/a><\/p>\n

Elbette, otonomcular ya da Demokratik Modernite \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i olmama<\/em>\u201d derken d\u00fckkan a\u00e7\u0131p k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva olmay\u0131 ya da sermayedar olmay\u0131 kastetmiyor[42]<\/a>. \u201c\u00c7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n reddi\u201d ile kapitalist toplumunun tamamen y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 beklemeden i\u015f\u00e7inin \u201ckendini de\u011ferli k\u0131lma<\/em>\u201ds\u0131, kom\u00fcnal ili\u015fki a\u011flar\u0131 kurmas\u0131 vb. alternatif ya\u015fam tarzlar\u0131n\u0131 geli\u015ftirilmesini \u00f6neriyor. Yani i\u015f\u00e7iler, e\u011fer patronlar i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 reddederlerse, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmesi imkans\u0131z olacak ve kapitalizm \u00e7\u00f6kecektir. Peki, bu toplu halde yap\u0131lamazsa… O zaman da; i\u015fi reddedenler kendi k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck alternatif toplumlar\u0131n\u0131\/gruplar\u0131n\u0131 kuracaklard\u0131r.[43]<\/a><\/p>\n

Peki, otonomcular\u0131n ve Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin iddia etti\u011fi gibi \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesi k\u00f6lelik m\u00fccadelesi<\/em>\u201d midir? \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin ekonomik ya da demokratik haklar i\u00e7in ve bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak olarak verdikleri m\u00fccadeleler ger\u00e7ekten de kapitalizmi ve sermaye ili\u015fkisini varsayan, onu a\u015fmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olmayan m\u00fccadeleler midir?<\/p>\n

\u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sendikal d\u00fczeyde verdi\u011fi \u00fccret, \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ko\u015fullar\u0131, sosyal haklar, sendikal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckler vb. m\u00fccadeleleri, hen\u00fcz kapitalist toplumsal ili\u015fkileri hedefe koymayan, bu ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7erisinde i\u015f\u00e7ilerin \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ve ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 iyile\u015ftirmeyi hedefleyen m\u00fccadelelerdir. Ancak, toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 hamlelerine dayal\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadeleleridir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7iler, \u00fccretlerinin y\u00fckseltilmesini isterken, sermaye \u201cdiyalektik birlik\u201d i\u00e7inde \u00fccretlerin y\u00fckseltilmesine raz\u0131 olmayacak, tersine \u00fccretlerin reel olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, k\u00e2r\u0131n artt\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, di\u011fer rakiplerin \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ebilmek i\u00e7in i\u015f yo\u011funlu\u011funun y\u00fckseltilmesi vb. i\u00e7in \u00e7abalayacakt\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, hen\u00fcz kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fmayan iktisadi ve siyasi talepleri, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, burjuvazinin sert bir cevab\u0131 ya da g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde oldu\u011fu gibi neoliberal kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131 ile y\u00fcz y\u00fcze gelmektedir. Bu m\u00fccadele i\u00e7erisinde, otonomcular\u0131n iddia etti\u011fi gibi i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hen\u00fcz kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda talepler dile getiriyor olsa da, e\u011fer taleplerinde \u0131srarc\u0131 olurlarsa otonomcular\u0131n iddias\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fan \u015fekilde sermaye ile sert m\u00fccadelelere girmektedirler. Taleplerinin sermaye ve iktidarlar taraf\u0131ndan kar\u015f\u0131lanmamas\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131lansa da kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn bu taleplerin ya\u015fama ge\u00e7mesi kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda her zaman bir engel olarak kalmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi deneyimleri temelinde siyasal geli\u015fiminin zeminini sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r.[44]<\/a> M\u00fccadele, \u00f6zellikle de kitlesel m\u00fccadeleler, on y\u0131llarca s\u00fcrede edinilecek deneyimin \u00e7ok daha k\u0131sa s\u00fcrece kazan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f bilincinin h\u0131zla geli\u015fti\u011fi d\u00f6nemlerdir. Bu nedenle, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ekonomik talepleri, hen\u00fcz kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisinde olsa da, onun a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131f birli\u011fi ve bilinci i\u00e7in gerekli zemini sa\u011flamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6yleyse… Birincisi; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n hen\u00fcz kapitalizm s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 i\u00e7erisindeki talepleri ile kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015facak talepleri aras\u0131nda duvar yoktur; basit talepler m\u00fccadele i\u00e7erisinde ilerleyebilir, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 birli\u011fini sa\u011flad\u0131k\u00e7a kapitalizmi zorlayacak talepler ileri s\u00fcrebilir. \u0130kincisi; politik partisiyle birlikte devrimci i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131, bizzat bir s\u0131n\u0131f olarak; sermayenin tasfiyesi ve bizzat t\u00fcm y\u00f6netime i\u015f\u00e7ilere devri talebini dile getirebilir. \u00d6rne\u011fin, Rusya\u2019da 1917 Haziran\u2019\u0131nda \u00e7e\u015fitli i\u015f\u00e7i Sovyetlerinin \u201cT\u00fcm iktidar Sovyetlere\u201d karar\u0131 ve \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kapitalizmi a\u015fan talep ve m\u00fccadelesinin \u00f6rneklerinden birisidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin, yer yer isyanlar\u0131, bizzat y\u00f6netime el koyma giri\u015fimleri ve kendi kendilerini y\u00f6netme talepleri kapitalizmin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesine dayan\u0131larak a\u015f\u0131labilece\u011finin g\u00f6stergelerindendir. Keza Paris Kom\u00fcn\u00fc i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kendi kaderini eline alarak kapitalizmi a\u015fabilmesinin \u00f6rneklerinden birisidir. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi \u201ck\u00f6lelik\u201d de\u011fil, aksine kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerini y\u0131k\u0131p kom\u00fcnist ili\u015fkileri in\u015fa etmesiyle maddi temellerine kavu\u015fan; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu olu\u015fturdu\u011fu insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcden, k\u00f6lelikten kurtulu\u015f ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fme m\u00fccadeledir.<\/p>\n

