{"id":1492,"date":"2022-01-05T22:31:02","date_gmt":"2022-01-05T19:31:02","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=1492"},"modified":"2023-01-17T10:45:37","modified_gmt":"2023-01-17T07:45:37","slug":"fasizme-karsi-mucadele-tarihsel-deneyimler-ve-guncel-durum","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2022\/01\/05\/fasizme-karsi-mucadele-tarihsel-deneyimler-ve-guncel-durum\/","title":{"rendered":"Fa\u015fizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele: Tarihsel deneyimler ve g\u00fcncel durum"},"content":{"rendered":"\r\n\r\n\r\n

Yusuf Akda\u011f |\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleden s\u00f6z edebilmek i\u00e7in fa\u015fizmin baz\u0131 temel \u00f6zelliklerine i\u015faret etmek gerekir. \u00c7e\u015fitli di\u011fer makalelerde konu bu y\u00f6nleriyle de irdelenece\u011fi i\u00e7in burada bu \u00f6zelliklerden yaln\u0131zca bu makalenin kapsam\u0131yla ba\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde s\u00f6z edilecektir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fizmi bir mali grubun, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta tabakalar\u0131n, bir partinin politikalar\u0131na indirgeyenler oldu\u011fu gibi burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde tan\u0131mlayanlar da olmu\u015ftur. Ancak fa\u015fizm, bir grup sermaye u\u015fa\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, bir grup askeri \u00fcst b\u00fcrokrat\u0131n ya da bir partinin dayatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 politikalardan ibaret y\u00f6netim ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet bi\u00e7imi olmay\u0131p mali sermaye ve tekellerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n en vah\u015fi \u015fekilde dayat\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 devlet bi\u00e7imidir. Bir ak\u0131m olarak fa\u015fist ideoloji ve siyaset ve bir devlet bi\u00e7imi olarak fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck, ekonomik-sosyal ve siyasal ko\u015fullar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rla\u015fmas\u0131, kitlesel umutsuzluk ve i\u00e7inde bulunulan a\u011f\u0131r ko\u015fullardan \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f aray\u0131\u015f\u0131yla (gerek hakim s\u0131n\u0131flar gerek s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen ve ezilen s\u0131n\u0131f ve kesimler) ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ortaya \u00e7\u0131kar. Ba\u015fka bir s\u00f6yleyi\u015fle fa\u015fizm, mali sermaye ve tekelci burjuvazinin kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 ekonomik sosyal ve politik sorunlar\u0131 burjuva demokratik y\u00f6ntemlerle \u00e7\u00f6zememesi durumunda, burjuva s\u0131n\u0131f egemenli\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmenin arac\u0131 olarak g\u00fcndeme gelir. Mali sermaye \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n radikal temsilini \u00fcstlenen fa\u015fizm, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin devrimci m\u00fccadelesine kar\u015f\u0131 bir \u015fiddet ve kar\u015f\u0131 devrim hareketi olarak geli\u015fir; diktat\u00f6ryald\u0131r; \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131-ya da ultra milliyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemi ba\u015f k\u00f6\u015feye oturtur; \u015foven milliyet\u00e7ilik fa\u015fizmin ideolojik cephaneli\u011finde bir t\u00fcr sava\u015f m\u00fchimmat\u0131d\u0131r, devlet ve millet kavramlar\u0131na mitik anlamlar y\u00fckler; lider k\u00fclt\u00fcn\u00fc ve hiyerar\u015fik \u00f6rg\u00fct yap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131, kitle g\u00fcc\u00fc olu\u015fturman\u0131n hareket ettirici ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olarak kullan\u0131r; k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuva kesimlerin, toplumun \u201cdeklase tabakalar\u0131\u201dn\u0131n sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 kullanarak onlar\u0131 kendi hedefleri i\u00e7in kulanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r. Ter\u00f6rist \u015fiddet politikas\u0131 fa\u015fizmin genel bir \u00f6zelli\u011fidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fizm \u0130talya ve Almanya\u2019da oldu\u011fu t\u00fcrden a\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan kitle deste\u011finde, Latin \u00fclkelerinde ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de oldu\u011fu gibi yukar\u0131dan askeri darbelerle ya da bu her \u2018iki yol\u2019un ayn\u0131 s\u00fcrecin unsurlar\u0131 olarak birbirini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren \u201cbile\u015fikler\u201d i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmesiyle hakim hale gelebilir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n her durumda kitle deste\u011fine ihtiya\u00e7 duyar ve bunu sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in \u015fovenist milliyet\u00e7i s\u00f6ylemin yan\u0131s\u0131ra ekonomik-sosyal sorunlar\u0131 kullan\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele, bu \u00f6zellikleri ve taktikleri g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde tutulmaks\u0131z\u0131n ba\u015far\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

KOM\u0130NTERN\u2019\u0130N ANT\u0130 FA\u015e\u0130ST B\u0130RLE\u015e\u0130K CEPHE POL\u0130T\u0130KASI\u00a0 <\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ve sonras\u0131nda yeni bir d\u00fcnya durumu ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: Kapitalist emperyalist d\u00fcnya sistemi Ekim Devrimi ile b\u00fcy\u00fck bir darbe alm\u0131\u015f; kapitalist pazar daralm\u0131\u015f, hemen t\u00fcm ileri kapitalist \u00fclkelerde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 hareketi ve devrim m\u00fccadelesi ivme kazanm\u0131\u015f; Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n burjuva iktidarlar\u0131 yeni devrimler ve devrimci giri\u015fimlerle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelmi\u015flerdi. Fa\u015fizm, bu uluslararas\u0131 ko\u015fullarda g\u00fcndeme geldi. Siyasal \u015fiddet ve gericilik yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131larak s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc sistemi korunmaya, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerden gelecek devrimci darbeler bu \u015fiddet arac\u0131yla \u00f6nlenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yordu. \u0130\u00e7eride siyasal \u015fiddeti yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131ran tekelci burjuvazi, d\u0131\u015f politikada s\u0131n\u0131rs\u0131z \u015fovenizme, yay\u0131lmac\u0131l\u0131k ve sava\u015flara y\u00f6nelmekteydi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Kom\u00fcnist parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctler, ileri i\u015f\u00e7iler ve devrimci ayd\u0131nlar yeni bir sorunla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya gelmi\u015flerdi. Fa\u015fist hareket(ler), iktisadi-sosyal konumlar\u0131 sars\u0131lan ve ayn\u0131 nedenle de aray\u0131\u015fa giren \u00fcretici k\u00f6yl\u00fc, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck esnaf, zanaatkar kesimleriyle i\u015fsiz kitleleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n y\u00fcz y\u00fcze bulunduklar\u0131 sorunlar\u0131 kullanarak bu kesimleri yedeklemeye y\u00f6nelmi\u015fti. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere halk y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n sosyal-ekonomik ve siyasal taleplerini sahiplenen bir m\u00fccadele program\u0131 etraf\u0131nda birle\u015fik bir m\u00fccadele cephesi olu\u015fturularak bunun \u00f6n\u00fc kesilmeli, fa\u015fist politika bo\u015fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmal\u0131yd\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu sorun, fa\u015fist hareketlerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmaya ba\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 ve Ekim Devrimi sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemden (1921) ba\u015flayarak kom\u00fcnist partilerin ve Komintern\u2019in g\u00fcndeminde, denebilir ki devaml\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterir \u015fekilde yer ald\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i m\u00fccadelesinin \u0130talya, Almanya, Avusturya ve Macaristan gibi \u00fclkelerde devrimci y\u00fckseli\u015fiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak devrim beklentisinin en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc oldu\u011fu \u00fclkelerden biri de \u0130talya idi ve bu \u00fclkede geli\u015fen fa\u015fist hareketin ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131, benzer bir tehlikeyi Almanya\u2019n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra Avusturya, \u00c7ekoslovakya, Macaristan gibi \u00fclkeler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da g\u00fcndeme getirebilirdi. \u0130talyan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fka \u00fclkeler proletaryas\u0131na k\u0131yasla daha \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ve sava\u015fmaya haz\u0131r olmas\u0131na, ordu i\u00e7inde baz\u0131 kesimler i\u015f\u00e7i ve k\u00f6yl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesine sempati beslemesine ve baz\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerde i\u015f\u00e7iler fabrikalara el koyduklar\u0131 ve burjuvazi pek bir \u015fey yapamad\u0131\u011f\u0131 halde, Serrati y\u00f6netimindeki \u0130talyan Sosyalist Partisi\u2019nin izledi\u011fi \u00e7izgi, b\u00f6ylesi bir tehdidin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesine engel olu\u015fturmamaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Komintern IV. Kongresi\u2019nin (1922) 12. Oturumu\u2019na sundu\u011fu raporunda, \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnistPartisi temsilcisi Bordiga, bu durumu irdelerken,\u0130talyan Sosyalist Partisi\u2019ni 1919 -1920 d\u00f6neminde s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin gereklerine uygun \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeyi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmemesi ve devlet g\u00fcc\u00fc korumas\u0131ndaki fa\u015fist \u00e7etelerin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i kitlelerinde yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 moral bozucu ve da\u011f\u0131t\u0131c\u0131 etkiye kar\u015f\u0131 fiili \u00f6nlem almamas\u0131 nedeniyle ele\u015ftiriyor, fa\u015fist hareketin bundan yararlanarak \u0130talya\u2019da g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtiyordu.[1]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fist hareket ta\u015fran\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra “proleter hareketin en fazla geli\u015fti\u011fi ve s\u0131n\u0131f sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n en belirgin<\/em>\u201d \u015fekilde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerlerde de sald\u0131r\u0131ya ge\u00e7mi\u015fti. \u0130talya, sava\u015f\u0131n galipleri taraf\u0131nda olmas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131n ganimet yoksunuydu ve bu da \u201cmilli \u00e7\u0131karlar” s\u00f6ylemini etkili k\u0131l\u0131yordu. T\u00fcm \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n \u201culusal birlik i\u00e7inde kayna\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131\u201d propaganda ediliyor, bu da sosyal iktisadi durumlar\u0131 sars\u0131lan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta tabakalar, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck i\u015f sahipleri ve ba\u015f\u0131bo\u015f kesimler \u00fczerinde etkili oluyordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Alman kom\u00fcnistlerine bir mektubunda Lenin, Komintern III. Kongresi\u2019nin \u0130talya\u2019daki durum \u00fczerine de\u011ferlendirmesinde Serrati\u2019nin oport\u00fcnist politikas\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele eden \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019ni, t\u00fcm dikkatini \u201cfa\u015fistlerin kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci hareketine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede proleter kitlelerle s\u0131k\u0131 bir ba\u011f i\u00e7inde\u201d olmakla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kitle eylemlerinin birle\u015ftirilip \u201ckendili\u011finden patlamalar\u0131n\u0131 titizlikle haz\u0131rlanm\u0131\u015f m\u00fccadelelere d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmesi\u201d y\u00f6n\u00fcnde g\u00f6stermesi i\u00e7in uyard\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve Almanya Birle\u015fik Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nin m\u00fccadele \u015fiarlar\u0131n\u0131 \u201cger\u00e7ek duruma\u201d uydurma ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak kitle eylemlerinin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131na yard\u0131mc\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131na i\u015faret etti\u011fini belirtiyor, II. Enternasyonal oport\u00fcnizmenin verdi\u011fi zararlara i\u015faret ederek sa\u011f ve sol yakla\u015f\u0131mlar\u0131 ele\u015ftiriyor ve kom\u00fcnistlerin enerjilerini kitle m\u00fccadelesinin geli\u015ftirilmesine harcamalar\u0131 i\u00e7in uyar\u0131yordu.[2]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fist hareket Almanya\u2019da da g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmaktayd\u0131. Siyasetlerini Versay Anla\u015fmas\u0131 ve sava\u015f tazminatlar\u0131 dahil \u201cAlman ulusunun ma\u011fduriyetleri” \u00fczerine kuran fa\u015fistler, Versay Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n iptalini ve Fransa ve \u0130ngiltere\u2019den intikam al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 istiyor; Cermen k\u00f6kene vurguyla \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 politika izliyor, s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131na yer olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 propaganda ediyor; k\u00f6yl\u00fc kitlelerini kazanmak i\u00e7in “ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z k\u00f6yl\u00fc i\u015fletmeleri”nin kurulmas\u0131 ve “Yahudilerin u\u015fakl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan kurtulma” propagandas\u0131yla antisemitist bir politika y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyorlard\u0131. Bu propaganda ve bu y\u00f6ndeki fiili giri\u015fimler k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuva kesimlerde geni\u015f destek g\u00f6r\u00fcyor; i\u015fsiz kitleleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere i\u015f\u00e7iler \u00fczerinde etkide bulunuyordu. Alman kapitalizminin daha da gerilemesi ve \u00e7\u00f6kmesi korkusunun yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 intikam iste\u011fi ve k\u00f6r\u00fckledi\u011fi \u015fovenist ruh halini kullanarak fa\u015fist hareket i\u00e7 sava\u015f birliklerini \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fcyor; provokasyonlara giri\u015fiyor, i\u015f\u00e7i \u00f6rg\u00fctlerine, grevcilere ve g\u00f6stericilere sald\u0131r\u0131yor, ya\u011fma eylemlerini art\u0131r\u0131yordu.[3]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

