{"id":1554,"date":"2022-07-25T21:57:29","date_gmt":"2022-07-25T18:57:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=1554"},"modified":"2023-01-17T13:41:10","modified_gmt":"2023-01-17T10:41:10","slug":"cumhuriyetin-dis-politikasi-yeni-osmanlicilik-akpnin-u-donusu-ve-sonrasi","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2022\/07\/25\/cumhuriyetin-dis-politikasi-yeni-osmanlicilik-akpnin-u-donusu-ve-sonrasi\/","title":{"rendered":"Cumhuriyetin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131, Yeni Osmanl\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k, Akp\u2019nin \u2018u d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u2019 ve sonras\u0131\u2026"},"content":{"rendered":"\r\n

 <\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130hsan \u00c7aralan<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

D\u0131\u015f politika, devletlerin az \u00e7ok istikrarl\u0131 yap\u0131lar olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nemden beri \u00f6zel bir \u00f6neme sahip oldu. Sava\u015flara kadar derinle\u015fen \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki gerilimler, zaman zaman d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n i\u00e7 politikay\u0131, hatta ekonomik politikalar\u0131 da \u015fekillendirecek kadar belirleyici olmas\u0131na neden oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Devletlerin evrensel bir sistemin par\u00e7alar\u0131 olarak birbiriyle ili\u015fki i\u00e7ine girdi\u011fi kapitalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n rol\u00fc daha da artt\u0131. Bir uzmanl\u0131k haline gelen d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, yani diplomatl\u0131k se\u00e7kin bir meslek haline geldi. \u00d6zellikle emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131nda \u00fclkelerin bir zincirin halkalar\u0131 gibi birbirine ba\u011fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fcnyada i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7en d\u0131\u015f ve i\u00e7 politikan\u0131n birbirinden ayr\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n hayli zorla\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek abart\u0131 olmaz.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n iddias\u0131 elbette ki T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 \u00fcst\u00fcne bir inceleme yapmak de\u011fil. Burada ama\u00e7, Cumhuriyet\u2019in ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131ndan itibaren d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n ana dayanaklar\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ektikten sonra, bu politikadan bir sapma olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan Erdo\u011fan-AKP iktidar\u0131n\u0131n 2007\u2019den itibaren resmen y\u00f6neldi\u011fi\u201caktif d\u0131\u015f politika<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n\u00f6zelliklerine dikkat \u00e7ekmek, bu iktidar d\u00f6nemindeki geli\u015fmeler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda bug\u00fcnk\u00fc d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini ve a\u00e7mazlar\u0131n\u0131 ele almakt\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

CUMHUR\u0130YET D\u00d6NEM\u0130NDE DI\u015e POL\u0130T\u0130KANIN BA\u015eLICA DAYANAKLRI<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Cumhuriyet d\u00f6nemi d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca iki y\u00f6nelimi \u201cstat\u00fckoculuk<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cbat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201d[1]<\/a> oldu\u011funu s\u00f6ylemek herhalde yanl\u0131\u015f olmaz.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