Ayr\u0131ca; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i olarak kalma\u201d m\u00fccadelesi de\u011fildir. Ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 iyile\u015ftirme m\u00fccadelesi ile \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kma\u201d m\u00fccadelesi i\u00e7 i\u00e7edir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi ayn\u0131 zamanda; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kma, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d olmay\u0131 bir anlamda \u201creddetme\u201d m\u00fccadelesidir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc; sermaye ile ili\u015fkisini reddetme, sermayesiz bir hayat kurma, kendi kendini y\u00f6netme \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131 i\u00e7erir. Her toplumsal olgu, ki tarihseldir, ayn\u0131 zamanda kendi gelece\u011fini tohum olarak b\u00fcnyesinde ta\u015f\u0131r. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi, kendi ba\u011fr\u0131nda \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kma\u201dy\u0131 kapsar; kurtulu\u015f ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc hedefler. Ancak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek anlamda i\u015f\u00e7i olmaktan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, otonomcular\u0131n iddias\u0131n\u0131n aksine \u201ci\u015fi reddedip\u201d \u0130talya\u2019daki \u201ctoplum merkezleri\u201d deneyimi gibi anar\u015fizan arkada\u015f grubu <\/em>kom\u00fcnleri kurmakla de\u011fil, kapitalist toplumsal formasyonun ve burjuvazinin \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00fczerindeki egemenli\u011finin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. \u0130tiraz edilen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kma<\/em>\u201d hedefi de\u011fil; bu hedefin kapitalizmin tasfiyesinden ayr\u0131larak; kapitalizm ve kapitalist devletin devam etti\u011fi ko\u015fullarda kooperatif\u00e7i ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131na indirgenmesidir.<\/p>\n

\u201cSINIFSIZLA\u015eMA\u201d \u0130DD\u0130ASI<\/strong><\/p>\n

Otonomcular, otonomcu feministler[45]<\/a> ve postkapitalist kuramc\u0131lar taraf\u0131ndan farkl\u0131 hatlarda s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen ve \u201csol\u201dda kalmaya gayret eden \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ideolojisi<\/em>\u201d merkezli literat\u00fcr genel olarak \u201ci\u015fin reddi\u201dnde birle\u015fir. \u0130\u015fin ya da \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n reddi ile kapitalizmin i\u015fleyemez hale gelece\u011fini, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fma\u201d prati\u011finin i\u015fletilece\u011fini, b\u00f6ylece kapitalizm ve kapitalist devletin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullar\u0131nda alternatif\/\u00f6zerk \u201ckom\u00fcnal\u201d toplumsal \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerin \u201cgelece\u011fe b\u0131rak\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n<\/em>\u201d bug\u00fcnden kurulabilece\u011fini savunurlar. Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin ilgisini \u00e7eken, tam da bu siyasal g\u00fczergaht\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6calan ve Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131, konu i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na geldi\u011finde; \u201ci\u015f\u00e7inin kapitaliste ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve \u201ci\u015fin reddi<\/em>\u201d fikrini; kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131ndaki \u00f6zerk topluluklar kurmay\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6ren \u201cdemokratik \u00f6zerklik\u201d tezi ile birle\u015febildi\u011fi kadar\u0131yla dile getirmi\u015flerdir. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, Demokratik Modernite i\u00e7in s\u0131n\u0131flar, e\u011fer \u00f6zel olarak konu edilmemi\u015fse zaten dikkate al\u0131nmamal\u0131d\u0131r; \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc temel olan s\u0131n\u0131flar ve s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi de\u011fil toplum ve iktidar kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.[46]<\/a> Kritik olan; toplumsal s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ampirik ya da kavramsal bir analizi, \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ideolojisi<\/em>\u201dnin etkisi vb.\u2019den \u00e7ok; \u201cdemokratik \u00f6zerklik\u201d ya da \u201cdemokratik konfederalizm\u201d ile ifade edilen \u201c\u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyetin devam etti\u011fi<\/em>\u201d bir \u201c\u00f6zerk<\/em>\u201d topluluk kurma sonucuna varabilmektir.[47]<\/a> Bahsi ge\u00e7en literat\u00fcrden al\u0131nan \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fma<\/em>\u201d iddias\u0131 ve \u201c\u00f6zerk topluluklar<\/em>\u201d kurma \u201ctakti\u011fi\u201dnin K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in \u00f6nerilen \u201c\u00f6zerklik\u201d tasar\u0131s\u0131 ile uyumlula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmak \u00fczere yeniden sentezlenemesidir.<\/p>\n

Bu \u201csenteze\u201d varmak \u00fczere; \u00d6calan \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesi\u201d ve \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fma\u201d hakk\u0131nda \u015funlar\u0131 s\u00f6ylemektedir:<\/p>\n

\u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re; \u201cMarksist ekonomi-politik de dahil, modernitenin ekonomi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131fsal bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kurtulamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d Ve \u201cpolitik m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fsal yakla\u015f\u0131mda<\/em>\u201d de\u011fil kendini \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131rmas\u0131na<\/em>\u201d ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc; \u201ckendini en az s\u0131n\u0131fla\u015ft\u0131ran toplum<\/em>\u201d, misal \u201c\u00f6zerk\u201d K\u00fcrt topluluklar\u0131 bunu yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, \u201cen iyi toplumdur.<\/em>\u201d[48]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu a\u00e7\u0131dan \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d iddias\u0131 \u201cDemokratik \u00d6zerklik\u201d tezi ile ilgilidir ve ba\u015fl\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131na bir tart\u0131\u015fma konusudur. Burada, makalenin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na ve konusuna uygun bir bi\u00e7imde, \u201cDemokratik \u00d6zerklik\u201d tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na girmeden sadece genel yakla\u015f\u0131m ifade edilebilir.<\/p>\n