IV. Kongre\u2019de, fa\u015fizm tehlikesinin bir\u00e7ok emperyalist \u00fclke i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7eken KEYK, fa\u015fizm ile tekelci sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin a\u00e7\u0131\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131larak uluslararas\u0131 alanda ve tek tek \u00fclkelerde kitlelerin aldat\u0131lmas\u0131 ve bask\u0131yla yedeklemesini \u00f6nleyecek bir m\u00fccadele hatt\u0131na ihtiya\u00e7 oldu\u011fu tespitini yapt\u0131. Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 bir bi\u00e7imde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi i\u00e7in fa\u015fistlerin izledikleri taktikler ve y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fckleri demagojik propaganda dikkatle izlenmeli; \u201cde\u011fi\u015fik kapitalist katmanlar aras\u0131ndaki iktisadi ve sosyal \u00e7eli\u015fkiler, b\u00fcy\u00fck burjuvazi ile k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuvazi ve ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u00f6yl\u00fcl\u00fck ve ayd\u0131nlar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiler ve hepsinden daha \u00f6nemlisi burjuvazi ile proletarya aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkiler<\/em>\u201d irdelenerek fa\u015fist hareketin s\u0131n\u0131f d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 karakterinin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve di\u011fer emek\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan g\u00f6r\u00fclmesini sa\u011flayacak bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeli; uluslararas\u0131 alanda yeni bir sava\u015f yaratma potansiyeli dikkate al\u0131narak t\u00fcm i\u015f\u00e7ilerin fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye \u00e7ekilmesi i\u00e7in uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte fa\u015fist demagojiye \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc y\u0131\u011f\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi ile kar\u015f\u0131 konulmal\u0131yd\u0131![4]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

KEYK, 13. Plenumu’nda (1933), \u201cFa\u015fizm, Sava\u015f Tehlikesi ve Kom\u00fcnist Partilerin G\u00f6revleri\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda ve Kuusinen taraf\u0131ndan sunulan raporla birlikte kabul edilen tezlerde, kapitalizmin genel krizinin geli\u015fimi ve kapitalist \u00fclkelerde s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesine dikkat \u00e7ekiliyor ve d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u201cyeni bir devrimler ve sava\u015flar d\u00f6nemine\u201d girmekte oldu\u011fundan s\u00f6z edilerek fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6nemi vurgulan\u0131yor; b\u00fct\u00fcn kom\u00fcnist partiler bunun i\u00e7in harekete ge\u00e7meye \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131l\u0131yordu.[5]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Komintern\u2019in VI. D\u00fcnya Kongresi\u2019nde, devrim \u00f6ncesi t\u00fcm d\u00f6nem i\u00e7in, sermayeye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin temel arac\u0131<\/em> olarak \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu kom\u00fcnizm i\u00e7in kazanman\u0131n y\u00f6ntemi olarak proleter birle\u015fik cephe takti\u011fi\u201dne vurgu yap\u0131larak bu takti\u011fin uygulanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in her bir \u00fclkede, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin somut durumuyla ba\u011fl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlere ihtiya\u00e7 oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekildi. Devrimci dalgan\u0131n y\u00fckseldi\u011fi d\u00f6nemlerde uygulanacak taktikler ile m\u00fccadelenin geri ya da nispeten d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck d\u00fczeyde seyretti\u011fi zamanlarda izlenecek taktik y\u00f6ntemler ayn\u0131 olamazd\u0131. Kitle m\u00fccadelesinin sermaye egemenli\u011fini ve burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc tehdit etti\u011fi ko\u015fullarda, m\u00fccadeleyi burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn y\u0131k\u0131lmas\u0131na ve proletaryan\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131f iktidar\u0131n\u0131n kurulmas\u0131na do\u011fru geli\u015ftirmek ba\u015fl\u0131ca g\u00f6rev iken, fa\u015fist tehdidin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 durumunda, \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 onu defetmekte olan g\u00fc\u00e7lerin anti-fa\u015fist birli\u011fi, m\u00fccadeleyi geli\u015ftirici ve g\u00fc\u00e7lendirici i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcrd\u00fc.[6]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

VII. Kongre\u2019de (1935) daha da netle\u015ftirilerek Dimitrov taraf\u0131ndan a\u00e7\u0131klanan fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede kom\u00fcnist tutum, sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7 boyunca da temel \u00f6nemde bir referans olarak al\u0131nd\u0131. \u00a0Buna g\u00f6re, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebilmesi ve fa\u015fizmin yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in her \u015feyden \u00f6nce kapitalist parti fraksiyonlar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan etki alt\u0131na al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 kitlelerinin birli\u011finin <\/em>sa\u011flanmas\u0131<\/em> ve anti fa\u015fist halk cephesi politikas\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve \u00f6rg\u00fctleri merkez al\u0131narak geli\u015ftirilmesi gerekiyordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7ilerin birle\u015fik cephesi ile anti fa\u015fist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birle\u015fik cephesi birbirinin alternatifi olmay\u0131p birbirini g\u00fc\u00e7lendiren-deyi\u015f yerindeyse tamamlayan olu\u015fumlard\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 b\u00f6len, emek\u00e7i kitlelerinin birle\u015fik eylemi ve m\u00fccadelesini zaafa u\u011fratan politikalar\u0131n te\u015fhiri, anti-fa\u015fist halk cephesinin olu\u015fturulmas\u0131n\u0131n gereklerinden biriydi. Reformist sendika \u015feflerinin ve sosyal demokrat parti y\u00f6neticilerinin fa\u015fizme g\u00fc\u00e7 veren politikalar\u0131 mahk\u00fbm edilmeli, kapitalist \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 savunan farkl\u0131 burjuva parti \u015fubelerinin emek\u00e7iler \u00fczerindeki etkisi k\u0131r\u0131lmal\u0131yd\u0131. Fa\u015fist barbarl\u0131\u011fa kar\u015f\u0131n uzla\u015f\u0131 politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcren sosyal demokrat partilerin tutumu, birle\u015fik cephe olu\u015fumunun ba\u015fl\u0131ca engeliydi ve Alman Sosyal Demokrat Partisi (SPD) bunun ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7ekiyordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i hareketiyle ba\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden g\u00fc\u00e7 toplayan sosyal demokrasi, sa\u011f gerici bir politik \u00e7izgide mali sermayeye yedeklenerek Almanya, Avusturya, Macaristan ve Finlandiya\u2019da i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilerin devrimci ayaklanmalar\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda kapitalist sistemi koruma g\u00fcc\u00fc olarak hareket etmekteydi. Tekelci sermayenin ve finans oligar\u015finin \u201ckriz siyasetinin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re sosyal-demokrasinin ideolojik uyumu\u201d da ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmekteydi.[7]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu teslimiyet\u00e7i politikan\u0131n bayraktarl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yapan ve Alman mali sermayesinin 1918-19 devrimine kar\u015f\u0131 ba\u015flatt\u0131\u011f\u0131 imha <\/em>politikas\u0131n\u0131<\/em> paramiliter Freikorps birliklerini harekete ge\u00e7irerek ordu kurmay\u0131 ile birlikte y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe koyan Ebert-Noske liderli\u011findeki SPD\u2019nin bu politikas\u0131, Alman devriminin yenilgiye u\u011framas\u0131ndaki rol\u00fcyle de\u011fil sadece, KPD\u2019nin \u2018Birle\u015fik Cephe\u2019 \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 reddetmedeki \u0131srar\u0131yla da Hitler\u2019e iktidar yolunun a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fl\u0131ca su\u00e7lular\u0131 aras\u0131ndayd\u0131. Komintern ve \u201culusal seksiyonlar\u0131\u201d buna ra\u011fmen fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fik cephe politikas\u0131nda sosyal demokrat parti ve kurumlar\u0131n etkisi alt\u0131ndaki kitlelerle bir arada olmak i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7aba g\u00f6sterdiler. Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal VI. ve VII. D\u00fcnya Kongreleri aras\u0131ndaki d\u00f6nem boyunca, i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i kitlelere, fa\u015fizm tehlikesinin artt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve sosyal-demokrasinin fa\u015fizmin yolunu a\u00e7an politikalarda \u0131srar etti\u011fini a\u00e7\u0131klamay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

KPD, May\u0131s 1932’de Prusya’da “devlet darbesine kar\u015f\u0131” sosyal-demokrat i\u015f\u00e7ilere anti-fa\u015fist birle\u015fik m\u00fccadele cephesini kurma \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131 yapt\u0131. 16 Haziran 1932’de KPD\u2019nin Berlin Brandenburg b\u00f6lge y\u00f6netimi, fa\u015fist gericili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 Berlinli i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ortak kitle g\u00f6sterisi i\u00e7in ADGB\u2019nin (Genel Alman Sendikalar Birli\u011fi) yerel komitesine, SPD’nin b\u00f6lge y\u00f6netimine ve “Reichsbanner’in (SPD’nin kitle \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc) eyalet y\u00f6netimi”ne ba\u015fvurdu. KPD, 22 Haziran 1932\u2018de bir kez daha, fa\u015fist hareketin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesmek i\u00e7in ortak hareket \u00f6nerisiyle SPD\u2019ne ba\u015fvurdu. Ancak bu \u00f6nerilerin t\u00fcm\u00fc de SPD taraf\u0131ndan ya reddedildi ya da yan\u0131ts\u0131z b\u0131rak\u0131ld\u0131. KPD\u2019nin genel grev \u00f6nerisine kar\u015f\u0131 SPD, i\u015f\u00e7ileri “a\u011f\u0131rba\u015fl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa” davet ediyor ve \u201cY\u00fcce Divan”\u0131n, anayasan\u0131n \u00e7i\u011fnenmesine kar\u015f\u0131 verece\u011fi karar\u0131 beklemek gerekti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. SPD y\u00f6netimi, Hitler’in iktidara gelmesinden birka\u00e7 g\u00fcn \u00f6nce (27 Ocak 1933- Breitscheid “Vorw\u00e2ts”) KDP\u2019nin \u0131srarl\u0131 \u00e7a\u011f\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na verdi\u011fi yan\u0131tta, KDP y\u00f6netimi ve etkisi alt\u0131ndaki \u00f6rg\u00fctlerle “birle\u015fik cephe olmaz” demekteydi. Hitler’in iktidara geldi\u011fi 30 Ocak 1933 g\u00fcn\u00fc KPD, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fik cephe olu\u015fturma ve genel grev \u00f6nerisiyle Sosyal-Demokrat Partiye ve reformist sendikalara bir kez daha ba\u015fvurdu. Sosyal demokrat y\u00f6neticiler bu \u00f6neriyi de “\u015eimdiki gibi zamanlarda ko\u015fullar ve taktik \u00e7ok h\u0131zl\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fir. Bug\u00fcn genel grev yapmak, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n cephanesini bo\u015f yere harcamak demektir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm d\u00fc\u015fmanlar\u0131n\u0131n birle\u015fmesine kar\u015f\u0131 sadece tek cevap vard\u0131r: i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birle\u015fmesi! Olan olmu\u015ftur. Yeni bir m\u00fccadele d\u00f6nemi ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131r… Bu y\u00fczden dala\u015fmalara, \u00f6zel parolalara ve \u00f6zel eylemlere gerek yoktur. Sahte birle\u015fik cephe manevralar\u0131 de\u011fil, bilakis i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ger\u00e7ek birli\u011fi…” gerekir \u015feklinde ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc bir yan\u0131tla reddettiler.[8]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

KEYK bu geli\u015fmeler \u00fczerine, 5 Mart 1933 tarihli \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131s\u0131yla t\u00fcm kom\u00fcnist partilerin, fa\u015fist sald\u0131r\u0131y\u0131 p\u00fcsk\u00fcrtmek i\u00e7in \u201csosyal<\/em>–<\/em>demokrat i\u015f\u00e7ilerle birle\u015fik m\u00fccadele cephesinin kurulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in sosyal<\/em>–<\/em>demokrat partiler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla bir kez daha giri\u015fim<\/em>\u201dde bulunmas\u0131n\u0131 istedi.[9]<\/a> Sosyal demokrasi y\u00f6neticilerinden bu giri\u015fimlere de olumlu bir yan\u0131t verilmedi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

26 Temmuz 1935\u2019te KEYK\u2019nin faaliyeti \u00fczerine raporunda KPD merkez y\u00f6neticilerinden ve KEYK \u00fcyesi Wilhelm Pieck, \u201c\u0130ki<\/em> Geli\u015fme Yolunun Tarihsel S\u0131nan\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/em>“<\/em> ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda \u201csosyal-demokrasi”nin \u201ct\u00fcm d\u00fcnya \u00fclkelerinde kendini tamamen kapitalist ekonominin geli\u015fmesinin hizmetine sundu\u011fu<\/em>“nu belirterek sosyal demokrat partilerin \u201ctr\u00f6stlerin y\u00f6netimleri ile de i\u00e7 i\u00e7e ge\u00e7ti”\u011fini ve “iktisadi bar\u0131\u015f”tan yana tav\u0131r alarak i\u015f\u00e7i grevlerini arkadan vurmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Bundan dolay\u0131 diyordu Pieck, KEYK’in 1928 y\u0131l\u0131ndaki IX. Plenumu’nun tespit etti\u011fi \u00fczere \u201cemek\u00e7i kitlelerin ya\u015famsal \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 savunma, artan s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve bask\u0131ya kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele yeteneklerini artt\u0131rma, bu m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in kitleleri toparlama zorunlulu\u011fu, kom\u00fcnistlerin \u00f6n\u00fcne daha a\u00e7\u0131k ve keskin bi\u00e7imde \u2018reformistlerin \u00e7izgisinden temelden ayr\u0131lan kendi \u00f6zel politik \u00e7izgimizin\u2019 \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131” tutumunu s\u00fcrd\u00fcrme gereklili\u011fini \u00e7\u0131karm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.[10]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Pieck, sosyal demokrat ve kom\u00fcnist partilerin etkisi alt\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7iler i\u00e7inde birle\u015fik m\u00fccadele e\u011filiminin g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesine ra\u011fmen sosyal demokrat parti y\u00f6neticilerinin, bu e\u011filime ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fen politik \u00e7izgiyi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmeleri \u00fczerine bir t\u00fcr ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131k haline gelen bir tutumdan s\u00f6z etmekteydi. SPD ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere sosyal demokrat partilerin y\u00f6netimleri, kitlelerin fa\u015fist otoriterizmin sultas\u0131 alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131na -bunun yol a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 \u00f6fke birikimi sistem i\u00e7in potansiyel tehdit olu\u015ftururdu- kar\u015f\u0131 olmalar\u0131na ra\u011fmen, proletarya devriminden duyduklar\u0131 korku sonucu fa\u015fist-militarist partilerle kol kola girmekten geri durmad\u0131lar. Bu ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc ve uzla\u015fmac\u0131 politika, fa\u015fizm ve fa\u015fist iktidarlara yolu daha a\u00e7\u0131k hale getirdi.[11]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