AKP iktidar\u0131na kadar 80 y\u0131ll\u0131k d\u00f6nemde, zaman zaman sapma giri\u015fimleri olsa da belirleyici olan bu iki y\u00f6nelim olmu\u015ftur. Bu nedenle tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 kapsay\u0131c\u0131 ve a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 olan bu iki kavram \u00fcst\u00fcnden y\u00fcr\u00fctece\u011fiz.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cStat\u00fckoculuk<\/em>\u201dla,var olan durumu koruma, kendisine kar\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istemeyen iktidar\u0131n ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin de i\u015flerine kar\u0131\u015fmama, kendi s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 istemedi\u011fi gibi ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde de bir istek g\u00f6stermeme kastediliyor.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin sona erdi\u011fi, SSCB\u2019nin tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve ABD\u2019nin hegemon emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7 olarak \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerindeki pozisyonuna g\u00f6z dikti\u011fi, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndan, uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin siyasal ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n tan\u0131nmas\u0131, yayg\u0131n, hatta egemen bir e\u011filim haline gelmesi, uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkilerde \u00f6nceki d\u00f6neme g\u00f6re \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fikliklere neden oldu. \u201cStat\u00fckoculuk\u201d<\/em> kavram\u0131yla i\u015faret edilen durum b\u00f6yle bir d\u00fcnyada, gen\u00e7 Cumhuriyet i\u00e7in \u00f6nemliydi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc bu tutum her \u015feyden \u00f6nce, Lozan\u2019la belirlenen s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmamas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7iyor, buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k kendisi de ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Mustafa Kemal Atat\u00fcrk bunu, birincisi daha Cumhuriyet kurulmadan 1921\u2019de, ikincisi de 29 Ekim 1933\u2019te \u201cYurtta Sulh Cihanda Sulh<\/em>\u201dslogan\u0131yla \u00f6zetlemi\u015fti. Sonraki y\u0131llarda da bu slogan, sermayenin her klikten s\u00f6zc\u00fcleri ve resmi yetkilileri taraf\u0131ndan yerli yersiz, ger\u00e7eklik bu ifadeyle ne kadar \u00e7eli\u015firse \u00e7eli\u015fsin tekrarland\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin Hatay\u2019\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye kat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019\u0131n ikiye b\u00f6l\u00fcn\u00fcp fiilen iki ayr\u0131 devletin olu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131karan ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin toprak kazan\u0131m\u0131yla sonu\u00e7lanan geli\u015fmeler bu ilkeyle \u00e7eli\u015fmektedir. Ancak devlet yetkilileri ve diplomatlar i\u00e7in bu bir \u00e7eli\u015fki de\u011fildir. Bunlara g\u00f6re Hatay zaten \u201cMisak\u0131 Milli<\/em>\u201d i\u00e7indedir ve b\u00f6ylece bir haks\u0131zl\u0131k giderilmi\u015ftir. \u00dcstelik de sava\u015f ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullan\u0131lmadan ve Milletler Cemiyeti\u2019nin de \u201coluru\u201dyla, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019ta ise \u201cgarant\u00f6rl\u00fckten do\u011fan haklar kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r<\/em>\u201d ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye de resmen ba\u011flanmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r! T\u00fcrkiye devletinin stat\u00fckoculuktan anlad\u0131\u011f\u0131, b\u00f6yle bir faydac\u0131 bir stat\u00fckoculuktur!.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cBat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma<\/em>\u201dilkesinin k\u00f6keni 1839\u2019daki Tanzimat Ferman\u0131 <\/em>ileyabanc\u0131 \u00fclkelere ve vatanda\u015flar\u0131na verilen garantilere kadar uzat\u0131labilir. Tanzimat Ferman\u0131 ile yolu a\u00e7\u0131lan \u201cbat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma<\/em>\u201d giri\u015fimi giderek Cumhuriyetin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca dayaklar\u0131ndan birisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc ve benimsendi. \u0130\u00e7eride bat\u0131l\u0131 normlara uygun bir sosyal hayat, kapitalist sisteme entegrasyon kanallar\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, Osmanl\u0131 \u0130mparatorlu\u011funun yar\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrgele\u015fmesi anlam\u0131na gelen \u201cbat\u0131l\u0131la\u015fma\u201d tutumu, emperyalizm \u00e7a\u011f\u0131 ile birlikte emperyalistlerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmayan, 1950\u2019lerden itibaren de emperyalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 ileri karakolu olan, NATO ve CENTO \u00fcyesi bir \u00fclke olman\u0131n dayana\u011f\u0131 oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sava\u015f d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalmak i\u00e7in yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 manevralar\u0131 i\u00e7eren d\u0131\u015f politika, temel dayanaklar\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan en dikkat \u00e7ekici d\u00f6nem oldu diyebiliriz.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

D\u00f6nemin iktidar\u0131 (CHP\u2019nin tek parti iktidar\u0131), ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta Nazi fa\u015fizminin \u00fclkesi Almanya\u2019n\u0131n, sonra da \u0130ngiltere\u2019nin siyasetine yak\u0131nl\u0131k duysa da genel olarak sava\u015fan g\u00fc\u00e7lerin eksenine girmemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f, d\u00f6neme g\u00f6re ili\u015fkilerdeki a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131klar\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fse de hepsiyle ticari ve diplomatik ili\u015fkilerini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Sava\u015f\u0131n bitiminden sonra T\u00fcrkiye a\u00e7\u0131k bir tercihte bulundu, sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda emperyalist \u00fclkelerin kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele stratejisini de a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a destekleyen bir tutum ald\u0131 ve bat\u0131l\u0131 \u00fclkelerin sava\u015f \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olarak kurulan NATO\u2019ya girmek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok hevesli oldu. Ancak 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndaki ikircikli tutumu ve ba\u015fka nedenlerle NATO\u2019ya \u201ckabul\u00fc\u201d, ancak kom\u00fcnizmin yay\u0131lmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131lan bir cephe olan Kore Sava\u015f\u0131na ABD\u2019den sonra en fazla asker g\u00f6nderen \u00fclke olarak kat\u0131larak, 1952 y\u0131larda NATO\u2019ya girebildi!<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