\u0130talya\u2019da 1970\u2019li y\u0131llarda otonomcu hareketten ilham alan; 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llardan itibaren \u00f6zellikle Latin Amerika\u2019daki \u201cyerli \u00f6zerkli\u011fi\u201d hareketlerine, Meksika Chipas\u2019taki Zapatista m\u00fccadelesine ve alternatif k\u00fcreselle\u015fme hareketlerinin \u201csosyal merkez\u201d ve \u201ci\u015fgal evleri\u201d deneyimlerine at\u0131fla savunulan \u201cpostmodern\u201d \u00f6znenin alternatif ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131 stratejisi; K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinde de kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmu\u015ftur. O kadar ki; Abdullah \u00d6calan kendi \u00f6znesini Negri ve Hardt\u2019\u0131n postmodern \u00f6znesi olan \u201c\u00e7okluk\u201da benzetmektedir. Marx\u2019\u0131n \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f tahlillerini yeterli bulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d belirten \u00d6calan, Negri ve Hardt\u2019\u0131n \u201c\u00c7okluk\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nemli buldu\u011funu belirtirken \u00e7oklu\u011fun i\u00e7ine ulusal hareketin ihtiya\u00e7 duydu\u011fu b\u00fct\u00fcn kesimleri dahil etmekte sak\u0131nca g\u00f6rmemi\u015ftir. Ger\u00e7ekten de Negri ve Hardt, \u00e7oklu\u011fu t\u0131pk\u0131 \u00d6calan gibi, s\u0131n\u0131flar de\u011fil iktidar ve toplum \u00e7eli\u015fkisi \u00fczerinden tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015f; \u00e7oklu\u011fu iktidar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalanlar\u0131n bile\u015fimi olarak yorumlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[49]<\/a><\/p>\n

Bu literat\u00fcre girmeden k\u0131saca ifade edilecek olunursa; \u00d6calan ve Demokratik Modernite dergisi; bu gelene\u011fin \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d iddias\u0131n\u0131n daha gerisine d\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc otonomcu gelenek; kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ya da \u00e7oklu\u011fun i\u015fi reddedip, \u0130talya\u2019daki \u201ctoplum merkezleri\u201d ya da Zapatista deneyimleri gibi kendi kendine yeten \u201ckolektifler\u201d kurmay\u0131 \u00f6nerirken anar\u015fizan bir reformizmle maluld\u00fcr, kapitalizmin tasfiyesi i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele s\u00f6z konusu de\u011fildir. \u00d6calan ise, bu \u201ckom\u00fcn\u201dlerin i\u00e7ine bizzat \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet ve piyasay\u0131 da eklemektedir. \u00d6zel m\u00fclkiyet ve piyasan\u0131n devam etti\u011fi ko\u015fullarda; dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sermayenin \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fczerindeki kapitalist m\u00fclkiyetinin s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ko\u015fullarda bir \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d ileri s\u00fcrmektedir ki, bu m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Kurulmas\u0131 hedeflenen kom\u00fcnde, \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kapitalist saymay\u0131 kabul etmedi\u011fi \u201corta boy sanayici, t\u00fcccar ve tar\u0131mc\u0131<\/em>\u201d da bulunacakt\u0131r.[50]<\/a> Bir yanda sanayi, tar\u0131m ve ticaret burjuvazisi ile s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn, di\u011fer yanda grup\/kooperatif m\u00fclkiyetinin bir arada bulundu\u011fu \u201cdemokratik \u00f6zerk\u201d \u201ckom\u00fcnlerin\u201d bir s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zla\u015fma prati\u011fi olmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. \u0130\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu durum ayr\u0131 bir tart\u0131\u015fma konusu olmakla birlikte Rojava\u2019da, bu mant\u0131kla \u201corta boy<\/em>\u201d patronlardan olu\u015fan \u201cSanayici Kom\u00fcn\u00fc\u201d; kom\u00fcn ve \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d aras\u0131nda teoride kurulan ili\u015fkinin pratikteki k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir yans\u0131mas\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Demokratik Modernite ve \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n kapitalizm ve kapitalist devletin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc ko\u015fullarda \u00f6nerdi\u011fi, \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet ve piyasaya dayal\u0131 \u201cdemokratik \u00f6zerk\u201d \u201ckom\u00fcnal\u201d toplum tezindeki \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d g\u00f6kkubbedeki ho\u015f bir seda<\/em>dan ibarettir.<\/p>\n

ULUSAL HAREKET VE SINIFLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

Her ezilen ulus hareketi gibi K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin ufku; ulusal bask\u0131 ve e\u015fitsizli\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 ulus dahilindeki t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n \u201cuzla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131na\u201d\/birli\u011fine dayanmaktad\u0131r. Bu, kapitalist \u00fcretim ili\u015fkilerinin devam\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyorsa, ki s\u0131n\u0131flar aras\u0131 uzla\u015fman\u0131n ba\u015fka t\u00fcrl\u00fcs\u00fc m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir, burjuva-ulusal perspektifli bir uzla\u015fma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r.[51]<\/a><\/p>\n

Demokratik Toplum Kongresi\u2019nin (DTK), 8-9 Kas\u0131m 2014 tarihlerinde Van\u2019da d\u00fczenledi\u011fi Demokratik Ekonomi Konferans\u0131ndaki tart\u0131\u015fmalar, s\u0131n\u0131fsal uzla\u015fma aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n net bi\u00e7imde ifade edildi\u011fi platformlardan birisiydi. Konferans; genel bir \u201ckapitalizm ele\u015ftirisi\u201d ve \u201chalk yarar\u0131\u201d vurgusuna ra\u011fmen; K\u00fcrt burjuvazisinin taleplerini de dikkate almaktayd\u0131. DBP E\u015f Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Kamuran Y\u00fcksek; \u201cK\u00fcrdistan\u2019\u0131n demokratik ekolojik paradigmay\u0131 benimseyen her sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131m\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131k<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu ifade etmi\u015f ve K\u00fcrt sermayedarlar\u0131 K\u00fcrdistan\u2019a yat\u0131r\u0131ma davet etmi\u015fti. Toprak a\u011fal\u0131\u011f\u0131 konusunda da, ulusal harekete destek veren \u201ca\u011falar\u0131\u201d uzakla\u015ft\u0131rmama kayg\u0131s\u0131 g\u00fcd\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u00f6ylenebilir. 6-7 Nisan 2013 tarihinde Viran\u015fehir\u2019de Mevsimlik Tar\u0131m \u0130\u015f\u00e7ileri Kurultay\u0131nda al\u0131nan \u201ctoprak reformu\u201d karar\u0131 \u201ctar\u0131m reformu\u201d \u015feklinde revize edilmi\u015f; \u201cHazine arazileri ile b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin topraklar\u0131n\u0131n bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n topraks\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fcye da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d karar\u0131 \u201chazine arazilerinin topraks\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fcye da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d \u015feklini alm\u0131\u015f, b\u00f6ylece b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin topraklar\u0131 kapsam d\u0131\u015f\u0131 b\u0131rakm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.[52]<\/a> Konferansta; sermayeyi temsilen Van, Urfa ve Diyarbak\u0131r Ticaret ve Sanayi Odas\u0131 ba\u015fkanlar\u0131 art arda s\u00f6z alarak kendi s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n taleplerini; sendikalar ve i\u015f\u00e7i temsilcileri de kendi kar\u015f\u0131 talepleri dile getirmi\u015flerdi.<\/p>\n