FA\u015e\u0130ZME KAR\u015eI SAVA\u015eIN BAZI \u00d6NEML\u0130 KAZANIMLARI<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bat\u0131l\u0131 emperyalist y\u00f6neticilerin fa\u015fist \u2018kamp\u2019 g\u00fc\u00e7lerini sosyalist SSCB\u2019ye sald\u0131rtma politikas\u0131, sava\u015f\u0131n, d\u00fcnya kapitalizminin yeni b\u00fcy\u00fck darbelerle sars\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7mas\u0131na engel olamad\u0131 ve sava\u015f sosyalizme ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketine kar\u015f\u0131 sald\u0131r\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 vurucu g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin (Almanya, \u0130talya ve Japonya) yenilgisiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmayarak Almanya\u2019n\u0131n b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra G\u00fcney ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019da \u201cHalk demokrasisi devletleri\u201dnin kurulmas\u0131na ve eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci politikan\u0131n iflas\u0131yla birlikte ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelesinin yay\u0131lmas\u0131na da yol a\u00e7t\u0131. \u00c7ok say\u0131daki \u00fclkede fa\u015fizme ve emperyalist i\u015fgal politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015flar\u0131 bu \u00fclkelerin kapitalist d\u00fcnya sisteminden koparak sosyalist SSCB ile yak\u0131n ili\u015fkilere girmesini sa\u011flad\u0131. Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n Bat\u0131s\u0131nda da fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015f\u0131nda yer alan ve b\u00fcy\u00fck bir m\u00fccadeleci ruhla sava\u015fan kom\u00fcnist partileri, halk\u0131n geni\u015f kesimlerinin g\u00fcvenini kazand\u0131. Sosyalizmin uluslararas\u0131 alandaki manevi ve pratik etkisi artt\u0131 ve etki alan\u0131 geni\u015fledi. Ulusal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck, ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131k ve kurtulu\u015f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesi Asya, Afrika ve Latin Amerika\u2019da yay\u0131ld\u0131. Sosyalizm ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partilerinin prestij ve g\u00fc\u00e7 kazan\u0131m\u0131yla d\u00fcnya kapitalist emperyalist sistemi yeni devrimci darbelerle yeni kitlesel direni\u015flerle y\u00fcz y\u00fcze gelmi\u015fti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Burjuva emperyalist \u015fefler yeni bir d\u00f6nem ve durumla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya idiler. Bir yandan sermayenin geni\u015fleyen yeniden \u00fcretimi i\u00e7in t\u00fcm ara\u00e7 ve olanaklar seferber edilirken di\u011fer yandan kom\u00fcnizme, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketine ve ulusal kurtulu\u015f m\u00fccadelelerine kar\u015f\u0131 barikatlar\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lendirme politikas\u0131 izlendi. ABD \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcndeki emperyalist-kapitalist devletler, SSCB\u2019yi ku\u015fatarak sosyalizmi in\u015fa edilmekte oldu\u011fu topraklarda tasfiye etme hedefli ekonomik-mali ve askeri politikalar geli\u015ftirmeye koyuldular. NATO, CENTO gibi \u00f6rg\u00fctler bu ama\u00e7l\u0131 olarak harekete ge\u00e7irildi. Amerikan kapitalizminin, sosyalizme gerek b\u0131rakmaks\u0131z\u0131n burjuva kapitalist toplumun t\u00fcm sorunlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcn\u00fc m\u00fcmk\u00fcn hale getirdi\u011fi ve d\u00fcnyadaki t\u00fcm toplumlara ayr\u0131cal\u0131ks\u0131z \u015fekilde huzur, refah ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin yolunu g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi yalan\u0131, yaygarac\u0131 bir propaganda ile yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131larak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve ulusal kurtulu\u015f g\u00fc\u00e7leri m\u00fccadeleden al\u0131konulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lmaktayd\u0131 ve bu propaganda, h\u0131zl\u0131 kapitalist geli\u015fmeden g\u00fc\u00e7 al\u0131yordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

ANT\u0130-FA\u015e\u0130ZM VE KOM\u00dcN\u0130ST PART\u0130LER\u0130N OPORT\u00dcN\u0130ST EVR\u0130M\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130kinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131, kapitalist emperyalist d\u00fcnyay\u0131 yeni bir durumla kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirdi\u011fi gibi sosyalizm a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da yeni olanaklarla birlikle yeni bir durum yaratt\u0131. Burjuva devletleri, anti-fa\u015fist m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6nc\u00fc g\u00fcc\u00fc SSCB ile \u00e7e\u015fitli anla\u015fmalar imzalamaya y\u00f6nelmi\u015flerdi ve ge\u00e7icilik g\u00f6stermekle birlikte, nispeten bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir d\u00f6neme girilmi\u015fti. 1945-1960 d\u00f6neminde kapitalizm yeniden h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fme trendine girdi. Anti fa\u015fist sava\u015fta g\u00f6sterdikleri b\u00fcy\u00fck direni\u015fle SSCB ve i\u015f\u00e7i-kom\u00fcnist partilerinin kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 prestij, burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerini yeni devrimlerin \u00f6n\u00fcn\u00fc kesme hedefiyle de ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak sosyal haklarda iyile\u015ftirmeye, sava\u015f\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n da etkisiyle n\u00fcfusun \u00e7al\u0131\u015fabilir kesimlerini i\u015fe seferber etmeye y\u00f6neltti. Kom\u00fcnist partiler serbest\u00e7e faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fcyor, Fransa ve \u0130talya\u2019da oldu\u011fu \u00fczere h\u00fck\u00fcmetlere dahi kat\u0131labiliyorlard\u0131. Bu durum, bunal\u0131ms\u0131z-bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l bir d\u00f6neme girildi\u011fi y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki yan\u0131lg\u0131ya dayal\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n bu partilerin y\u00f6netimleri d\u00fczeyinde g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131na ve burjuva demokratik haklar\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesi i\u00e7in parlamenter m\u00fccadele y\u00f6ntemlerinin \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Fransa ve \u0130talya\u2019da iki-\u00fc\u00e7 kom\u00fcnist milletvekilinin h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerde bakan olarak yer almas\u0131, parlamenter ba\u015far\u0131lar \u00fczerine kurguyu g\u00fc\u00e7lendirmi\u015f; sosyalizm i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele perspektifinden ad\u0131m ad\u0131m uzakla\u015fmaya yol a\u00e7an akt\u00fcel g\u00fcnl\u00fck sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc as\u0131l i\u015f haline gelmi\u015f, bunun teorisi yap\u0131lmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Toplumsal sorunlar\u0131 \u201ci\u015fbirli\u011fi ve bar\u0131\u015f i\u00e7inde \u00e7\u00f6zme\u201d iddias\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fler i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve partilerinin saflar\u0131nda etkili olmaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130lk i\u015faret fi\u015fegi ABD Kom\u00fcnist Partisi Genel sekreteri Earl Browder taraf\u0131ndan at\u0131ld\u0131. Browder, \u201cs\u0131n\u0131fsal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131n ve siyasal gruplar\u0131n art\u0131k hi\u00e7bir \u00f6nemi yoktur<\/em>\u201d demekteydi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cUlusal birlik\u201dten, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla \u201cAmerikal\u0131lar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu\u201dnun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n ayn\u0131 olmas\u0131ndan s\u00f6z eden Bowder, \u00f6rne\u011fi Amerikan demokrasisi olan burjuva demokrasisi arac\u0131yla her t\u00fcr \u00e7eli\u015fki ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n \u00fcstesinden gelinerek sosyalizme varabilece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.[12]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu vaaz, anti-fa\u015fist m\u00fccadele d\u00f6neminde i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere halk kitleleriyle kurduklar\u0131 ili\u015fkiler ve bu sava\u015fta g\u00f6sterdikleri b\u00fcy\u00fck fedak\u00e2rl\u0131klarla y\u00fcksek prestij kazanan Frans\u0131z, \u0130talyan ve \u0130spanyol Kom\u00fcnist Partilerinin devrim ve sosyalizm g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerini terk etmelerinde iz mermisi i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Bat\u0131 Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i ve kom\u00fcnist partileri y\u00f6netimleri bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde daha da geli\u015ftirerek yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131lar. Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 zafer ko\u015fullar\u0131ndan yararlanarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00f6rg\u00fctleme ve harekete ge\u00e7irme yerine \u201cbirle\u015fik cephe politikas\u0131\u201dn\u0131 sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nem h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinde yer alma s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na \u00e7ekerek ve bu s\u00fcreci de uzatarak kapitalist \u2018yeni at\u0131l\u0131m\u2019 ak\u0131m\u0131na kap\u0131ld\u0131lar.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Sosyalizme Krus\u00e7evci sald\u0131r\u0131 bu partilerin reformcu evriminin bir di\u011fer etkeniydi. Krus\u00e7ev, Sovyet toplumunun kom\u00fcnizm a\u015famas\u0131na ge\u00e7ti\u011fini belirterek kapitalist \u00fclkelerde sosyalizme bar\u0131\u015f\u00e7\u0131l ge\u00e7i\u015fin m\u00fcmk\u00fcn hale geldi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrerken, Bat\u0131 Avrupa kom\u00fcnist partilerinin y\u00f6neticileri de anti-fa\u015fizm ad\u0131na \u201culusal ittifak politikas\u0131\u201dnda uzatmalara giderek<\/em> burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin devrimci g\u00f6revlerini yads\u0131yan ve yeni devrimlere kar\u015f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 bir yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ifade eden g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri teorile\u015ftiriyorlard\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu partiler oysa fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131n \u00f6n siperlerinde m\u00fccadele ederek halk kitleleri i\u00e7inde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir prestij kazanm\u0131\u015f ve saflar\u0131na kat\u0131l\u0131mlarla g\u00fc\u00e7lerini daha da b\u00fcy\u00fctm\u00fc\u015flerdi. M\u00fccadeleyi devrimci tarzda daha ileriye g\u00f6t\u00fcrme olanaklar\u0131na sahiptiler: Mussolini fa\u015fizminin iktidar olmas\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki reformist uzla\u015fmac\u0131 politikalar\u0131yla devrim m\u00fccadelesine ihanet eden \u0130talyan Sosyalist Partisi\u2019nden koparak kom\u00fcnist partiyi kuran \u00f6nc\u00fc kadrolar (Gramsci ve Bordiga) y\u00f6netimindeki \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f ve devrimci m\u00fccadelenin y\u00fckseltilmesi i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck bir cesaretle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fm\u0131\u015f ve bu giri\u015fimiyle Kuzey \u0130talya\u2019da i\u015f\u00e7i-k\u00f6yl\u00fc ve ayd\u0131n kesimlerin direni\u015fi y\u00fckseltmelerini sa\u011flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Olu\u015fturulan partizan birlikleri halk\u0131n fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131na \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck etmi\u015fler, partinin giri\u015fimiyle Turin ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere \u0130talya\u2019n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i b\u00f6lgelerinde 1943 May\u0131s\u2019\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc grevler ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmi\u015f ve bu geli\u015fmeler halk kitlelerini m\u00fccadele i\u00e7in cesaretlendirmi\u015fti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Buna ra\u011fmen ama, \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi, bu sava\u015f\u0131 iktidar\u0131n al\u0131nmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ilerletemedi ve demokratik bir h\u00fck\u00fcmet kurulmas\u0131 perspektifiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kald\u0131. Partinin bu politikas\u0131 1950\u2019li y\u0131llarda daha da belirginle\u015fecek \u015fekilde Palmiro Togliatti taraf\u0131ndan reformist uzla\u015f\u0131 \u00e7izgisine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. Daha 1944 y\u0131l\u0131 Mart\u2019\u0131nda, \u201culuslararas\u0131 ve ulusal ko\u015fullar nedeniyle iktidar\u0131n al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 m\u00fccadele hedefi olarak saptam\u0131yoruz. Tek istedi\u011fimiz, fa\u015fizmi tamamen y\u0131kmak ve \u2018ilerici anti fa\u015fist bir ger\u00e7ek demokrasi\u2019 kurmakt\u0131r. \u0130talyan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi \u2018her sorunu ulus a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, \u0130talyan devleti a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ele almal\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>.\u2019<\/em>\u201d \u015feklinde a\u00e7\u0131klamalar yapan Togliatti\u2019nin bu anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131, sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde partiye egemen olan reformcu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin filizlendi\u011fi kaynak oldu. Togliatti daha sonra \u201csosyalizm i\u00e7in \u0130talyan yolu\u201dnu form\u00fcle etti. Toplumu reformlar yoluyla \u201ck\u00f6kl\u00fc bi\u00e7imde de\u011fi\u015ftirme\u201d \u00e7izgisi olarak da ifade edilebilir olan bu anlay\u0131\u015f, \u0130talyan b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayesine, h\u00fck\u00fcmette yer alan kom\u00fcnist iki bakan\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi somut bir durum \u00fczerinden \u201culusal y\u00f6netim\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc alt\u0131nda \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 egemen k\u0131lma olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. Bu g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 saflar\u0131nda devrimci toplumsal de\u011fi\u015fim i\u00e7in m\u00fccadele yerine reformcu-parlamentarist y\u00f6ntemlerle iktidar olunabilece\u011fi anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 bulmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131.[13]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bir di\u011fer \u00f6rnek Frans\u0131z Kom\u00fcnist Partisi (FKP) idi. Anti fa\u015fist direni\u015f d\u00f6neminde m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7eken FKP, birle\u015fik cephe takti\u011fini ba\u015far\u0131yla uygulayarak kitleler nezdinde g\u00fcvenilir duruma gelmi\u015f ve \u00fcye say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 birka\u00e7 kat art\u0131rmay\u0131 da ba\u015farm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. FKP\u2019nin fa\u015fist i\u015fgale kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi atakl\u0131k, kurdu\u011fu partizan birlikleri, Fransa\u2019daki direni\u015fin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u0130spanya i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131nda \u00fcstlendi\u011fi ve militanca yerine getirdi\u011fi devrimci rol, y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc propaganda ve ajitasyon b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00f6neme sahipti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ancak anti fa\u015fist sava\u015fa \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck eden bu parti, kurdu\u011fu ve sava\u015fta b\u00fcy\u00fck ba\u015far\u0131lar sa\u011flayan \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin, kurtulu\u015f ve direni\u015f komitelerinin iktidar\u0131n al\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 bir halk ordusu gibi hareket etmesi i\u00e7in \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak yerine De Gaulle\u2019\u00fcn \u201c\u00d6zg\u00fcr Fransa Komitesi\u201dne \u00fcye verme ve \u201cHalk Cephesi\u201d h\u00fck\u00fcmetinin politikalar\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131 kalma s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131nda durarak m\u00fccadeleyi devrim d\u00fczeyine y\u00fckseltme ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 g\u00f6steremedi. Buna neden olan M. Thorez ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere parti y\u00f6netiminin \u201cuygun ko\u015fullar\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131\u201d gerek\u00e7eli beklentiye s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen politikalar\u0131yd\u0131. Sorun, anti fa\u015fist m\u00fccadele cephesi politikas\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak kurulan bir h\u00fck\u00fcmete kat\u0131l\u0131p kat\u0131lmamak de\u011fil bu kat\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 proletarya, emek\u00e7i ve ezilen halklar yarar\u0131na kullanmakt\u0131. Frans\u0131z partisi, konj\u00f6nkt\u00fcrel bir durumu devaml\u0131l\u0131k boyutuna \u00e7\u0131kararak sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nemde partizan kuvvetlerini silahs\u0131zland\u0131rd\u0131 ve Maurice Thorez ile di\u011fer iki kom\u00fcnistin De Gaulle\u2019\u00fcn \u201culusal h\u00fck\u00fcmeti\u201dnde g\u00f6rev almalar\u0131n\u0131, Thorez\u2019in \u201csosyalizme giden ba\u015fka yollar\u201d s\u00f6yleminde ifadesini bulan parlamenter yoldan ge\u00e7i\u015f teorisi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde yorumlad\u0131. Bu durum partide giderek belirgin bi\u00e7imde g\u00f6zlenen huzursuzluklara yol a\u00e7\u0131nca, Thorez ve parti y\u00f6netimi bir s\u00fcre sonra (Ekim 1947) bu uzla\u015f\u0131c\u0131 anlay\u0131\u015f nedeniyle \u00f6zele\u015ftiri yaparak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesini daha \u00fcst d\u00fczeye y\u00fckseltme politikas\u0131na; Frans\u0131z emperyalizminin s\u00f6m\u00fcrge siyasetine ve Amerikan emperyalizminin politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 devrimci m\u00fccadele \u00e7izgisine y\u00f6neldi. Ne var ki b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar ve partinin anti fa\u015fist sava\u015fta kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 tecr\u00fcbe ve prestij, parti liderli\u011finin ideolojik-politik savrulmas\u0131n\u0131 ve partinin s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde reformist bir parti durumuna d\u00fc\u015fmesini engelleyemedi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Benzer bir geli\u015fme sava\u015f sonras\u0131 d\u00f6nem \u0130spanya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi\u2019nde ya\u015fand\u0131. Daha 1934\u2019lerde, \u0130spanya devriminin geli\u015fmesinde \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir politik fakt\u00f6r haline\u201d gelen Parti, fa\u015fist tehlikeye kar\u015f\u0131 ve \u0130spanya i\u00e7 sava\u015f\u0131 d\u00f6neminde (1936-1939) cumhuriyet\u00e7i yurtsever g\u00fc\u00e7lerle birlikte b\u00fcy\u00fck bir direni\u015f geli\u015ftirdi. Ba\u015flang\u0131\u00e7ta Halk Cephesi H\u00fck\u00fcmeti i\u00e7inde yer almayan ve bu h\u00fck\u00fcmetin fa\u015fist harekete kar\u015f\u0131 politikalar\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftiren parti, Frankocu darbe \u00fczerine, cumhuriyetin silah g\u00fcc\u00fcyle savunulmas\u0131 politikas\u0131nda bu h\u00fck\u00fcmetle birlikte sava\u015f cephesinde yer ald\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130spanya Kom\u00fcnist Partisi bu cephenin en kararl\u0131 ve sava\u015fan militan g\u00fcc\u00fcyd\u00fc. Bu sava\u015fta \u0130spanyol halk\u0131, ba\u015fta i\u015f\u00e7iler olmak \u00fczere \u00fcst\u00fcn fedak\u00e2rl\u0131klar g\u00f6sterdi. Asturias maden i\u015f\u00e7ilerinin fa\u015fist birliklere kar\u015f\u0131 bir ay boyunca y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fckleri sava\u015f bunun \u00f6rneklerinden biriydi. Uluslararas\u0131 tugaylar\u0131n deste\u011finde s\u00fcren anti fa\u015fist sava\u015fta binlerce militan\u0131n\u0131 kaybetmesine kar\u015f\u0131n sonuna dek direnerek halk nezdinde b\u00fcy\u00fck bir prestij kazanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ancak Hitler ve Mussolini deste\u011findeki Frankocu fa\u015fist ordu, kom\u00fcnistlerin, cumhuriyet\u00e7ilerin, demokrat \u00e7evrelerin ve uluslararas\u0131 devrimci sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131lardan olu\u015fan birliklerin direni\u015fini k\u0131rmay\u0131 ba\u015fard\u0131. Franco \u00e7etesi 1970\u2019li y\u0131llara dek vah\u015fi fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130KP, partinin en ileri, en birikimli ve sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131 ruha sahip militanlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck kesimini i\u00e7 sava\u015fta kaybetmi\u015fti. Bu durum, parti liderli\u011fine gelen Santiago Carillo ve kafadarlar\u0131n\u0131n, \u0130KP\u2019yi devrim ve sosyalizm hedefinden uzakla\u015ft\u0131rarak mevcut sistemin kendi i\u015fleyi\u015fi \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde \u201cdevrimci de\u011fi\u015fimi\u201dni \u00f6ng\u00f6ren reformcu rotaya \u00e7ekmelerini kolayla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Proletaryan\u0131n devrim m\u00fccadelesiyle ba\u011flar\u0131 giderek kopan parti bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde d\u00fczenin reformist \u201csol\u201d kanat partisi haline geldi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