ABD\u2019nin Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019ni (SB) g\u00fcneyden ku\u015fatma stratejisi olan \u201cYe\u015fil Ku\u015fak<\/em>\u201d\u0131n merkezi \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc olan CENTO\u2019ya kat\u0131larak, \u201cso\u011fuk sava\u015f<\/em>\u201dboyunca, kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131n \u201c\u00f6nc\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fc<\/em>\u201d, <\/em>\u201cileri karakolu<\/em>\u201d olarak mevzilendi ve emperyalist kamp\u0131n en sad\u0131k m\u00fcttefiki oldu\u011funu kan\u0131tlama ad\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Genel olarak T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201cstat\u00fckoculu\u011fu<\/em>\u201demperyalizmin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131na, ABD ile uyumlu bir ili\u015fki s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesine y\u00f6nelik bir stat\u00fckoculuktur. \u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndaki \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin tutumu nedeniyle alt\u0131 \u00e7izilen stat\u00fckoculu\u011fun esas\u0131 ise \u015fudur:<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Almanya\u2019n\u0131n SB\u2019ye sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na kadar, SB T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sava\u015fa girmesine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak SB, Almanya ile sava\u015fmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin de Almanya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015fa girmesini istemi\u015f, fakat Montr\u00f6 Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n Almanya taraf\u0131ndan delinme ihtimali ve Almanya e\u011filimli T\u00fcrkiye h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin tarafs\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n b\u00f6lgenin stratejik \u00f6nemi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan daha uygun bir politika oldu\u011funu tespit ederek SB, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sava\u015fa girmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki telkinini daha ileri g\u00f6t\u00fcrmemi\u015ftir. \u0130ngiltere de, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin Almanya\u2019ya kar\u015f\u0131 yeni bir cephe a\u00e7mas\u0131n\u0131n bat\u0131dan ve Afrika\u2019dan do\u011fuya g\u00fc\u00e7 ve m\u00fchimmat aktarma ihtiyac\u0131 do\u011furaca\u011f\u0131, bunun da sava\u015f\u0131n gidi\u015fat\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan olumlu olmayaca\u011f\u0131 hesab\u0131yla T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sava\u015f girmesini te\u015fvik etmemi\u015ftir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