Kendi i\u00e7indeki s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelme ya da \u201cuzla\u015ft\u0131rma\u201d \u00e7abas\u0131ndaki \u201culusal\u201d bir hareketin; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201cayr\u0131cal\u0131kl\u0131 bir s\u0131n\u0131f<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu, s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131n\u0131n giderek \u201canlams\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7inin kapitalistin uzant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu, \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesinin<\/em>\u201d asl\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7inin kendi \u201ck\u00f6leli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele etmesi anlam\u0131na geldi\u011fi, sermaye birikiminde eme\u011fin rol\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6nemsizle\u015fti\u011fi gibi tezleri ileri s\u00fcrmesi kendisinin \u00fczerinde \u015fekillendi\u011fi temeller bak\u0131m\u0131ndan anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r bir durumdur. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla Demokratik Modernite dergisinin \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201d konusunda dile getirdi\u011fi tezler; sadece ideolojik tespitler olman\u0131n \u00f6tesinde; bir ulusal hareketin pratik-politik m\u00fccadeledeki s\u0131n\u0131fsal tutumunu yans\u0131tmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u0130kincisi; bu tezlerin bu bi\u00e7imiyle ifade edilmesi; 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi ve \u00f6zellikle de PKK Lideri \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n i\u00e7ine girdi\u011fi ve \u201cbilimsel sosyalizm\u201d ele\u015ftirisine dayanan \u201cideolojik aray\u0131\u015f\u201d\u0131n sonucudur. Anar\u015fist, otonomcu, liberal, k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeci ve postmodern unsurlar\u0131n dev\u015firilmesine dayanan \u201cyeni\u201d tezler ve \u201cideolojik \u00fcretim\u201d, m\u00fccadele i\u00e7indeki K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketinin genel \u00e7izgisine, onun ihtiya\u00e7 ve taleplerine uydurulmakta, bu \u00e7er\u00e7evede yeniden s\u00fczge\u00e7ten ge\u00e7irilmektedir.<\/p>\n

Ancak; K\u00fcrdistan\u2019da ulusal m\u00fccadelenin yan\u0131nda, K\u00fcrt burjuvazisine kar\u015f\u0131 yer yer a\u00e7\u0131k direni\u015fle kendini g\u00f6steren K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi de vard\u0131r. Diyarbak\u0131r\u2019da tu\u011fla, mermer ve tekstil i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin, Dersim\u2019de Munzur Su i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin m\u00fccadeleleri; i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesinin hi\u00e7 de \u201cburjuvazinin ikizi<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201cpatronun uzant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. Patronlar da i\u015f\u00e7ilere, \u201cde\u011fer \u00fcretmeyen bile\u015fenler<\/em>\u201d de\u011fil tam aksine daha yo\u011fun ve daha d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretle \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131k\u00e7a daha fazla art\u0131-de\u011fer elde edecekleri \u00fccretli k\u00f6leler olarak yakla\u015fmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

Elbette, bug\u00fcnk\u00fc sava\u015f ve \u00f6l\u00fcm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda; K\u00fcrt i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin kimi taleplerin geri planda kalmas\u0131, ulusal bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131na \u00f6fke ve tepkinin ulusun geni\u015f bir kesimini mobilize etmesi ola\u011fand\u0131r. Ancak bu hat\u0131rlatmalar\u0131n yap\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n sebebi; K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n demokratik taleplerinin kar\u015f\u0131lanmamas\u0131 ve s\u00fcren bask\u0131 politikalar\u0131n\u0131n; K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131flara b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f oldu\u011fu ger\u00e7e\u011fi ile yanyana olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Bu s\u0131n\u0131flar, K\u00fcrt sorunun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc, iktidar ile ili\u015fkiler, bask\u0131lar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda mobilize olma bi\u00e7imleri, alg\u0131lar\u0131, ya\u015fam ve kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f \u015fekilleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan farkl\u0131l\u0131klar g\u00f6sterebilmektedir. Ulusal bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin hangi s\u0131n\u0131flara dayan\u0131larak \u015fekillenece\u011finin de; siyasal gelecek tahayy\u00fclleri ve stratejiler \u00fczerinden belirleyici bir etkisinin olaca\u011f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r.<\/p>\n

K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi, \u00d6calan ve Demokratik Modernite dergisinin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ve genel olarak s\u0131n\u0131f kavram\u0131na yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131; s\u0131cak bir m\u00fccadele i\u00e7inde olan K\u00fcrt siyasi hareketinin g\u00fcncel \u00e7\u0131kar, talep ve ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 temelinde \u015fekillenmektedir. Bahsi ge\u00e7en b\u00fct\u00fcn otonomcu, anar\u015fist ya da liberal referanslar, ulusal hareketin platformu ekseninde se\u00e7ilmekte, birle\u015ftirilmekte, bazen biri bazen di\u011feri \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kart\u0131lmakta; \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc de ideolojik \u00fcretiminden de\u011fil m\u00fccadelenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131 temelinde bu sentezin \u015fu ya da bu y\u00f6ne \u00e7ekilmesinden almaktad\u0131r. Bu nedenle i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemini yitirdi\u011fi ve \u201canlams\u0131zla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d iddialar\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesinin reddi ve \u201ci\u015f\u00e7inin kapitalistin uzant\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak yorumlanmas\u0131; K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketin s\u0131n\u0131fsal karakteri ve ufku ile ili\u015fkilidir.<\/p>\n

KAYNAKLAR<\/strong><\/p>\n

Aslano\u011flu, Mehmet (2014) Demokratik Ekonomi Konferans\u0131n\u0131n Ard\u0131ndan, https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/97357\/demokratik-ekonomi-konferansinin-ardindan, 20.03.2017.<\/p>\n

Baudrillard, Jean (1998) \u00dcretimin Aynas\u0131 ya da Tarihi Materyalist Ele\u015ftiri Yan\u0131lsamas\u0131, \u00c7eviren: O\u011fuz Adan\u0131r, \u0130zmir: Dokuz Eyl\u00fcl Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