George Marchais, Enrico Berlinguer ve Santiago Carillo\u2019nun ba\u015f\u0131nda bulunduklar\u0131 Frans\u0131z, \u0130talyan ve \u0130spanyol Kom\u00fcnist Partileri, sonu\u00e7ta sosyalizmden t\u00fcm\u00fcyle vazge\u00e7en reformist sistem partilerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcler. Nesnel durum, teknolojik ilerleme, s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n eski konumlar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fimi vb. gerek\u00e7elere dayand\u0131r\u0131lan yeni politik-ideolojik hat, sonu\u00e7ta \u201ccumhuriyet yasalar\u0131 \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde m\u00fccadele\u201d ile yetinmeye varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Geride b\u0131rakt\u0131klar\u0131 siyasal-ideolojik enkaz\u0131n kald\u0131r\u0131l\u0131p at\u0131lmas\u0131, yeni devrimci kom\u00fcnist partilerin sorumluluklar\u0131ndan biri oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Anti fa\u015fist halk cephesi politikas\u0131 baz\u0131 Balkan \u00fclkelerinde de ba\u015far\u0131yla uyguland\u0131.[14]<\/a> Bunlardan biri de Bulgaristan\u2019d\u0131. \u00c7ar III. Boris\u2019in 1940 ba\u015flar\u0131nda Bogdan Filov ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kurdurdu\u011fu fa\u015fist h\u00fck\u00fbmet, Sivil Seferberlik Yasas\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kararak burjuva demokratik haklar\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131rm\u0131\u015f, grev, g\u00f6steri ve direni\u015fleri yasaklam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. \u201cBrannik\u201d ad\u0131yla fa\u015fist gen\u00e7lik \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fc kurulmu\u015f, 1941 y\u0131l\u0131 ba\u015flar\u0131nda toplama kamplar\u0131 olu\u015fturulmaya ba\u015flanm\u0131\u015f, Bulgar fa\u015fist y\u00f6netimi Alman fa\u015fizmiyle birlikte Balkan \u00fclkelerini istilaya ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bulgaristan Kom\u00fcnist Partisi (BKP) buna kar\u015f\u0131 halk kitlelerinin direni\u015fini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeye giri\u015fti ve Vatan Cephesi program\u0131 etraf\u0131nda birle\u015filerek Alman fa\u015fistlerinin kovulmas\u0131, Sovyetler Birli\u011fi ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fckten yana halklarla dostluk politikas\u0131n\u0131 savunuyordu.[15]<\/a> 8 Eyl\u00fcl 1946\u2019da yap\u0131lan referandumda %93,63’l\u00fck oy deste\u011fiyle monar\u015fiye son verildi ve George Dimitrov ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda Bulgaristan Halk Cumhuriyeti kuruldu. Dimitrov y\u00f6netimi b\u00fcy\u00fck sanayi kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 ve bankalar\u0131 ulusalla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Ancak 2 Temmuz 1949’da Dimitrov’un ve alt\u0131 ay sonras\u0131nda da Vasil Kolarov\u2019un \u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc partide b\u00fcy\u00fck bir sars\u0131nt\u0131ya yol a\u00e7t\u0131. 1954’te BKP sekreterli\u011fine se\u00e7ilen Todor Jivkov y\u00f6netimindeki parti, modern revizyonizmin hakimiyet kurmas\u0131yla paralel bi\u00e7imde kapitalist emperyalist sisteme uyumlu parti fraksiyonlar\u0131ndan birine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc. 1989\u2019da Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019da ya\u015fanan \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015fle birlikte halk demokrasisi d\u00f6neminin kal\u0131nt\u0131s\u0131 olan bi\u00e7imlerin son tabut \u00e7ivileri de \u00e7ak\u0131lm\u0131\u015f oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