ABD, \u0130ngiltere ve SB, Almanya\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6kertilmesi i\u00e7in topyek\u00fbn bir sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n haz\u0131rland\u0131\u011f\u0131 1943 \u0130lkbahar\u0131ndan itibaren T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin sava\u015fa girmesi i\u00e7in bask\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 artt\u0131rd\u0131lar. Ancak bir yandan 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren artan Nazi sempatizanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda Almanya ile girilen yak\u0131n ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7inde g\u00fc\u00e7lenmi\u015f olmas\u0131 nedeniyle, \u00f6te yandan da Almanya ve SB ile yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201csald\u0131rmazl\u0131k anla\u015fmalar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 bahane ederek, T\u00fcrkiye; \u0130ngiltere, ABD ve SB\u2019nin \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n fiilen sava\u015fa girmede ayak s\u00fcr\u00fcyebilmi\u015ftir. B\u00f6ylece \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet sonuna yakla\u015fan sava\u015fa fiilen kat\u0131lmadan ABD ve \u0130ngiltere ile ili\u015fkilerini geli\u015ftirmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 2. D\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda \u00f6nce NATO\u2019ya sonra da CENTO\u2019ya girerek, emperyalizmin kamp\u0131nda a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ve \u00e7ok kararl\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131tlamas\u0131, bundan sonra bat\u0131l\u0131 \u00fclkelerle aras\u0131nda bir sorun olmadan ilerlendi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmedi. Tersine \u00e7e\u015fitli zamanlarda kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya da geldi. Ancak bu kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya geli\u015fler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin emperyalizmin y\u00f6r\u00fcngesinden \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmedi. \u00d6rne\u011fin K\u0131br\u0131s sorununa bak\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda; T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin bu konuda ABD emperyalizminin b\u00f6lge stratejisiyle \u00e7eli\u015fen bir tutum almas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda ABD Ba\u015fkan\u0131 Johnson\u2019\u0131n, 1964 Haziran\u2019\u0131nda yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019yi a\u015fa\u011f\u0131layan mektubuna Ba\u015fbakan \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn, \u201cYeni bir d\u00fcnya kurulur T\u00fcrkiye de o d\u00fcnyada yerini al\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diyerek yan\u0131t verdi\u011fi iddia edilen (ama \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc\u2019n\u00fcn bu s\u00f6zleri Johnson\u2019un mektubundan iki ay kadar \u00f6nce s\u00f6yledi\u011fine dair iddialar var) s\u00f6zleri emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 bir tutum olarak lanse edilse de, pratikte T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin ABD emperyalizminin d\u00fc\u015fmen suyundan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u201cba\u015fka bir d\u00fcnya<\/em>\u201ddedi\u011fi SB\u2019ye do\u011fru d\u00fcmen k\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmemi\u015ftir. Yani, 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda art\u0131k emperyalizmin kom\u00fcnizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele cephesi haline gelen \u201cbat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k\u201dta \u0131srar etmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Elbette 1974\u2019de K\u0131br\u0131s\u2019\u0131n kuzeyinin i\u015fgali bat\u0131da infial uyand\u0131rd\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 ekonomik ve askeri yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar devreye sokuldu. Ancak bu da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin emperyalist stratejiden kopmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an bir sonu\u00e7 yaratmad\u0131. Tersine T\u00fcrkiye, ABD\u2019nin askeri ambargosuna kar\u015f\u0131n, herhangi bir kopu\u015f ya\u015famadan gerek NATO ve gerekse ABD ile imzalanan, tam say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 resmi yetkililerin de bilmedi\u011fi y\u00fczlerce\u201cikili anla\u015fma<\/em>\u201dnedeniyle \u00fcst\u00fcne d\u00fc\u015fen y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fcl\u00fckleri yerine getirmeye devam etti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Cumhuriyetin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131ndaki temel y\u00f6nelimlerden s\u00f6z ederken, yukar\u0131dan beri s\u00f6z etti\u011fimiz iki temel y\u00f6neli\u015fe, \u201cK\u00fcrt fobisi<\/em>\u201d diyebilece\u011fimiz refleksleri de eklemek gerekir. B\u00f6ylece K\u00fcrtlerin kendi kaderlerini tayin hakk\u0131na (hatta her t\u00fcr hak elde etmesine) tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z kar\u015f\u0131 durmay\u0131 d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n en temel tutumu yapm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Cumhuriyetin ilk y\u0131llardan ba\u015flayarak, K\u00fcrtlerin her talebini \u201cisyan<\/em>\u201d, <\/em>\u201cb\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck<\/em>\u201d, <\/em>\u201cemperyalizmin i\u015fbirlik\u00e7ili\u011fi<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6r\u00fcp \u015fiddetli bir bi\u00e7imde bast\u0131rmay\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131ca tutum olarak benimseyen iktidarlar, d\u0131\u015f politikada bir yandan \u0130ran, Irak ve Suriye\u2019de K\u00fcrtlerin m\u00fccadelesini bu \u00fclkelerin kendi i\u00e7 sorunu gibi g\u00f6r\u00fcp ili\u015fkilerinde de bu \u00fclkelerin K\u00fcrt sorunu kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki tutumlar\u0131n\u0131 dikkate ald\u0131. Ayr\u0131ca uluslararas\u0131 platformlarda da K\u00fcrtlerle ilgili her konuda cepheden \u201chay\u0131r\u201d tutumu tak\u0131nmay\u0131 refleks edindi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u00d6rne\u011fin son y\u0131llarda Suriye i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131na m\u00fcdahale edilerek Suriye batakl\u0131\u011f\u0131na boylu boyunca dal\u0131nmas\u0131ndaki as\u0131l nedenlerden birisinin (\u00f6teki \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131kla ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131d\u0131r) K\u00fcrtlerin Suriye\u2019de \u00f6zerk ya da federal bir yap\u0131da kantonlar olu\u015fturma (Buna K\u00fcrtlerin Akdeniz\u2019e ula\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flayacak \u201cter\u00f6r koridoru\u201d<\/em> gibi korkutucu olaca\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fclen adlar da tak\u0131l\u0131yor) ihtimalinden duyulan korkudur dersek yanl\u0131\u015f bir \u015fey s\u00f6ylememi\u015f oluruz. Ya da en son Finlandiya ve \u0130sve\u00e7\u2019in NATO\u2019ya \u00fcyelik ba\u015fvurular\u0131 kar\u0131\u015f\u0131\u015f\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin\u201cveto<\/em>\u201d hakk\u0131n\u0131 kullanaca\u011f\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda da bu iki \u00fclkenin K\u00fcrtlerin taleplerine yak\u0131n duran tutumlar\u0131n\u0131n gerek\u00e7e olarak sunulmas\u0131 T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u201cK\u00fcrt fobisi<\/em>\u201dne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fen politikas\u0131n\u0131n sadece i\u00e7 politikada de\u011fil d\u0131\u015f politikada da \u201cilkesel<\/em>\u201d d<\/em>iyebilece\u011fimiz bir etkiye sahip oldu\u011funu g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