Dalla Costa, Mariarosa ve James, Selma (1973) The Power of Women and the Subversion of the Community, Bristol: Falling Wall.<\/p>\n

Engels, Friedrich (2003) Anti-D\u00fchring, \u00c7eviren: Kenan Somer, Ankara: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

Erg\u00fcl, Haydar (2016) \u201cS\u0131n\u0131f De\u011fil Kom\u00fcnalite\u201d, Demokratik Modernite Dergisi, Say\u0131: 18, Ekim-Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2016, sf. 91-97.<\/p>\n

Federici, Silvia (1995) \u201cWages against Housework\u201d, The Politics of Housework i\u00e7inde, Derleyen: Ellen Malos, Cheltenham: New Clarion, sf. 187-194.<\/p>\n

Foucault, Michael (2002) Toplumu Savunmak Gerekir, \u00c7eviren: \u015eehsuvar Akta\u015f, \u0130stanbul: Yap\u0131 Kredi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

G\u00fcrer, \u00c7etin (2015) Demokratik \u00d6zerklik \/ Bir Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k Heterotopyas\u0131, \u0130stanbul: Notabene Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

Marcuse, Herbert (1967) The Question of Revolution, Interview by G\u00fcnther Busch, New Left Review. I\/45, 3-7.<\/p>\n

Marx, Karl (2000) Kapital Birinci Cilt, \u00c7eviren: Alaattin Bilgi, \u0130stanbul: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

Negri, Antonio (2005) Devrimin Zaman\u0131, \u00c7eviren: Yavuz Alogan, \u0130stanbul: Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

Negri, Antonio (2006) Marx \u00d6tesi Marx: Grundrisse \u00dczerine Dersler, \u0130stanbul: Otonom Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k.<\/p>\n

Negri, Antonio ve Hardt, Michael (2011) Ortak Zenginlik, \u00c7eviren: Efla-Bar\u0131\u015f Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, \u0130stanbul: Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

NTV, 62 s\u00fcper zengin d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan yar\u0131s\u0131ndan daha fazla servete sahip, http:\/\/www.ntv.com.tr\/dunya\/62-super-zengin-dunyanin-geri-kalan-yarisindan-daha-fazla-servete-sahip,ED0YBTn0vk21tcmxtZc8eQ, 14.03.2017, 20.03.2017.<\/p>\n

\u00d6calan, Abdullah (2013) Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 1. Kitap, Abdullah \u00d6calan Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6calan, Abdullah (2013) Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 2. Kitap, Abdullah \u00d6calan Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6calan, Abdullah (2013) Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 3. Kitap, Abdullah \u00d6calan Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131.<\/p>\n

\u00d6calan, Abdullah (2015) Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n seyir defteri: Bu lanetli tarihten kopal\u0131m!, http:\/\/birdirbir.org\/abdullah-ocalanin-seyir-defteri-bu-lanetli-tarihten-kopalim\/, 20.03.2017.<\/p>\n

\u00d6calan, Abdullah (2016) \u201cKapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat\u201d, Demokratik Modernite Dergisi, Say\u0131: 18, Ekim-Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2016, sf. 6-27.<\/p>\n

Poulantzas, Nikos (2013) \u201cToplumsal S\u0131n\u0131flar \u00dczerine\u201d, Poulantzas Kitab\u0131 – Se\u00e7me Yaz\u0131lar i\u00e7inde, Haz\u0131rlayan: James Martin, \u00c7evirenler: Ak\u0131n Sar\u0131 ve Selime G\u00fczelsar\u0131, Ankara: Dipnot Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 265-308.<\/p>\n

Smith, Adam (1985) Uluslar\u0131n Zenginli\u011fi, \u00c7eviren: Ay\u015fe Yunus ve Mehmet Bak\u0131rc\u0131, \u0130stanbul: Alan Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k.<\/p>\n

Uysal, Turan ve Besili, Ramazan (2016) \u201cSermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?\u201d, Demokratik Modernite Dergisi, Say\u0131: 18, Ekim-Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2016, sf. 139-146.<\/p>\n

Wright, Erik Olin (1978) Class, Crisis and the State, Londra: New Left Books.<\/p>\n

Zweig, Michael (2012) Amerikan\u2019\u0131n en iyi saklanan s\u0131rr\u0131 – \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00e7o\u011funluktur, \u00c7eviren: Halil \u00c7elik, \u0130stanbul: H2O Kitap.<\/p>\n

[1]<\/a> Ko\u015far, Arif (2017) \u201cDemokratik Modernite\u2019nin \u2018Marksizm Ele\u015ftirisi\u2019nin Ele\u015ftirisi\u201d, Teori ve Eylem<\/strong>, Say\u0131: 4, sf. 43-58<\/p>\n

[2]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Abdullah (2016) \u201cKapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat\u201d, Demokratik Modernite Dergisi, Say\u0131: 18, Ekim-Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2016, sf. 6-27, sf. 24<\/p>\n