FA\u015e\u0130ZME KAR\u015eI M\u00dcCADELEN\u0130N ARTAN \u00d6NEM\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bug\u00fcn fa\u015fist tehditten s\u00f6z etmek i\u00e7in yeterince neden vard\u0131r. Daha fazla k\u00e2r ve sermayenin birikimi i\u00e7in ileri teknolojinin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 olanaklar, geli\u015ftirilmi\u015f askeri-teknoloji ve militarizmin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131, \u015foven milliyet\u00e7i -yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 politika ve ideolojik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin devlet y\u00f6netimlerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u00e7e\u015fitli kapitalist parti fraksiyonlar\u0131 d\u00fczeyinde benimsenmesi ve bunun kitlesel etki g\u00fcc\u00fcndeki art\u0131\u015f ya da geni\u015fleme vb. etkenler nedeniyle fa\u015fizmin \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc egemenlik olanaklar\u0131 artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Nazi ve \u0130talyan tipi \u201ca\u015fa\u011f\u0131dan<\/em>\u201d kitle deste\u011fiyle g\u00fc\u00e7 toplayan \u015fovenist-yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 ve \u201cneo-fa\u015fist\u201d partiler, Fransa, \u0130talya, Avusturya, Macaristan, Polonya, Ukrayna gibi \u00fclkelerde ekonomik sosyal sorunlar\u0131 istismar ederek %5\u2019lerden %25\u2019lere de\u011fi\u015fen oranlarda se\u00e7men deste\u011fiyle parlamentolarda yer ald\u0131lar ve kiminde de h\u00fck\u00fcmet orta\u011f\u0131 olabildiler. Bolivya, Venezuela, M\u0131s\u0131r, Sudan, T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00fclkelerde askeri darbeler ve darbe giri\u015fimleri oldu. Sa\u011f muhafazak\u00e2r partiler i\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk, a\u00e7l\u0131k gibi kapitalizm kaynakl\u0131 sorunlar\u0131 yabanc\u0131 n\u00fcfus ak\u0131n\u0131 ve \u201casalakl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dyla gerek\u00e7elendirerek, i\u015fsiz kitlelerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta burjuva kesimler \u00fczerinde etkili olabiliyorlar. Fa\u015fist partiler, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 aidiyet s\u00f6ylemi, s\u0131k\u0131 disiplinli \u00f6rg\u00fct yap\u0131s\u0131, devlet ve lider k\u00fclt\u00fc ve belirli simge, hareket ve i\u015faretleri pop\u00fcler hale getirme \u201ctaktikleri\u201dyle ve \u015fiddeti de yedekte tutarak g\u00fc\u00e7 toplamaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Neoliberal ekonomi politikalar\u0131n y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe kondu\u011fu bir s\u00fcre\u00e7te Fransa\u2019daki Front National gibi milliyet\u00e7i fa\u015fist hareketlerin k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcmsenemez oy deste\u011fi g\u00f6rmeleri, benzer partilerin \u0130talya, Avusturya, Macaristan, Polonya ve Yunanistan gibi \u00fclkelerde de ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmalar\u0131; Almanya\u2019da yabanc\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 sa\u011f milliyet\u00e7i gruplar\u0131n AfD \u00e7at\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda y\u00fcz civar\u0131nda milletvekiliyle federal parlamentoya girecek denli g\u00fc\u00e7 toplamas\u0131, Ukrayna\u2019da ve Rusya\u2019da, Avrupa\u2019daki fa\u015fist partilerin taktiklerini kopyalayan gruplar\u0131n ABD ve Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n Fransa, \u0130ngiltere ve Almanya gibi b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin deste\u011finde giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi, Brezilya\u2019da fa\u015fist Bolsonaro\u2019nun devlet ba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131na se\u00e7ilmesi, fa\u015fist hareketin yeniden g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmakta ve \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerde kitle destekli potansiyel tehlike olu\u015fturdu\u011funa i\u015faret ediyor. Mali sermaye ve tekellerin bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda ve krizler nedenli olarak sosyal-ekonomik durumlar\u0131 sars\u0131lan ve ellerindekini de kaybetme korkusu ya\u015fayan toplumsal kesimlerin umutsuzluk ve \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fckleri, di\u011fer burjuva partileri gibi fa\u015fist parti ve \u00e7etelerine de k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva m\u00fclkiyet ideolojisine seslenerek ve hatta tekelci sermayenin kimi gruplar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 demagojik s\u00f6yleme de ba\u015fvurarak kapitalizm kaynakl\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r y\u00fck\u00fc alt\u0131nda bunalan bu kesimleri yedekleme olana\u011f\u0131 sunmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fist devlet bi\u00e7imine ge\u00e7i\u015f i\u00e7in \u201ckom\u00fcnizm tehdidi<\/em>\u201d g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde akt\u00fcel gerek\u00e7e de\u011fildir. Ancak daha s\u0131k aral\u0131klarla ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ekonomik krizlerin nedenledi\u011fi sorunlar, i\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk ve hayat pahal\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ile birlikte siyasal bask\u0131 ve yasaklar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda Avrupa, Asya ve Afrika\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerinde kimi zaman Hindistan\u2019da oldu\u011fu t\u00fcrden milyonlarca i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7iyi kapsayan direni\u015fler ya\u015fanmakta; i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin giderek artan kesimleriyle sermaye diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerini kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getiren ekonomik-sosyal sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 sertle\u015ftirici unsurlar\u0131n birikimine yol a\u00e7maktad\u0131r. Kad\u0131n ve gen\u00e7lik kitlelerinin m\u00fccadelesi giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcmektedir. Di\u011fer yandan pazarlar \u00fczerine rekabetin k\u0131z\u0131\u015fmas\u0131, a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 silahlanma ve militarizmin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131, ticari kavgalar\u0131n sertle\u015fmesi, y\u0131llarca s\u00fcren b\u00f6lgesel sava\u015flar ve ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 n\u00fcfus hareketlerinin art\u0131\u015f\u0131, m\u00fclteci sorununun uluslararas\u0131 ili\u015fkileri geren bir d\u00fczeye ula\u015fmas\u0131 gibi \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli sorunlar, tekelci burjuvazi ve mali sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131 fa\u015fizan politikalarda yo\u011funla\u015fmaya y\u00f6neltmektedir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

T\u00fcrkiye \u00f6zg\u00fcl\u00fcnde ise, on y\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen K\u00fcrt kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 politika, yasalar\u0131n ve anayasan\u0131n a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 merkezci ve bask\u0131 yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 me\u015fru g\u00f6sterir \u015fekilde de\u011fi\u015ftirilmesi, \u015fovenizm ve militarizmin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131, \u201ccumhurba\u015fkanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 h\u00fck\u00fcmet sistemi<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda bi\u00e7imlendirilen tekelci y\u00f6netimin, devletin t\u00fcm kurumlar\u0131n\u0131n y\u00f6netim yetkilerini devralmas\u0131, fabrika, i\u015fyeri, semt, okul ve kurumlar \u00fczerindeki bask\u0131 ve denetimin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 vb. gibi de\u011fi\u015fimler fa\u015fist bir rejim i\u00e7in geni\u015fleyen olanaklara i\u015faret ediyor.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cTEK ADAM\u201d Y\u00d6NET\u0130M\u0130NDE FA\u015e\u0130ST \u0130N\u015eA<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de siyasal gericili\u011fin, \u015fovenizmin ve militarizmin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn iktidar yetkilerinin \u201ctek adam y\u00f6netimi\u201d elinde toplanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in giri\u015filen uygulamalarla yasal d\u00fczenlemeler, fa\u015fist rejim in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 yeniden akt\u00fcel tehdit haline getirmi\u015ftir. Bu geli\u015fmeler son y\u00fczy\u0131ll\u0131k toplumsal tarihten soyutlanamayacak baz\u0131 \u00f6zelliklere sahip olmakla birlikte belirli \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fckler g\u00f6stermektedir ve bu da fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin somut ko\u015fullarla ba\u011fl\u0131 \u00f6zellikleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan \u00f6nemlidir.[16]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Mali sermaye ve tekellerin hakimiyeti ko\u015fullar\u0131yla da ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak ba\u015ftan itibaren i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilere d\u00fc\u015fman ve \u2018az\u0131nl\u0131klar\u2019a kar\u015f\u0131 geli\u015fen burjuva T\u00fcrk devrimi, Ermeni katliam\u0131 gibi bir b\u00fcy\u00fck kitlesel imhaya imza atan hareketin miras\u0131 \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenmi\u015f; bu devrimin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc ve ba\u015ftan itibaren anti demokratik karakteriyle belirgin devlet iktidar\u0131, \u0130stiklal Mahkemeleri, Takrir-i Suk\u00fbn Kanunu\u2019yla takviye edilmi\u015f; T\u00fcrk Tarih Tezi ve G\u00fcne\u015f Dil Teorisi gibi ideolojik-k\u00fclt\u00fcrel sindirme ve asimilasyon politikas\u0131yla da g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015fti. Siyasal \u015fiddet \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini varolu\u015f \u015fart\u0131 ve olana\u011f\u0131 sayan devlet iktidar\u0131, Nazi Almanya\u2019s\u0131yla ili\u015fkiler, 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda ABD emperyalizmine yedeklenme, NATO \u00fcyeli\u011fi ve SSCB\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 cephenin aktif g\u00fcc\u00fc olma politikas\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla daha da gericile\u015fti ve fa\u015fizan \u015foven milliyet\u00e7i anlay\u0131\u015f daha fazla g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131. Kurulu\u015funda Osmanl\u0131 subaylar\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6zel rol oynamas\u0131yla ordunun ba\u015ftan itibaren etkin bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olu\u015fturdu\u011fu devlet y\u00f6netiminin geli\u015fmeler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda a\u00e7maza d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc hemen her durumda devreye giren \u201casker<\/em>\u201din darbeler yoluyla y\u00f6netime el koymas\u0131 ve hemen her seferinde i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i ve gen\u00e7lik m\u00fccadelesini \u015fiddetle bast\u0131rmay\u0131 ilk hedef olarak almas\u0131, fa\u015fist ve siyasal \u0130slamist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin gizli-a\u00e7\u0131k \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmeleri i\u00e7in olanak sa\u011flayarak \u00a0ulusal-sosyal ve ekonomik sorunlar\u0131n istismar\u0131 arac\u0131yla g\u00fc\u00e7 toplamalar\u0131na da yol a\u00e7t\u0131. 12 Mart 1971 ve 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980 cuntalar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i hareketine vurdu\u011fu darbelerle devrimci-demokrat ve sosyalist parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlere y\u00f6nelik imha ve tasfiye politikas\u0131, sa\u011f gerici, fa\u015fist ve siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlere, kitlelerin sistem kaynakl\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 ve tekelci sermaye ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere kapitalistler aras\u0131 rekabet ve \u00e7eli\u015fkileri kullanarak g\u00fc\u00e7 toplama olana\u011f\u0131 sa\u011flad\u0131. T\u00fcrk kontrgerillas\u0131 ve \u201c\u00fclk\u00fcc\u00fc mafya<\/em>\u201ds\u0131yla Gladio tipi fa\u015fist \u00f6rg\u00fctlenme bu durumdan g\u00fc\u00e7 ald\u0131. T\u00fcrk\u00e7\u00fcl\u00fck ve antikom\u00fcnizm siyasetiyle burjuva ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva kesimler i\u00e7inde g\u00fc\u00e7 toplayan sa\u011f gerici ve fa\u015fist ak\u0131m\u0131n en sald\u0131rgan temsilcisi olarak MHP, MC h\u00fck\u00fcmetleri d\u00f6neminde elde etti\u011fi olanaklar\u0131n yan\u0131s\u0131ra M\u0130T ve polis te\u015fkilat\u0131n\u0131n paramiliter bile\u015fenlerinden biri konumuyla devlet kurumlar\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc, devlet politikas\u0131nda etkin g\u00fc\u00e7 unsurlar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ancak fa\u015fist hareketin kitle dinami\u011fi MHP ve etkisiyle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olmay\u0131p fa\u015fizmin etkin malzemesi olan \u015foven milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin etki alan\u0131 geni\u015flemi\u015ftir. 1930\u2019lu y\u0131llardaki at\u0131l\u0131m\u0131 sakl\u0131 tutuldu\u011funda en etkin yay\u0131l\u0131m olana\u011f\u0131na Erdo\u011fan y\u00f6netimindeki AKP\u2019nin siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131l\u0131k ile \u015foven milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi kitle etkinli\u011finin silahlar\u0131ndan biri olarak kullanmaya soyunmas\u0131yla kavu\u015fan militan-\u015foven milliyet\u00e7ilik, siyasal-askeri merkezin fa\u015fist iktidar pratikleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kitle dinami\u011fi olu\u015fturma i\u015fleviyle y\u00fckl\u00fcd\u00fcr. AKP, MHP (ve Vatan Partisi), tekelci sermayenin en sald\u0131rgan kesimi ve politikalar\u0131n\u0131n temsilcisi partiler olarak bu faaliyetin en etkin g\u00fc\u00e7leri aras\u0131ndad\u0131rlar.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cTek adam y\u00f6netimi\u201d a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 merkezci ve militaristtir. Kendini yasalarla ba\u011fl\u0131 g\u00f6rmeyen, tekelci burjuvazinin bir kesimine (T\u00dcS\u0130AD\u2019\u0131n \u201ck\u00f6kl\u00fc\u201d eski holdingleri) kar\u015f\u0131 di\u011fer bir kesimiyle (M\u00dcS\u0130AD\u2019a \u00fcye a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131) organik ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7inde ve kendisi de palazlanan bu y\u00f6netim, yeniden organize edilen ordu ve polis g\u00fcc\u00fc, M\u0130T ve \u00f6zel kuvvetler, milis \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi ve bek\u00e7i kuvvetleriyle takviyelidir. Cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131 \u201cm\u00fclkiyete el koyma<\/em>\u201d ve yurtd\u0131\u015f\u0131na asker sevk etme yetkisine sahiptir. Parlamentonun bi\u00e7imsel i\u015flevini ge\u00e7ersiz k\u0131lan d\u00fczenlemeler yap\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; Barolara, Tabipler Birli\u011fi\u2019ne, TMMOB\u2019ye, y\u00f6resel veya \u00fclke d\u00fczeyinde \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc derneklere, iktidar mekanizmas\u0131na ba\u011flanmayan vak\u0131flara y\u00f6nelik tasfiye giri\u015fimleri artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bask\u0131, i\u015fkence ve infaz yetkisi geni\u015fletilmi\u015f, yasalarca su\u00e7 say\u0131lan fiillerin polis, subay, bek\u00e7i vb. a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan imtiyaz kapsam\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131, fa\u015fist hareketin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131n\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 i\u015flev g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Muhalefetin burjuva ve emek\u00e7i her t\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn etkisiz k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki d\u00fczenlemeler birbirini izliyor. Yay\u0131lmac\u0131 askeri politika ve \u015foven milliyet\u00e7i ve militarist propagandan\u0131n etkisi, medya tekeli, gizli servis faaliyeti; muhafazak\u00e2r milliyet\u00e7i kitlelerin az\u0131msanmayacak bir kesiminin devlet g\u00fcc\u00fc ve kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 \u201csorgulanamaz<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6rmesi vb., b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar, devletin fa\u015fist tarzda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan olanak ve malzeme y\u0131\u011f\u0131na\u011f\u0131 olu\u015fturmaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