CUMHUR\u0130YET\u0130N DI\u015e POL\u0130T\u0130KASINDAN UZAKLA\u015eMA E\u011e\u0130L\u0130MLER\u0130N\u0130N ARTMASI<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Cumhuriyet \u201cstat\u00fckoculu\u011fu<\/em>\u201dnu, \u201890\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda Turgut \u00d6zal, 1. K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131 iklim i\u00e7inde \u201cBir koyup \u00fc\u00e7 alaca\u011f\u0131z<\/em>\u201d diyerek, Musul ve Kerk\u00fck \u00fczerinden ABD ile pazarl\u0131\u011fa giri\u015fmek suretiyle esnetmeye y\u00f6neldi. Ancak hem ilerici kamuoyu hem genelkurmaydan gelen tepkiler \u00fczerinegeri ad\u0131m atmak zorunda kald\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

SB\u2019nin tarih sahnesinden \u00e7ekilmesinden sonraki bu d\u00f6nemde, kaos ortam\u0131ndan yararlanarak Orta Asya\u2019daki \u201cT\u00fcrki cumhuriyetler<\/em>\u201dde M\u0130T ve y\u00fcksek b\u00fcrokrasi i\u00e7inde mevzilenmi\u015f \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-Turanc\u0131<\/em> kadrolar\u0131n kimi \u201cdarbe giri\u015fimleri<\/em>\u201d, haz\u0131rl\u0131k a\u015famas\u0131ndade\u015fifre olarak akamet u\u011frad\u0131. D\u00f6nemin ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Tansu \u00c7iller, dilinden d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrmedi\u011fi\u201cAdriyatik\u2019ten \u00c7in Seddi\u2019ne b\u00fcy\u00fck T\u00fcrk D\u00fcnyas\u0131<\/em>\u201d hamasetini, Aral\u0131k 1996\u2019da yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 Moskova ziyaretinden sonra kullanamaz hale geldi. Ve Ege\u2019deki, \u201cKardak Kayal\u0131klar\u0131<\/em>\u201dna bir SAS timi g\u00f6nderip Yunanistan bayra\u011f\u0131n\u0131 indirtmekle yetinmek zorunda kald\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

90\u2019lar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131nda Refahyol H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin ba\u015fbakan\u0131 Necmettin Erbakan AB\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 alternatif olmas\u0131n\u0131 ama\u00e7layarak \u0130slam Birli\u011fi ve D-8\u2019ler olu\u015fturmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ysa da, \u00d6zal ve \u00c7iller\u2019in giri\u015fimleri gibi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 Cumhuriyetin \u201cstat\u00fckoculuk<\/em>\u201dve \u201cBat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201dekseninden sapt\u0131racak sonu\u00e7lar do\u011furmad\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