[3]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 23<\/p>\n

[4]<\/a> Ba\u015fka bir yerde \u00d6calan, \u201cPatron-i\u015f\u00e7i eylemi asla ekonomi olamaz. Ben \u015fahsen patron-i\u015f\u00e7i ikili\u011fini toplumsal do\u011fan\u0131n temel demokratik eylemi olan ekonominin tekelci h\u0131rs\u0131zlar\u0131 bi\u00e7iminde de\u011ferlendirmek durumundayd\u0131m<\/em>\u201d (\u00d6calan, Abdullah (2013) Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 3. Kitap, Abdullah \u00d6calan Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 182) dedikten sonra \u201ctavizci i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>\u201d ile \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201dn\u0131 birbirinden ay\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 yorumuna neden olabilecek \u015fu de\u011ferlendirmeyi yap\u0131yor: \u201cBurada i\u015f\u00e7iden kast\u0131m toplumun di\u011fer yoksullar\u0131ndan, \u00f6zellikle \u00fccretsiz ev kad\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u0131zlar\u0131ndan \u00e7al\u0131nan de\u011ferin ufak bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccret ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda kendisine verildi\u011fi tavizci i\u015f\u00e7idir.<\/em>\u201d (\u00d6calan, Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 3. Kitap, sf. 182) \u201cTavizci i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>\u201dyi di\u011fer \u201ci\u015f\u00e7iler<\/em>\u201dden ay\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtmekle birlikte \u00d6calan; a- di\u011fer i\u015f\u00e7iler derken i\u015f\u00e7ileri de\u011fil, \u201c\u00fccretsiz ev kad\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u0131zlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d ile k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvaziyi de kapsayabilecek bir kategori olan \u201cyoksullar\u0131<\/em>\u201d say\u0131yor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla bu kesimlerle zaten \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201dna i\u015faret edilmiyor, b- tavizci i\u015f\u00e7iyi de \u201cde\u011ferin ufak bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131n \u00fccret ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda kendisine verildi\u011fi<\/em>\u201d i\u015f\u00e7i, yani \u00fccretli i\u015f\u00e7i, ba\u015fka bir deyi\u015fle \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\u201dna i\u015faret ederek tan\u0131ml\u0131yor. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u201ctavizci i\u015f\u00e7i<\/em>\u201d ile a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u00fccretli i\u015f\u00e7iler kastedilirken, zaten i\u015f\u00e7i olmayan \u201cev kad\u0131nlar\u0131\u201d \u201ctavizci i\u015f\u00e7i\u201dden ayr\u0131l\u0131yor. Ba\u015fka bir yerde de \u00d6calan yine i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 bir b\u00fct\u00fcn olarak yozla\u015fma ve uzla\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131kla tan\u0131mlam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r: \u201c… i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 da ba\u015flarda, ge\u00e7i\u015f a\u015famas\u0131nda yar\u0131-toplumda iken (\u00e7o\u011funlukla yar\u0131-k\u00f6yl\u00fc, zanaatk\u00e2r) olumlu \u00f6znel, devrimci rol oynam\u0131\u015f olabilirler, oynam\u0131\u015flard\u0131r. Ama o da kal\u0131c\u0131la\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fcd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc oranda yozla\u015fm\u0131\u015f, \u00fcst s\u0131n\u0131flarla uzla\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve i\u015flevsizle\u015fmi\u015ftir<\/em>\u201d (\u00d6calan, Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 3. Kitap, sf. 121)<\/p>\n

[5]<\/a> Marcuse, Herbert (1967) The Question of Revolution, Interview by G\u00fcnther Busch, New Left Review. I\/45, 3-7.<\/p>\n

[6]<\/a> Poulantzas, Nikos (2013) \u201cToplumsal S\u0131n\u0131flar \u00dczerine\u201d, Poulantzas Kitab\u0131 – Se\u00e7me Yaz\u0131lar i\u00e7inde, Haz\u0131rlayan: James Martin, \u00c7evirenler: Ak\u0131n Sar\u0131 ve Selime G\u00fczelsar\u0131, Ankara: Dipnot Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 265-308, sf. 270<\/p>\n

[7]<\/a> Wright, Erik Olin (1978) Class, Crisis and the State, Londra: New Left Books, sf. 55<\/p>\n

[8]<\/a> Marx, bunu Kapital\u2019in birinci cildinde \u015f\u00f6yle anlat\u0131r: \u201cDemek oluyor ki, \u00fcreticiyi \u00fccretli-i\u015f\u00e7i haline getiren tarihsel hareket, bir yandan bunlar\u0131n k\u00f6lelikten ve loncalar\u0131n koyduklar\u0131 ba\u011flardan kurtulmalar\u0131 olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcyor; (…) ama \u00f6te yandan, bu yeni \u00f6zg\u00fcrle\u015fmi\u015f kimseler, sahip olduklar\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 ile, eski feodal d\u00fczenlemelerin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 her t\u00fcrl\u00fc g\u00fcvenceler elinden al\u0131nd\u0131ktan sonra ancak kendi kendisinin sat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 haline geliyorlar.<\/em>\u201d Marx, Karl (2000) Kapital Birinci Cilt, \u00c7eviren: Alaattin Bilgi, \u0130stanbul: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 679<\/p>\n

[9]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 10<\/p>\n

[10]<\/a> Elbette bu, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, politik partile\u015fmesi ve m\u00fccadelesiyle ilgilidir.<\/p>\n

[11]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 21<\/p>\n

[12]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 24<\/p>\n

[13]<\/a> Zweig, Michael (2012) Amerikan\u2019\u0131n en iyi saklanan s\u0131rr\u0131 – \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 \u00e7o\u011funluktur, \u00c7eviren: Halil \u00c7elik, \u0130stanbul: H2O Kitap, sf. 33-34<\/p>\n

[14]<\/a> Bu benzerlik de elbette g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fc\u015ften ibarettir. \u00d6zellikle giyim konusunda, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f ve gelir gruplar\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcketim kal\u0131plar\u0131 ve d\u00fczeyleri aras\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck u\u00e7urumlar bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[15]<\/a> 62 s\u00fcper zengin d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan yar\u0131s\u0131ndan daha fazla servete sahip, http:\/\/www.ntv.com.tr\/dunya\/62-super-zengin-dunyanin-geri-kalan-yarisindan-daha-fazla-servete-sahip,ED0YBTn0vk21tcmxtZc8eQ, 14.03.2017, 20.03.2017<\/p>\n

[16]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 21<\/p>\n

[17]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Abdullah (2013) Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu Birinci Kitap, Abdullah \u00d6calan Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 54<\/p>\n

[18]<\/a> Uysal, Turan ve Besili, Ramazan (2016) \u201cSermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?\u201d, Demokratik Modernite Dergisi, Say\u0131: 18, Ekim-Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2016, sf. 139-146, sf. 139<\/p>\n

[19]<\/a> Uysal ve Besili, Sermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?, sf. 139<\/p>\n

[20]<\/a> Uysal ve Besili, Sermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?, sf. 140<\/p>\n