FA\u015e\u0130ST TEHD\u0130TE KAR\u015eI G\u00dcNCEL M\u00dcCADELE<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede tarihsel deneyim, anti fa\u015fist m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015fl\u0131ca referanslar\u0131ndan biridir. Ancak toplumsal geli\u015fme ve uluslararas\u0131 ko\u015fullardaki farkl\u0131l\u0131klar, fa\u015fist parti ve hareketlerin ve emperyalist ve i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i g\u00fc\u00e7lerin s\u00f6ylem \u00e7e\u015fitlili\u011fi ve farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131; fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczdeki somut ko\u015fullar\u0131n hareket noktas\u0131 olarak al\u0131nmas\u0131n\u0131 gerektirir. Lenin, <\/strong>somut ko\u015fullar\u0131n somut tahlili ile m\u00fccadele platform ve taktikleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki<\/em>yedikkat \u00e7ekmi\u015fti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130ktisadi sosyal geli\u015fme ve de\u011fi\u015fim fa\u015fist hareket a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da ba\u015fl\u0131ca y\u00f6nlendirici etkendir. Mussolini ve Hitler kitlelerin iktisadi sosyal sorunlar\u0131n\u0131 istismar ederek kitle seferberli\u011fine dayanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131lar. Politikalar\u0131 militaristti, ama onlar \u201cmilletin kaderi<\/em>\u201d, \u201cbar\u0131\u015f ve huzurun \u00f6nemi<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc s\u00f6ylemle y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 etkileyebildiler. Hitler, Birinci D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ve ekonomik bunal\u0131m\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 istismar ederek g\u00fc\u00e7 toplad\u0131. Enflasyon artm\u0131\u015f, i\u015fsiz y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fcm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. \u0130\u00e7inde bulunulan berbat durumu Versay Anla\u015fmas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n a\u011f\u0131r yapt\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131na ba\u011flama g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olduk\u00e7a yayg\u0131nd\u0131. Hitler\u2019in \u201cAlman Nasyonal Sosyalist \u0130\u015f\u00e7i Partisi\u201d ad\u0131yla kurdu\u011fu partinin program\u0131nda (25. Madde) tr\u00f6stlerin toplumsalla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan, tefecili\u011fin kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131ndan, toprak reformundan s\u00f6z ediliyordu. Alman olmayanlar\u0131n Almanya\u2019ya yerle\u015fmeleri yasaklanacakt\u0131. Bu \u015fovenist politika, \u201culusal gururlar\u0131 incinmi\u015f<\/em>\u201d toplumsal kesimlerin yedeklenmesine yol a\u00e7t\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de 12 Eyl\u00fcl 1980 cunta y\u00f6netimi, toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye yarar\u0131na zor yoluyla yeniden d\u00fczenlemeye giri\u015firken, sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 \u201canar\u015fi, ter\u00f6r, b\u00f6l\u00fcc\u00fcl\u00fck tehlikesinin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi<\/em>\u201d gerek\u00e7esine ba\u011flayarak kitle deste\u011fi sa\u011flamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Sendikalar, dernekler, partiler kapat\u0131l\u0131rken, bu \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin y\u00f6netimleri su\u00e7lanarak \u00fcye taban\u0131 yedeklenmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fist hareket ve sa\u011f gerici partiler, kapitalizmin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 toplumsal \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme ve bunal\u0131mla ba\u011fl\u0131 aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131n sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 potansiyel kitle varl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan yararlanarak di\u011fer sermaye partilerinin politikalar\u0131na tepki duyan k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n, durumlar\u0131 sars\u0131lan orta tabakalar\u0131n, milyonlarca \u201cyabanc\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n \u00fclkeye geli\u015finin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 milliyet\u00e7i-\u015foven tepkinin etkisindeki kesimlerin durumunu istismarla onlar\u0131 yedekleme olana\u011f\u0131 buldular ve \u201ci\u00e7 ve d\u0131\u015f d\u00fc\u015fman<\/em>\u201d arg\u00fcman\u0131yla k\u00fclt\u00fcrel-ulusal farkl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 kullanarak g\u00fc\u00e7 toplad\u0131lar. Fa\u015fist ideoloji ve politikan\u0131n asli unsurlar\u0131ndan biri olan \u015foven milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra (milliyet\u00e7i olup fa\u015fist olmayan partiler de vard\u0131r) daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ekonomi, ulusal \u00e7\u0131karlar, yabanc\u0131 devletlerin politikalar\u0131, n\u00fcfus g\u00f6\u00e7\u00fc vb. gibi gerek\u00e7eler g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde en \u00e7ok istismar edilen konulard\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu durum ve geli\u015fmeler, fa\u015fist gericili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinin ko\u015fullar\u0131 ve gerekliliklerini de a\u00e7\u0131klay\u0131c\u0131 unsurlar i\u00e7ermektedir: Fa\u015fizm, sermayenin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere emek\u00e7i halk kitlelerine y\u00f6neltti\u011fi ve y\u00f6neltebilece\u011fi \u201cen azg\u0131n sald\u0131r\u0131<\/em>\u201d; \u201cdizginlenmemi\u015f bir \u015fovenizm<\/em>\u201d; \u201ckudurmu\u015f bir gericilik ve bir kar\u015f\u0131 devrim hareketi<\/em>\u201d; i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve b\u00fct\u00fcn emek\u00e7i halk\u0131n \u201cen korkun\u00e7 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131<\/em>\u201d bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck bi\u00e7imidir.[17]<\/a> \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere emek\u00e7ilerin kendi haklar\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesini engellemek, sendikalar\u0131, dernekleri, i\u015f\u00e7i ve kom\u00fcnist partileri kapatmak, bas\u0131n-yay\u0131n tekeli kurarak kitle manip\u00fclasyonuna giri\u015fmek, fa\u015fist parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctler d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki burjuva partilerinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ya t\u00fcm\u00fcyle son verip ya da boyun e\u011fmeleri kayd\u0131yla faaliyetlerini b\u00fcy\u00fck oranda s\u0131n\u0131rlayarak siyasi tekel olu\u015fturmak; mali sermayenin a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 k\u00e2r ama\u00e7l\u0131 sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan tepkileri yedeklemek \u00fczere iki y\u00fczl\u00fcce anti kapitalist s\u00f6yleme ba\u015f vurmak ve kimi \u00f6zel m\u00fclkiyete el koymak; \u201culusal ba\u015far\u0131 i\u00e7in i\u015fbirli\u011fi ve fedak\u00e2rl\u0131k<\/em>\u201d propagandas\u0131yla vah\u015fetini \u00f6rtmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak, fa\u015fist gericili\u011fin \u00f6zellikleri aras\u0131ndad\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn kuruldu\u011fu \u00fclkelerde, kiminde k\u00f6yl\u00fc kitlelerinin bir kesimi, di\u011fer baz\u0131lar\u0131nda ise kent k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisine mensup kesimler k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck k\u0131r\u0131nt\u0131lar kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 politikalara yedeklenebilmi\u015ftir. Kapitalist geli\u015fmenin dengesiz seyri, i\u015fsizlik ve yoksulla\u015fman\u0131n art\u0131\u015f\u0131, tar\u0131msal \u00fcretimin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesinde kar\u015f\u0131la\u015f\u0131lan zorluklar, k\u0131rsal tutuculu\u011fun etkisi, sa\u011f muhafazak\u00e2r ve fa\u015fist partiler ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere sistem partilerinin kitleleri devlete ve kapitalizme ba\u011fl\u0131 tutma politikas\u0131 vb. gibi etkenler, fa\u015fizmin bu kesimler \u00fczerinde ideolojik-politik etki sa\u011flamas\u0131nda rol oynar. Fa\u015fist hareketin bu etkisi ekonomik olanaklar beklentisinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra milliyet\u00e7i \u2018duyarl\u0131l\u0131k\u2019 ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devlet-g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc lider (ba\u015fkan, reis, f\u00fchrer, \u015fef vb.) beklentisinden de beslenir. Ancak bu durum de\u011fi\u015fmez de\u011fildir. Ekonomik ko\u015fullar\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rla\u015fmas\u0131 ve \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin derinle\u015fmesi bu kesimleri giderek artan \u015fekilde b\u00f6l\u00fcnme ve da\u011f\u0131lmayla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze getirir. Ayn\u0131 neden, bu kesimlerin anti fa\u015fist m\u00fccadele cephesine \u00e7ekilmelerini de olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lar.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Kominter\u2019nin fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelede cephe politikas\u0131, <\/em>bu m\u00fccadelede birle\u015febilir t\u00fcm g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birle\u015ftirilmesi ihtiyac\u0131 \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenmi\u015fti. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birli\u011fini ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini ba\u015fl\u0131ca g\u00f6rev edinen kom\u00fcnist partileri, sosyal demokrasiyle ittifakta kendilerini burjuva demokrasisiyle s\u0131n\u0131rlamam\u0131\u015f, anti fa\u015fist m\u00fccadeleyi halk demokrasisi ve sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesi hedefine ba\u011flayarak s\u00fcrd\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015flerdi. Dimitrov, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n birli\u011fini sa\u011flama g\u00f6reviyle antifa\u015fist cephe birli\u011fi politikas\u0131n\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya getirilmemesi gere\u011fini<\/em> vurgulayarak, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in mali sermayenin egemenli\u011fine kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin en tutarl\u0131 g\u00fcc\u00fc olan proletaryan\u0131n birli\u011finin tayin edici \u00f6nemi<\/em>ne dikkat \u00e7ekmekteydi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 \u201ctabanda emek\u00e7i birli\u011fi\u201d<\/em> politikas\u0131 bug\u00fcn de ge\u00e7erlidir. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin sermaye fraksiyonlar\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z sendikal ve politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelerinin geri d\u00fczeyi, kitlelerin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funun burjuva partilerinin etkisi alt\u0131nda olu\u015fu, b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz, da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k ve farkl\u0131 ideolojik-siyasal ak\u0131m ve partilerin etkisi alt\u0131nda ve yine k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc farkl\u0131 sendikal \u00f6rg\u00fctler i\u00e7inde yer alan i\u015f\u00e7ilerin g\u00fc\u00e7 birli\u011fini zorla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 olmakla birlikte, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n da\u011f\u0131n\u0131k ve b\u00f6l\u00fcnm\u00fc\u015f durumunun devrimci tarzda de\u011fi\u015fimi ve birle\u015fik halk cephesinin etraf\u0131nda \u015fekillenece\u011fi as\u0131l sosyal merkez haline gelmesi, anti fa\u015fist cephe birli\u011finin temel ve en \u00f6nemli sorunudur. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i kitleleri ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere emek\u00e7i kesimlerin, kent ve k\u0131r k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazisinin, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcretici kitlelerinin ve t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n sendikal-mesleki ve politik \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra sistem partilerinin taban\u0131nda yer alan emek\u00e7ilerin anti-fa\u015fist cephe birli\u011fine kazan\u0131lmas\u0131, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131 ko\u015fuludur. Fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn engellenmesi ya da kurulmu\u015f ise yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131, i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ve kent-k\u0131r emek\u00e7ilerinin birli\u011fini temel alan<\/em>, ancak bununla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 kalmay\u0131p, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 tutars\u0131z da olsa m\u00fccadele etme e\u011filimi g\u00f6steren parti, dernek, birlik ve \u00e7evre \u00f6rg\u00fctlerinin ittifak\u0131 \u00fczerinden seferber edilmesine geni\u015fleyen bir politikay\u0131 gerekli k\u0131lar.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Kitlelerin \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu hemen t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerde sa\u011f gerici sermaye partilerinin; bir kesimi, halen \u201ci\u015f\u00e7i partisi<\/em>\u201d, \u201csosyal<\/em> demokrat<\/em>\u201d adlar\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan, ancak tekelci sermayenin platformunu benimseyen partilerin etkisi alt\u0131ndad\u0131r. Bunlar\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, \u00f6zellikle son on y\u0131llarda ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve baz\u0131s\u0131 \u201ckimlik<\/em>\u201d politikalar\u0131yla reformist liberal burjuva bir \u00e7izgi izleyen, baz\u0131 di\u011ferleri ise orta ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva kesimlerin yan\u0131 s\u0131ra i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin aray\u0131\u015f\u0131ndan yararlanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan \u201csol pop\u00fclist\u201d bir \u00e7izgide, ancak eski t\u00fcr sosyal demokrat partilerin sosyal reformcu platformunu a\u015fmayan politikalara sahip partilerin etkisi s\u00f6z konusudur. Devrimci demokrat sol \u00f6rg\u00fctler, sosyalist olma iddial\u0131 ya da sosyalist-kom\u00fcnist parti ve \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin i\u015f\u00e7i emek\u00e7i kitleleriyle, gen\u00e7lik ve kad\u0131n emek\u00e7ilerle \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc ili\u015fkileri bu kesimleri seferber edici d\u00fczeyde geli\u015fmi\u015f olmaktan hen\u00fcz uzakt\u0131r. B\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar m\u00fccadeleyi g\u00fc\u00e7le\u015ftirici-zaafa u\u011frat\u0131c\u0131 unsurlard\u0131r. Bu da somut talepler temelinde \u0131srarl\u0131 bir m\u00fccadeleyi zorunlu k\u0131lar.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ya\u015fanan ekonomik-sosyal y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n ba\u015fta gelen \u201cma\u011fdurlar\u0131\u201d i\u015f\u00e7iler, i\u015fsizler, kent k\u0131r emek\u00e7ileri, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck \u00fcreticiler-k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck esnaf olmak \u00fczere geni\u015f toplumsal kesimlerdir ve bu durum sa\u011f gerici, fa\u015fist ve \u015foven milliyet\u00e7i partiler taraf\u0131ndan oldu\u011fu denli devlet y\u00f6netimini elinde tutan oligar\u015fik kast taraf\u0131ndan da istismar ediliyor. Bu durum, herkesten \u00f6nce kom\u00fcnistlere, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele politikas\u0131n\u0131 etkili tarzda s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilmek i\u00e7in kitlelerin en geni\u015f kesimlerinin burjuva aldat\u0131dan kurtulmalar\u0131na yard\u0131m edecek ve fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7 birli\u011fini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirecek bir tutum ve \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma sorumlulu\u011fu y\u00fckler. Fa\u015fist demagoji ve provokasyonlar te\u015fhir edilmeli, proletaryan\u0131n geni\u015f kitlelerinin ve ekonomik sosyal sorunlar alt\u0131nda bunalan emek\u00e7i kesimlerinin eylem birli\u011fi sa\u011flanmal\u0131, t\u00fcm fa\u015fist \u00f6rg\u00fctlerin da\u011f\u0131t\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in kitle bask\u0131s\u0131 olu\u015fturulmal\u0131, \u015fovenist milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 enternasyonal dayan\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 geli\u015ftirilmeli ve yay\u0131lmac\u0131 sava\u015f politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele y\u00fckseltilmelidir. \u0130\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk, bor\u00e7 art\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve iflaslar, salg\u0131n hastal\u0131klar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fckler, pahal\u0131l\u0131k, siyasal bask\u0131 ve zorbal\u0131ktaki yo\u011funla\u015fma acil sorunlar\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda geliyor ve bunlar toplumun \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck kesimlerini aray\u0131\u015fa s\u00fcr\u00fcklemektedir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