K\u0131sacas\u0131, 2007\u2019ye kadar, Cumhuriyetin kurulu\u015fundan itibaren d\u0131\u015f politikan\u0131n esas\u0131 olarak belirlenen ve \u201cYurtta Sulh D\u00fcnyada Sulh<\/em>\u201d slogan\u0131yla pop\u00fclerle\u015ftirilen <\/em>\u201cstat\u00fckoculuk<\/em>\u201d ve bat\u0131 emperyalizmine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k anlam\u0131na gelen \u201cBat\u0131c\u0131l\u0131k<\/em>\u201da, egemen burjuvazinin s\u0131rt\u0131n\u0131 d\u00f6nece\u011fi kadar \u00e7ekici imkanlar sunmay\u0131 ba\u015faramad\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Yaz\u0131n\u0131n sonraki b\u00f6l\u00fcmlerinde buna ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak de\u011finmek \u00fczere, bu b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc, \u00e7ok partili d\u00f6neme girilmesinden sonra, siyasette olu\u015fan ve bug\u00fcn de dikkat \u00e7ekici bi\u00e7imde s\u00fcren bir d\u0131\u015f politika gelene\u011fine de\u011finerek bitirelim. O da, d\u0131\u015f politika s\u00f6z konusu oldu\u011funda iktidar\u0131yla muhalefetiyle sermaye partilerinin birlik i\u00e7inde olmalar\u0131 ve \u201cd\u0131\u015f politika mili politikad\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diyerek, burjuva muhalefetin, aralar\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 bir yana b\u0131rakarak, ekonomide, i\u00e7 politikada hemen her konuda kanl\u0131 b\u0131\u00e7akl\u0131 oldu\u011fu h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerin arkas\u0131nda birle\u015fmeleridir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bug\u00fcn de kimi istisnalar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen bu gelene\u011fin ba\u015flat\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc olmu\u015ftur. Menderes H\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u2019nin TBMM’ye ve muhalefete dan\u0131\u015fmadan 25 Temmuz 1950’de Kore’ye 4500asker g\u00f6nderilece\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131 \u00fczerine CHP bu karar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131k bir anayasa ihlali oldu\u011funu belirtti. Ancak askerin g\u00f6nderilmesinden sonra, 27 Aral\u0131k 1950\u2019de, CHP, anayasa ihlali konusundaki \u0131srar\u0131n\u0131 bir kenara b\u0131rakarak, Kore’de sava\u015fan birliklere destek verilmesi konusunda iktidarla birlikte hareket etti. 27 Aral\u0131k 1950’de CHP ve DP milletvekillerinin ortak giri\u015fimiyle, Kore’de sava\u015fan askerlere Meclis’in sevgi ve selam\u0131n\u0131n yolland\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir karar al\u0131nd\u0131. CHP Genel Ba\u015fkan\u0131 \u0130smet \u0130n\u00f6n\u00fc,25 Ekim 1951’de yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir konu\u015fmada bu \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi, “D\u0131\u015f mesele \u00fczerinde esasen bizim memlekette fikir ve prensip ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoktur<\/em>“diyerek, Kore’ye asker g\u00f6nderilmesine itiraz\u0131n\u0131 kald\u0131rd\u0131. O zamandan beri, 1 Mart Tezkeresi gibi istisna say\u0131lacak kimi durumlar d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, hele de ba\u015fka \u00fclkelere asker g\u00f6nderme gibi hallerde\u201cmuhalefet<\/em>\u201d partileri, iktidarla aralar\u0131ndaki kavgay\u0131 bir yana iterek, ortak hareket ettiler, ediyorlar. Bunu Suriye, Libya ve Irak\u2019a asker g\u00f6nderme tezkerelerinin oylanmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda defalarca g\u00f6rd\u00fck.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130KT\u0130DARLARIN DI\u015e POL\u0130T\u0130KASINA ANT\u0130EMPEPYAL\u0130ST \u0130T\u0130RAZ!<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