[21]<\/a> \u00d6calan\u2019a g\u00f6re; \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve kurnaz adam<\/em>\u201d \u201csosyal bilimlerde k\u00f6\u015fe ta\u015f\u0131 yap\u0131lmas\u0131 gereken kavramlardan biridir.<\/em>\u201d Bu kurnaz adam ilkel kom\u00fcnal toplumlardan s\u0131n\u0131fl\u0131 toplumlara ge\u00e7i\u015fin esbab-\u0131 m\u00fccibesi olarak ele al\u0131n\u0131p sunuldu\u011funda, tarihsel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler \u201ctilki kurnazl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201chainlik<\/em>\u201d, \u201cmaskeli y\u00fczler<\/em>\u201d, \u201cortama g\u00f6re renk alma<\/em>\u201d gibi davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n sonucu olarak yorumlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu davran\u0131\u015flar\u0131n hangi iktisadi ve sosyo-tarihsel ko\u015fullarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ise belirsizdir: \u201c\u2018G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve kurnaz adam\u2019 kad\u0131n\u0131n ev ekonomisine bir h\u0131rs\u0131z gibi girdi. Sadece talanla yetinmedi. Daha da vahimi, kad\u0131n\u0131 daimi tecav\u00fcz\u00fc alt\u0131nda tutarak, kutsal aile oca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131rk haramiler yata\u011f\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrd\u00fc. Ne yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 bilen bir hainin ruh halini hi\u00e7bir zaman terk etmedi. \u0130lk sermaye birikimlerinin tohumlar\u0131 iki mek\u00e2nda at\u0131ld\u0131: Birincisi, ev ekonomisinin yak\u0131nlar\u0131ndan bizzat evi i\u015fgal etme; ikincisi, devletin me\u015frula\u015fm\u0131\u015f resmi tekeline kar\u015f\u0131 \u00f6zel tekel halinde k\u0131rk haramilerin \u00fcs merkezlerinde veya yak\u0131nlar\u0131nda mek\u00e2n tutma. \u2018G\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve kurnaz adam\u2019 toplumun ve devletin g\u00f6zetiminden \u00e7ekindi\u011fi i\u00e7in, erkenden hileli ve maskeli y\u00fczle mek\u00e2nlar aras\u0131nda gezindi. Pusuda yatt\u0131. F\u0131rsat buldu\u011funda aslan kesilerek av\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerine atlad\u0131. Bazen tilki kurnazl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla av\u0131n\u0131 yakalad\u0131. Bukalemun gibi her ortama g\u00f6re renk almaktan geri kalmad\u0131. Marjinal noktalarda ticaret uzman\u0131 kesildi. Uygarl\u0131klar\u0131n eri\u015femedi\u011fi kent ve k\u0131rsal alan onun s\u0131k\u0131 g\u00f6zetimindedir. Toplumun yar\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 noktalara yerle\u015fmede ustad\u0131r. Denge rol\u00fcn\u00fc oynayarak iki taraf\u0131 da soymas\u0131n\u0131 bilir. K\u0131sa ticaretten az, uzun yol ticaretinden ise azami kazan\u00e7 elde edece\u011finin \u00e7ok iyi fark\u0131ndad\u0131r. K\u00e2rl\u0131 alanlar\u0131 \u00e2deta koku al\u0131rcas\u0131na tan\u0131mas\u0131 ve y\u00f6nelmesi mesle\u011finin temel kurallar\u0131ndand\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d \u00d6calan, Abdullah (2013) Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 2. Kitap, Abdullah \u00d6calan Sosyal Bilimler Akademisi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 74<\/p>\n

[22]<\/a> Uysal ve Besili, Sermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?, sf. 141<\/p>\n

[23]<\/a> Uysal ve Besili, Sermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?, sf. 141<\/p>\n

[24]<\/a> Uysal ve Besili, Sermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?, sf. 143<\/p>\n

[25]<\/a> Smith, Adam (1985) Uluslar\u0131n Zenginli\u011fi, \u00c7eviren: Ay\u015fe Yunus ve Mehmet Bak\u0131rc\u0131, \u0130stanbul: Alan Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, sf. 50<\/p>\n

[26]<\/a> Marx, Karl (2000) Kapital Birinci C\u0130lt, \u00c7eviren: Alaattin Bilgi, Ankara: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 51<\/p>\n

[27]<\/a> Uysal ve Besili, Sermaye birikiminin esas kayna\u011f\u0131 art\u0131 de\u011fer mi?, sf. 143<\/p>\n

[28]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 27<\/p>\n

[29]<\/a> Engels, Friedrich (2003) Anti-D\u00fchring, \u00c7eviren: Kenan Somer, Ankara: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 297<\/p>\n

[30]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 26<\/p>\n

[31]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 24<\/p>\n

[32]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu 3. Kitap, sf. 182<\/p>\n

[33]<\/a> Erg\u00fcl, Haydar (2016) \u201cS\u0131n\u0131f De\u011fil Kom\u00fcnalite\u201d, Demokratik Modernite Dergisi, Say\u0131: 18, Ekim-Kas\u0131m-Aral\u0131k 2016, sf. 91-97, sf. 93<\/p>\n

[34]<\/a> Negri, Antonio (2006) Marx \u00d6tesi Marx: Grundrisse \u00dczerine Dersler, \u0130stanbul: Otonom Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k.<\/p>\n

[35]<\/a> Bir y\u00f6n\u00fcyle Hegel\u2019den kaynakl\u0131. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc, Hegel diyalekti\u011finde tinin hareketi, bir nevi \u201ckaderine\u201d yani Prusya devletinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile amac\u0131na ula\u015f\u0131yordu.<\/p>\n

[36]<\/a> Foucault, Michael (2002) Toplumu Savunmak Gerekir, \u00c7eviren: \u015eehsuvar Akta\u015f, \u0130stanbul: Yap\u0131 Kredi Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 242-243<\/p>\n

[37]<\/a> Negri, Antonio (2005) Devrimin Zaman\u0131, \u00c7eviren: Yavuz Alogan, \u0130stanbul: Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 278<\/p>\n

[38]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 23<\/p>\n

[39]<\/a> Baudrillard, Jean (1998) \u00dcretimin Aynas\u0131 ya da Tarihi Materyalist Ele\u015ftiri Yan\u0131lsamas\u0131<\/strong>, \u00c7eviren: O\u011fuz Adan\u0131r, \u0130zmir: Dokuz Eyl\u00fcl Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 143<\/p>\n

[40]<\/a> Negri, Antonio ve Hardt, Michael (2011) Ortak Zenginlik, \u00c7eviren: Efla-Bar\u0131\u015f Y\u0131ld\u0131r\u0131m, \u0130stanbul: Ayr\u0131nt\u0131 Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 116-117<\/p>\n