FA\u015e\u0130ZME KAR\u015eI S\u0130YASAL DEMOKRAS\u0130 M\u00dcCADELES\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcye son verilerek s\u0131n\u0131fs\u0131z-s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcz topluma ge\u00e7ilmesi Marksist-Leninistlerin as\u0131l amac\u0131d\u0131r. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n ama kom\u00fcnistler, burjuva demokratik haklar\u0131n gasp\u0131 ve burjuva demokratik bi\u00e7imlerin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 politikalar\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131 ilgisiz ve tarafs\u0131z de\u011fillerdir. Onlar, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere emek\u00e7ileri sermaye iktidar\u0131n\u0131 y\u0131kmaya haz\u0131rlamak \u00fczere burjuva demokrasisinden yararlan\u0131r; fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131yan g\u00fc\u00e7leri seferber ederek fa\u015fist barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 engellemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. Burjuva devletin demokratik ve fa\u015fist bi\u00e7imleri aras\u0131nda fark g\u00f6rmeyen sol sekterizm, fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleye ve anti fa\u015fist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birle\u015fik cephe politikas\u0131na zarar vermi\u015f, bu m\u00fccadeleyi g\u00fc\u00e7ten d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr. Bu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva reaksiyoner bi\u00e7imlerinden biri, g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcrde sosyalizm i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleyi \u00f6nceleme ad\u0131na burjuva demokratik haklar i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleyi hedef sapt\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 sayar, bu m\u00fccadeleyi az\u0131msar ya da t\u00fcm\u00fcyle yads\u0131r. Bu mekanik ve y\u00fczeysel yakla\u015f\u0131m Lenin ve Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal taraf\u0131ndan mahk\u00fbm edilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Lenin, “Demokrasi u\u011fruna sava\u015f\u0131m\u0131n, proletaryan\u0131n dikkatini, sosyalist devrimden ba\u015fka y\u00f6ne \u00e7ekece\u011fini, ya da bu devrimi g\u00f6zden gizleyece\u011fini, ikinci plana itece\u011fini vb. sanmak b\u00fcy\u00fck yan\u0131lg\u0131 olur. Tam tersine, nas\u0131l ki, tam demokrasiyi ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirmeyen sosyalizmin ba\u015far\u0131l\u0131 olmas\u0131 olanaks\u0131zsa, ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde, proletarya, demokrasi u\u011fruna, her a\u00e7\u0131dan tutarl\u0131 bir devrimci sava\u015f\u0131m y\u00fcr\u00fctmeden, burjuvaziyi yenmeye haz\u0131r bir duruma gelemez<\/em>” demi\u015fti.[18]<\/a> Lenin\u2019e g\u00f6re, proletaryan\u0131n \u201cdemokrasi sorununa Marksist \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm getirmesi, burjuvaziyi y\u0131kmak ve kendi zaferini sa\u011flamak i\u00e7in burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinde b\u00fct\u00fcn demokratik kurumlardan ve isteklerden yararlanmas\u0131 demek<\/em>“ti. Burjuvazinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve yozla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 demokratik kurumlardan yararlanma reddedilemezdi.[19]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Komintern VII. Kongresi\u2019ndeki konu\u015fmas\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda Dimitrov, Lenin\u2019in bu s\u00f6zlerine at\u0131fta bulunuyor ve Bulgaristan\u2019da fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fik cephe politikas\u0131na olan ihtiya\u00e7tan s\u00f6z ederek \u201cKom\u00fcnist Partisi -diyordu- kendi sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fck program hedeflerinin hi\u00e7birinden vazge\u00e7meden, parti ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hi\u00e7 zedelemeden, Sosyal Demokrat, \u00c7ift\u00e7i ve radikal partilerinden de kendi program ve ama\u00e7lar\u0131ndan vazge\u00e7melerini istemeden, birle\u015fik cephe kurulmas\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6neriyor.<\/em>” Ona g\u00f6re de fa\u015fizmin nedenledi\u011fi “felaket ve tehlikelerden<\/em>\u201d ve \u00fclkeyi burjuvazinin soktu\u011fu \u00e7\u0131kmazdan kurtarmak i\u00e7in birle\u015fik cephe \u201cen g\u00fcvenilir yol<\/em>\u201d idi.[20]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fik cephe politikas\u0131na sol sekter yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi zaafa u\u011fratt\u0131\u011f\u0131na dikkat \u00e7eken Wilhem Pieck ise, \u201cBilumum burjuva partilerinin fa\u015fist oldu\u011fu, \u2018burjuvazinin iki iktidar y\u00f6ntemi bulunmad\u0131\u011f\u0131\u2019, burjuva demokrasisinin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 savunman\u0131n kom\u00fcnistlerin i\u015fi olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7imindeki mutlak yanl\u0131\u015f anlay\u0131\u015f”<\/em>tan kaynaklanan anlay\u0131\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131, \u201cBiz -diyordu- burjuva demokrasisinin yerine proleter demokrasiyi, proletarya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc ge\u00e7irmedi\u011fimiz s\u00fcrece<\/em>“, kitleleri sermayenin iktidar\u0131n\u0131 devirmeye haz\u0131rlamak, proleter demokrasiyi ele ge\u00e7irmek i\u00e7in burjuva demokrasisinden yararlanmak durumunday\u0131z.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Kom\u00fcnist partilerin etkisini zay\u0131flatan sekter anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n sosyal-demokrat i\u015f\u00e7ilerin ortak m\u00fccadeleye kazan\u0131lmalar\u0131n\u0131 engelledi\u011fini belirten Pieck konu\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n devam\u0131nda \u201cBu sekter anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n k\u00f6k\u00fcn\u00fc kurutmadan ne sosyal-demokrat i\u015f\u00e7ilerle birle\u015fik cepheyi ne de hen\u00fcz kom\u00fcnistlere uzak duran fakat bizimle birlikte fa\u015fizme ve sava\u015fa kar\u015f\u0131, sermayenin sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131na kar\u015f\u0131, kendilerinin k\u0131smi talepleri u\u011fruna ve burjuva demokrasisinin kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 savunmak i\u00e7in m\u00fccadeleye at\u0131labilecek olan emek\u00e7i kitlelerle geni\u015f halk cephesini kurmak m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildi<\/em>r” diyordu.[21]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Komintern\u2019deki tart\u0131\u015fmalardan \u00e7\u0131kan sonu\u00e7 \u015fuydu: Marksistler anti fa\u015fist m\u00fccadeleyi sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesine ba\u011flanan bir m\u00fccadele perspektifiyle ele almal\u0131yd\u0131lar. Kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve burjuva devlet iktidar\u0131 ancak sosyalist devrim ve sosyalizmin in\u015fas\u0131yla ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131labilir ve sistemsel bir kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131k<\/em>tan s\u00f6zedildi\u011finde kapitalizm ve burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn (bi\u00e7imi ne olursa olsun) alternatifi sosyalizm ve proletaryan\u0131n devrimci iktidar\u0131yd\u0131.[22]<\/a> Ancak sorun bununla -yani nihai hedef saptamas\u0131yla- s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 olarak ele al\u0131namazd\u0131. Burjuva devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imleri aras\u0131nda fark g\u00f6zetmemek, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131 demokratik haklar m\u00fccadelesinde \u201ce\u011fitimden ge\u00e7erek<\/em>” sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesini ba\u015far\u0131yla s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmekten yoksun k\u0131lmak olacakt\u0131. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 sosyalizm m\u00fccadelesinin temel ve ba\u015fl\u0131ca g\u00fcc\u00fcyd\u00fc, ama fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele g\u00fc\u00e7leri \u00e7ok daha geni\u015fti ve onlar\u0131n demokrasi m\u00fccadelesinde birle\u015ftirilmesi bu m\u00fccadelenin ba\u015far\u0131s\u0131 i\u00e7in \u015fartt\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Birle\u015fik cephe politikas\u0131, burjuva devletini sahiplenen, onun polis zorbal\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 me\u015fru g\u00f6ren sosyal demokrat, liberal reformist parti \u015fefleriyle \u201cbir blok olu\u015fturma<\/em>\u201dya daralt\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131 gibi -bu s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi yerine uzla\u015fmac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ge\u00e7irmek demektir-, bu partilerin y\u00f6netimlerinin fa\u015fizm ile uzla\u015fmalar\u0131 dolay\u0131s\u0131yla sosyal demokrasi ile fa\u015fizmi ayn\u0131la\u015ft\u0131ran sol sekter yakla\u015f\u0131ma da indirgenemez. \u0130lki fa\u015fizme g\u00fc\u00e7 veren ve ikincisi sosyal-demokrat reformist veya liberal sol politikalar\u0131n etkisi alt\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ileri bu partilerin y\u00f6netimleri ve onlar\u0131n politikalar\u0131yla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftiren her iki sapma da reddedilmelidir. Burjuva parlamentosu ve burjuva siyasal partiler y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131 sisteme ba\u011flama i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmelerine; se\u00e7imler ve genel oy sistemi kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda halk kitlelerinin burjuva partileri arac\u0131yla kapitalist sistemin devam\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde yedeklenmesine hizmet etmesine kar\u015f\u0131n, Marksist-Leninistler, burjuva demokratik devlet ile devletin fa\u015fist bi\u00e7imi aras\u0131nda fark g\u00f6zetmeyen \u201csol sekter\u201d anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131 reddederler. Fa\u015fizm ile burjuva demokrasili burjuva diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki fark \u00e7\u00fcnk\u00fc, parlamentonun ve di\u011fer baz\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 yoklu\u011fuyla s\u0131n\u0131rlanamaz. As\u0131l sorun, halk kitlelerinin demokratik hak ve olanaklar\u0131 kullanabilmeleridir. Burjuva demokratik kurum ve olu\u015fumlar kitleleri s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc sistemine ba\u011fl\u0131 tutma i\u015fleviyle y\u00fck\u00fcml\u00fc olmakla birlikte var olmalar\u0131, halk kitleleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan tekelci burjuva gruplar\u0131yla onlar\u0131n temsilcileri \u00fczerinde bask\u0131 olu\u015fturma ve onlar aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerden yararlanma olana\u011f\u0131 bulmalar\u0131 dolay\u0131m\u0131nda sermaye politikalar\u0131n\u0131 zorla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Fa\u015fizmi, burjuva demokratik olanaklar\u0131 tasfiyeye y\u00f6nelten as\u0131l etken de budur.\u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

BAZI SONU\u00c7LAR<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

1.<\/strong> Fa\u015fizmi, tarihin \u00e7e\u015fitli d\u00f6nemlerinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ve yo\u011fun bask\u0131 ve zor ile karakterize olan monar\u015fist, Bonapartist vb. y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imlerinden farkl\u0131 k\u0131lan, kapitalist emperyalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, tekelci sermaye egemenli\u011findeki bir devlet bi\u00e7imi olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak kapitalist emperyalizm ve mali sermaye ile ba\u011f\u0131, ikisi aras\u0131nda yap\u0131sal ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131k ili\u015fkisi do\u011furmaz. Fa\u015fizm mutlak bir ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131k g\u00f6stermez ve m\u00fccadele ile \u00f6nlenebilir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