En az\u0131ndan 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131na kadar egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n en se\u00e7kin temsilcilerinin ve bu alanda yeti\u015ftirilmi\u015f uzmanlar\u0131n\u0131n kapal\u0131 kap\u0131lar arkas\u0131nda y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir konu iken i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 tarih sahnesine \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p kendi ad\u0131na siyaset yapabilece\u011fi \u00f6rg\u00fctler kurmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131nda, d\u0131\u015f politika, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n, sendikalar\u0131n ve elbette ki s\u0131n\u0131f partilerinin de g\u00fcndeminde \u00f6nemli bir yer tutmaya ba\u015flad\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Birinci Emperyalist Sava\u015f \u00f6ncesi ve sava\u015f s\u0131ras\u0131nda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi bu alanda sonraki ku\u015faklara da yol g\u00f6sterici oldu. \u0130kinci Emperyalist Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda ise, bir yanda i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve sosyalizmin kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda elde etti\u011fi ileri mevziler, \u00f6te yandan da anti emperyalist m\u00fccadelelerin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 bilin\u00e7 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fc ve buna ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f d\u00f6nd\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc h\u0131zla geli\u015fmesinin eklenmesiyle, d\u0131\u015f politika, \u00fclkelerdeki siyasi m\u00fccadelede, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve halk\u0131n geni\u015f kesimlerinin de ilgi alan\u0131na girdi. B\u00f6ylece d\u0131\u015f politika, kapal\u0131 kap\u0131lar arkas\u0131nda, sermayenin has temsilcileri ve diplomatlar\u0131n\u0131n\u201c\u015fapkadan tav\u015fan \u00e7\u0131kard\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dve halk\u0131n da en fazla\u201cbu \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lan tav\u015fan\u0131n en iyi tav\u015fan oldu\u011fu<\/em>\u201dna inand\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in muhatap al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir faaliyet alan\u0131 olma halini eskisi gibi s\u00fcrd\u00fcremez oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u00dclkemizde iktidarlar\u0131n uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 geleneksel d\u0131\u015f politikaya as\u0131l itiraz, 60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llardan ba\u015flayarak, anti-emperyalist m\u00fccadelenin geli\u015fmesiyle ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Anti-emperyalist bir y\u00f6nelim kazanacak olan ilk tepki, 1962-1963 y\u0131llar\u0131nda Shell, Mobil, BP gibi uluslararas\u0131 petrol tekellerine kar\u015f\u0131 (sadece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de\u011fil Ortado\u011fu\u2019da olu\u015fan), petrol tekellerinin b\u00f6lge zenginliklerine el koymas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 tepkilerin bir devam\u0131 olarak, \u201cMilli Petrol<\/em>\u201d kampanyas\u0131 etraf\u0131nda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. D\u00f6nemin TPAO Genel M\u00fcd\u00fcr\u00fc \u0130hsan Topalo\u011flu\u2019nun ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekti\u011fi kampanya, ilerici demokratik kamuoyu, uyan\u0131\u015f i\u00e7indeki gen\u00e7lik ve T\u0130P taraf\u0131ndan da desteklendi. Bu kampanya etraf\u0131nda, petrol tekellerinin Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun yeralt\u0131 kaynaklar\u0131na el koymas\u0131 ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendi kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 kendisinin i\u015fletmesi yerine petrol arama ve \u00fcretiminin ruhsat verilen Shell\u2019e, Mobil\u2019e, BP\u2019ye b\u0131rak\u0131lmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131l\u0131yordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu kampanyan\u0131n harekete ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi tepkiler ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta milliyet\u00e7i nitelikteydi. K\u0131sa bir s\u00fcre sonra, a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a ABD\u2019nin d\u00fcnya hegemonyas\u0131na ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 soras\u0131nda ABD\u2019ye tam ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 hale getirilmesine kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131larak, NATO\u2019ya, CENTO\u2019ya hay\u0131r, Tam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve Ger\u00e7ekten Demokratik T\u00fcrkiye <\/em>slogan\u0131yla ifade edilen tutarl\u0131 bir anti-emperyalizme ba\u011fland\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin 2. Emperyalist Sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda ABD\u2019nin eksenine girmesi Kore\u2019ye asker g\u00f6ndermesi ve NATO\u2019ya, CENTO\u2019ya \u00fcye olmas\u0131, 1950\u2019lerden ba\u015flayarak ABD \u00fcsleriyle donat\u0131l\u0131p SB\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 emperyalizmin ileri karakolu haline getirilmesi anti-emperyalist tepkileri yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Demokrat Parti (DP) ve sonraki y\u0131llarda da Adalet Partisi\u2019nin (AP) a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a Amerikanc\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, bir ABD in\u015faat tekeli olan Morisson<\/em> firmas\u0131n\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye Temsilcisi S\u00fcleyman Demirel\u2019in (\u201cMorisson S\u00fcleyman<\/em>\u201d\u0131n) Adalet Partisi\u2019nin ba\u015f\u0131na getirilip sonra da ba\u015fbakan yap\u0131lmas\u0131, bu tepkilerin h\u0131zla yay\u0131l\u0131p b\u00fcy\u00fcmesine yol a\u00e7an etkenlerdendi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