[41]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 23<\/p>\n

[42]<\/a> Ancak i\u015f\u00e7ilerin bu t\u00fcr ka\u00e7\u0131\u015f g\u00fczergahlar\u0131n\u0131 da i\u015f\u00e7ile\u015fmeye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele olarak de\u011ferlendiriyorlar.<\/p>\n

[43]<\/a> Bu otonomcu strateji ayr\u0131 bir ele\u015ftiri ve tart\u0131\u015fma konusudur, konuyu da\u011f\u0131tmamak i\u00e7in girilmeyecektir. Ancak \u00d6calan ve Demokratik Modernite yazarlar\u0131na, Bookchin\u2019den de esinlenen bu fikrin sempatik gelmesinin as\u0131l sebebi \u201cdevlet\u00e7i-sosyalizm modellerinin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131\u201dndan de\u011fil gayet pratik ama\u00e7larla birle\u015febilmesindedir. K\u00fcrt sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc i\u00e7in; K\u00fcrt halk\u0131n\u0131n kendi dili ve k\u00fclt\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6zg\u00fcrce kullanabilece\u011fi, kapitalizmle uyumlu ve egemenlerin de belirli bir konsens\u00fcsle r\u0131za g\u00f6sterebilece\u011fi otonom\/\u00f6zerk ya\u015fam alanlar\u0131n\u0131 kurma stratejisine g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi uyumdur.<\/p>\n

[44]<\/a> Elbette, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n siyasal bilinci ve politik m\u00fccadelesi; kendi siyasal deneyimleri temelinde politik partisi ile ili\u015fkisine ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[45]<\/a> Federici, ev i\u00e7i eme\u011fi \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fma\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131rken onu \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 reddetmeye do\u011fru ilk ad\u0131m<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Bkz. Federici, Silvia (1995) \u201cWages against Housework\u201d, The Politics of Housework i\u00e7inde, Derleyen: Ellen Malos, Cheltenham: New Clarion, sf. 187-194, sf. 191. Dalla Costa\u2019ya g\u00f6re de \u201c\u00e7al\u0131\u015fmamak i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele<\/em>\u201d hayati \u00f6nemdedir. Bkz. Dalla Costa, Mariarosa ve James, Selma (1973) The Power of Women and the Subversion of the Community, Bristol: Falling Wall, sf. 47.<\/p>\n

[46]<\/a> G\u00fcrer, \u00c7etin (2015) Demokratik \u00d6zerklik \/ Bir Yurtta\u015fl\u0131k Heterotopyas\u0131, \u0130stanbul: Notabene Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 161<\/p>\n

[47]<\/a> Tabi bu \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131zl\u0131k\u201d iddias\u0131; daha \u00e7ok otonomcular\u0131n dile\u011fi olarak kalmakta, Demokratik Modernite\u2019ye geldi\u011finde tekelcilik kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 bir \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyet savunusu ile ihtimali bile d\u0131\u015far\u0131da b\u0131rak\u0131lmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\n

[48]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Kapitalizmin D\u00f6l Yata\u011f\u0131: Ziggurat, sf. 26-27<\/p>\n

[49]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Abdullah (2015) Abdullah \u00d6calan\u2019\u0131n seyir defteri: Bu lanetli tarihten kopal\u0131m!, http:\/\/birdirbir.org\/abdullah-ocalanin-seyir-defteri-bu-lanetli-tarihten-kopalim\/, 20.03.2017.<\/p>\n

[50]<\/a> \u00d6calan, Demokratik Uygarl\u0131k Manifestosu \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc Kitap, sf. 98<\/p>\n

[51]<\/a> Zaten K\u00fcrt sorunu da burjuva-demokratik karakterli bir sorundur. Bu nedenle; K\u00fcrt ulusal hareketi T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki gerici tekelci burjuva iktidar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda demokratik ve ilerici bir mevzide durabilmektedir.<\/p>\n

[52]<\/a> Aslano\u011flu, Mehmet (2014) Demokratik Ekonomi Konferans\u0131n\u0131n Ard\u0131ndan, https:\/\/www.evrensel.net\/haber\/97357\/demokratik-ekonomi-konferansinin-ardindan,<\/a> 20.03.2017.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Arif Ko\u015far Demokratik Modernite Dergisi\u2019nin \u201cKuramsal Marksizm\u2019in t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131\u201d konulu say\u0131s\u0131nda, \u201ckapitalist modernitenin \u2018sol\u2019 destek\u00e7isi\u201d, \u201cekonomik indirgemeci\u201d, \u201cdeterminist\u201d, \u201cdevlet\u00e7i\u201d, \u201cpozitivist\u201d oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen Marksizm, \u00e7e\u015fitli a\u00e7\u0131lardan de\u011ferlendirme konusu yap\u0131ld\u0131. Teori ve Eylem\u2019in bir \u00f6nceki say\u0131s\u0131nda[1], Demokratik Modernite\u2019nin Marksizm\u2019e ili\u015fkin daha genel diyebilece\u011fimiz, esasen onun tarihsel materyalist y\u00f6ntemini konu edinen \u201cekonomizm\u201d, \u201cekonomik indirgemecilik\u201d, \u201czihin\u201d, \u201czihniyet\u201d ve \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel unsurlar\u0131n […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":179,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[474,420,427,370,291],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-178","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-5-sayi-nisan-2017","category-cok-okunanlar","category-sinif-analizi","category-kuram","category-arif-kosar"],"yoast_head":"\nDemokratik Modernite\u2019de \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d kavram\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/04\/01\/demokratik-modernitede-sinif-kavrami-ve-isci-sinifi\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Demokratik Modernite\u2019de \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f\u201d kavram\u0131 ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Arif Ko\u015far Demokratik Modernite Dergisi\u2019nin \u201cKuramsal Marksizm\u2019in t\u0131kan\u0131kl\u0131klar\u0131 ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131\u201d konulu say\u0131s\u0131nda, \u201ckapitalist modernitenin \u2018sol\u2019 destek\u00e7isi\u201d, \u201cekonomik indirgemeci\u201d, \u201cdeterminist\u201d, \u201cdevlet\u00e7i\u201d, \u201cpozitivist\u201d oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen Marksizm, \u00e7e\u015fitli a\u00e7\u0131lardan de\u011ferlendirme konusu yap\u0131ld\u0131. 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