2.<\/strong> Fa\u015fizm, belirli tekel gruplar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015fkaca tekel gruplar\u0131yla rekabeti ve bu rekabetin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma d\u00fczeyine \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fildir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131n belirli baz\u0131 tekel gruplar\u0131n\u0131n siyasal gericili\u011fin yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131 di\u011ferlerine k\u0131yasla daha \u00e7ok istemeleri ve fakat di\u011fer baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n \u201cverili durum\u201dda burjuva demokrasisinin devam\u0131ndan yana olmalar\u0131 pek\u00e2l\u00e2 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. Bu durum tekellerin siyasal gericilik e\u011filimiyle \u00e7eli\u015fmez. Tekelci kapitalizm ve kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc rekabet ve \u00e7\u0131kar \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n\u0131n fa\u015fizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda da devam etmesinin maddi temellerini olu\u015fturur, fa\u015fist iktidar i\u00e7i \u00e7eki\u015fmeleri besler ve \u0130talyan ve Nazi \u00f6rneklerinde g\u00f6r\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczere suikast giri\u015fimlerini dahi g\u00fcndeme getirebilir. Tekelci gruplar ve fa\u015fist klikler aras\u0131 anla\u015fmazl\u0131klar \u00f6zellikle fa\u015fizme ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00fcrecinde veya fa\u015fist iktidar ayg\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 sarsan \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin keskinle\u015fmesi durumunda ortaya \u00e7\u0131karlar.[23]<\/a> Bu rekabet ve i\u00e7 \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma tekellerden biri ya da baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin g\u00fcc\u00fc ve dayana\u011f\u0131 haline getirmez, ancak sermayenin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7i hareketine topyek\u00fbn sald\u0131r\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 -ge\u00e7ici bir s\u00fcre i\u00e7in de olsa- zaafa u\u011frat\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

3.<\/strong> Fa\u015fizm ile kapitalist kriz aras\u0131nda dolays\u0131zca ve mutlak gereklilik ili\u015fkisi yoktur. Burjuvazi krizin y\u00fcklerini emek\u00e7ilere aktararak fa\u015fist bi\u00e7ime ge\u00e7meden de y\u00f6netimini s\u00fcrd\u00fcrebilir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

4. <\/strong>Fa\u015fizmin \u201csivil fa\u015fist <\/em>hareket<\/em>\u201de, bir partiye ya da bir h\u00fck\u00fcmetin yerine bir ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n ge\u00e7i\u015fine indirgenmesi durumunda devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015flevi karart\u0131lm\u0131\u015f; fa\u015fist tehdit ve vah\u015fetin boyutlar\u0131 az\u0131msanm\u0131\u015f ve fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin kapsam\u0131 daralt\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olur. Fa\u015fizm i\u015fsizleri ve k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva kesimler ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere iktisadi-toplumsal ko\u015fullar\u0131n umutsuzlu\u011fa s\u00fcr\u00fckledi\u011fi kalabal\u0131klar\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc vaadiyle vah\u015fetine ortak edebilir; ancak bu istismar ve kullanma politikas\u0131ndan hareketle fa\u015fizm \u201ck\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuvazinin diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6sterilemez.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

5.<\/strong> Fa\u015fizm i\u00e7eride sald\u0131rgan ve vah\u015fi; d\u0131\u015far\u0131da yay\u0131lmac\u0131, istilac\u0131 ve sava\u015f\u00e7\u0131d\u0131r. \u201cMilletin kurtar\u0131c\u0131-d\u00fczenleyici misyonu<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, fa\u015fist siyaset ve ideolojinin i\u00e7eride ve d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki sald\u0131r\u0131 i\u00e7in kitle motivasyonu silah\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

6. <\/strong>Fa\u015fizm g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ya da zay\u0131f; ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ya da emperyalist ekonomiyle ko\u015fullu olmay\u0131p i\u00e7 ve uluslararas\u0131 ko\u015fullarla, s\u0131n\u0131f g\u00fc\u00e7 ili\u015fkilerinin durumuyla ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak g\u00fcndeme gelir. Ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz de\u011fildir. Belirleyici olan m\u00fccadelenin seyri ve d\u00fczeyidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

7.<\/strong> Fa\u015fizm ve fa\u015fist diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerin engellenmesi ya da yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in sosyalizm mutlak ko\u015ful olu\u015fturmaz. Bir devrim olmadan da halk kitlelerinin geli\u015fen m\u00fccadelesi sonucu fa\u015fizm yenilgiye u\u011frat\u0131labilir ve burjuva demokratik haklar elde edilebilir. Yunanistan, Portekiz, Arjantin, \u015eili ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de bunun \u00f6rnekleri ya\u015fand\u0131. Sorun, bu m\u00fccadeleyi, \u201cproletaryan\u0131n genel<\/strong><\/em> olarak<\/em> bilincini, devrimci ruhunu, <\/em>sava\u015fma<\/em> ve yenme yetene\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrecek de\u011fil, y\u00fckseltecek<\/strong> bi\u00e7imde uygulamay\u0131 bilmektir<\/strong>.<\/em>\u201d[24]<\/a> Kom\u00fcnistler fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi devrim perspektifiyle ele al\u0131r, reformist y\u00f6ntemlerle s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 demokratik bi\u00e7imlere ge\u00e7i\u015fle kendilerini s\u0131n\u0131rlamazlar. Sonucun ne olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirleyecek olan ise elbette g\u00fc\u00e7ler ili\u015fkisi olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n

\r\n\r\n\r\n

[1]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar: Belgeler-I<\/em>, \u00e7ev. \u0130smail Yark\u0131n, D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 9-10 ve sf. 15.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[2]<\/a> Lenin, V. \u0130. (1977) Se\u00e7me Eserler, Cilt 10<\/em>, \u00e7ev. S. Kaya ve \u0130. Yark\u0131n, 1. Bas\u0131m, \u0130nter Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 327-328.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[3]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 61-62.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[4]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 25.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[5]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 75.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[6]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 97.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[7]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 63.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[8]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 102-106.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[9]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 101-102.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[10]<\/a> 3. K. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, Belgeler-II, \u00e7ev. \u0130smail Yark\u0131n, D\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, s.128-129<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[11]<\/a> Komintern\u2019in, sosyal demokrat partiler ve onlar\u0131n etkisi alt\u0131ndaki i\u015f\u00e7i-emek\u00e7i kitlelerin fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 birle\u015fik cephe \u00e7izgisinde birle\u015fmesi politikas\u0131 ve SPD ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere sosyal demokratlar\u0131n izledikleri politikan\u0131n karakteri sorunu ayr\u0131ca-ve ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 bir irdelemeyi gerekli k\u0131l\u0131yor. Bundand\u0131r ki burada bu sorunun denebilir ki genel ve \u00f6zet bir y\u00f6n\u00fcnden s\u00f6z ederek ge\u00e7iyoruz.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[12]<\/a> Hoca, E. (1986) Avrupa Kom\u00fcnizmi Anti Kom\u00fcnizmdir<\/em>, \u00e7ev. Y. G\u00fcrb\u00fcz, I\u015f\u0131k Yay\u0131nevi, \u0130stanbul, sf. 16.\u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[13]<\/a> Aktaran Hoca, age, sf. 47-48.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[14]<\/a> Anti fa\u015fist halk hareketinin y\u00fckseldi\u011fi bir di\u011fer \u00fclke Yunanistan\u2019d\u0131. II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 s\u0131ras\u0131nda \u00f6nce \u0130talya ve sonra Almanya taraf\u0131ndan i\u015fgal edilen Yunanistan\u2019da kral ve h\u00fck\u00fcmet \u00fclkeden ka\u00e7arken, Yunan yurtseverleri, kom\u00fcnistler ve demokratlar \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde olu\u015fturduklar\u0131 \u201cUlusal Kurtulu\u015f Ordusu\u201dyla i\u015fgalcilere kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015ft\u0131lar. Bu d\u00f6nem ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u00e7eride emperyalizm i\u015fbirlik\u00e7isi sermaye kesimlerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla ba\u011flanan gerici kuvvetler ile Yunanistan\u2019\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 savunan ve demokrasi i\u00e7in sava\u015fan g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda s\u00fcren \u00e7ok \u00e7etin i\u00e7 sava\u015fa sahne oldu. Konu, dergimizin bu say\u0131s\u0131nda ayr\u0131 bir makalede ele al\u0131n\u0131yor.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[15]<\/a> Dimitrov, G. (1999) Bulgaristan Devrimci Gen\u00e7lik Hareketi Tarihi<\/em>, 2. Bas\u0131m, \u00e7ev. O. Ayd\u0131n, Evrensel Bas\u0131mYay\u0131n, \u0130stanbul, sf. 153 ve sonras\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[16]<\/a> Bu s\u00fcre\u00e7teki geli\u015fmeler bir ba\u015fka makalede ayr\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131yla irdelenece\u011fi i\u00e7in burada sat\u0131rba\u015flar\u0131 \u015feklinde an\u0131msatmayla yetinilecektir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[17]<\/a> Dimitrov, age, sf. 91<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[18]<\/a> Lenin, V.\u0130. (1998) Uluslar\u0131n Kendi Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131, \u00e7ev. M. Erdost, 9. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 135.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[19]<\/a> Lenin, V.\u0130. (1990) \u201cP. Kievsky\u2019ye cevap\u201d, Sa\u011f ve sol Sapmalar<\/em> i\u00e7inde, \u00e7ev. S. C\u0131l\u0131zo\u011flu, 2. Bask\u0131, Ekim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, \u0130stanbul, sf. 57.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[20]<\/a> Dimitrov, age, sf. 75.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[21]<\/a> 3. Enternasyonalde Fa\u015fizm \u00dczerine Tart\u0131\u015fmalar, sf. 152-153.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[22]<\/a> Okur, burada sorunun proletarya iktidar\u0131n\u0131n bi\u00e7imleri a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, anti fa\u015fist m\u00fccadele a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ele al\u0131nd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f olmal\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[23]<\/a> T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de, 1980 \u00f6ncesi geli\u015fmeleri sermaye sistemi i\u00e7in tehlikeli g\u00f6ren ve uluslararas\u0131 alanda y\u00fcr\u00fcrl\u00fc\u011fe konan neoliberal politikalar\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na g\u00f6ren Ko\u00e7 grubu, 12 Eyl\u00fcl fa\u015fist generallerinin dikta y\u00f6netimini desteklerken, ayn\u0131 sermaye grubu siyasal \u0130slamc\u0131 partilerin \u00f6ncelikleriyle farkl\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmesi ve bu partiler ile h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerinin deste\u011finde devlet olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 kullanan rakip sermaye gruplar\u0131yla \u00e7eli\u015fkileri nedeniyle AKP\u2019nin despotik iktidar\u0131n\u0131 desteklemekten -en az\u0131ndan bir s\u00fcre- ka\u00e7\u0131nd\u0131 ya da hatta kar\u015f\u0131 politikalar\u0131n g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7aba g\u00f6sterdi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[24]<\/a> Lenin, V.\u0130. (1999) \u2018Sol\u2019 Kom\u00fcnizm Bir \u00c7ocukluk Hastal\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>, \u00e7ev. M. Erdost, 6. Bask\u0131, Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, Ankara, sf. 71.<\/p>\r\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yusuf Akda\u011f |\u00a0 Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleden s\u00f6z edebilmek i\u00e7in fa\u015fizmin baz\u0131 temel \u00f6zelliklerine i\u015faret etmek gerekir. \u00c7e\u015fitli di\u011fer makalelerde konu bu y\u00f6nleriyle de irdelenece\u011fi i\u00e7in burada bu \u00f6zelliklerden yaln\u0131zca bu makalenin kapsam\u0131yla ba\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde s\u00f6z edilecektir. Fa\u015fizmi bir mali grubun, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta tabakalar\u0131n, bir partinin politikalar\u0131na indirgeyenler oldu\u011fu gibi burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde tan\u0131mlayanlar da olmu\u015ftur. Ancak fa\u015fizm, bir […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1493,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[520,380,362],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1492","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-51-sayi-bahar-2021","category-fasizm-dosyasi","category-yusuf-akdag"],"yoast_head":"\nFa\u015fizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele: Tarihsel deneyimler ve g\u00fcncel durum<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2022\/01\/05\/fasizme-karsi-mucadele-tarihsel-deneyimler-ve-guncel-durum\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Fa\u015fizme Kar\u015f\u0131 M\u00fccadele: Tarihsel deneyimler ve g\u00fcncel durum\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Yusuf Akda\u011f |\u00a0 Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleden s\u00f6z edebilmek i\u00e7in fa\u015fizmin baz\u0131 temel \u00f6zelliklerine i\u015faret etmek gerekir. \u00c7e\u015fitli di\u011fer makalelerde konu bu y\u00f6nleriyle de irdelenece\u011fi i\u00e7in burada bu \u00f6zelliklerden yaln\u0131zca bu makalenin kapsam\u0131yla ba\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde s\u00f6z edilecektir. Fa\u015fizmi bir mali grubun, k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve orta tabakalar\u0131n, bir partinin politikalar\u0131na indirgeyenler oldu\u011fu gibi burjuva h\u00fck\u00fcmet de\u011fi\u015fiklikleri \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde tan\u0131mlayanlar da olmu\u015ftur. 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Teori ve Eylem","og_description":"Yusuf Akda\u011f |\u00a0 Fa\u015fizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleden s\u00f6z edebilmek i\u00e7in fa\u015fizmin baz\u0131 temel \u00f6zelliklerine i\u015faret etmek gerekir. \u00c7e\u015fitli di\u011fer makalelerde konu bu y\u00f6nleriyle de irdelenece\u011fi i\u00e7in burada bu \u00f6zelliklerden yaln\u0131zca bu makalenin kapsam\u0131yla ba\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcs\u00fcnde s\u00f6z edilecektir. 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