60\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar\u0131n sonlar\u0131nda, ayr\u0131ca, d\u00fcnyada b\u00fcy\u00fck bir itibar kazanan Filistin Devrimi\u2019<\/strong>ne ve \u201cLaik ve Demokratik Filistin<\/em>\u201d m\u00fccadelesine destek olan anti-emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de aktifti. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin \u0130srail ve ABD yanl\u0131s\u0131 politikas\u0131 ele\u015ftiriliyor, Filistin\u2019e destek kampanyalar\u0131 d\u00fczenleniyor, gen\u00e7lik m\u00fccadelesinin en \u00f6n\u00fcnde yer alan az\u0131msanmayacak say\u0131da gen\u00e7 devrimci \u0130srail\u2019e kar\u015f\u0131 fiilen sava\u015fa girerek, enternasyonal dayan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 ete kemi\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcnd\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

AP iktidar\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere, d\u00f6nemin b\u00fct\u00fcn iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131n, en ileri gittiklerinde bile Filistinlilerin ac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 istismar ederek i\u00e7 politika malzemesi yapmalar\u0131 te\u015fhir ediliyor, bu iki y\u00fczl\u00fc resmi ve gayri resmi burjuva-gerici tutuma kar\u015f\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcl\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Anti-emperyalist devrimci-demokrat g\u00fc\u00e7ler, devletin ve sermaye partilerinin geleneksel emperyalizm yanl\u0131s\u0131 \u201cBat\u0131c\u0131<\/em>\u201d, \u201cStat\u00fckocu<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cK\u00fcrt d\u00fc\u015fmanl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d merkezli \u00a0<\/em>d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ger\u00e7ek bir alternatif olarak; uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderini tayin hakk\u0131na sayg\u0131y\u0131, b\u00f6lge halklar\u0131 aras\u0131nda karde\u015fli\u011fi, b\u00f6lgede ve d\u00fcnyada bar\u0131\u015f\u0131 temel alan, ilerleyen y\u0131llarda K\u00fcrt sorununun demokratik \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc de bu anlay\u0131\u015fla ele alarak, Tam Ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z ve Ger\u00e7ekten Demokratik T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 eksen alan bir d\u0131\u015f ve i\u00e7 politikay\u0131 savundular.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu geli\u015fme sadece T\u00fcrkiye\u2019ye has da de\u011fildi. Tersine, 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019nda Nazizm ve fa\u015fizmin yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131nda as\u0131l g\u00fcc\u00fcn SSCB olmas\u0131, 1949\u2019da \u00c7in Devrimi, Hindistan\u2019\u0131n ve emperyalist \u00fclkelerin s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesi bir \u00e7ok Asya ve Afrika \u00fclkesinin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kazanmas\u0131, Vietnam halk\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nce (1954\u2019te) Frans\u0131zlar\u0131 yenilgiye u\u011fratmas\u0131ndan sonra \u201860\u2019lar\u0131n ba\u015flar\u0131ndan itibaren de emperyalizmin ba\u015f patronu ABD\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 halk kurtulu\u015f sava\u015f\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor olmas\u0131, ABD\u2019nin burnunun ucundaki K\u00fcba\u2019da yap\u0131lan devrim, Castro ve Che\u2019nin d\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn devrimcilerini heyecanland\u0131ran mesajlar\u0131, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin hemen dibinde emperyalizme ve \u0130srail siyonizmine kar\u015f\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131lan devrimci bir sava\u015f cephesi olarak Laik ve Demokratik Filistin<\/em> \u015fiar\u0131yla s\u00fcren m\u00fccadeleler t\u00fcm d\u00fcnyada emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 dan\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fctt\u00fc.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

D\u00fcnyan\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fen bu iklimi pek \u00e7ok ba\u015fka \u00fclkede olu\u011fu gibi \u00fclkemiz de emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin yayg\u0131nla\u015f\u0131p b\u00fcy\u00fcmesine dayanak oldu. Ama T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin kendisine has ko\u015fular\u0131yla birle\u015ferek, sonraki y\u0131llarda da \u00fclkenin i\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131 etkileyecek olan geli\u015fmelerin de ba\u015flang\u0131c\u0131 oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n