{"id":140,"date":"2017-03-01T13:27:38","date_gmt":"2017-03-01T10:27:38","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=140"},"modified":"2023-01-18T17:03:16","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T14:03:16","slug":"kadinlik-referandum-esiginde","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/","title":{"rendered":"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar"},"content":{"rendered":"

Fulya Aliko\u00e7<\/strong><\/p>\n

D\u00fcnya kad\u0131nlar\u0131 bu y\u0131lki 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 kendi m\u00fccadele tarihlerinin tekerle\u011fine, \u015fimdiye kadar kat ettikleri yolun aksine y\u00f6nde y\u00fcklenen topyek\u00fcn bir bask\u0131 ve sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Tekerle\u011fin \u00f6b\u00fcr taraf\u0131nda, onu geriye do\u011fru d\u00f6nd\u00fcrmeye y\u00f6nelik kuvvet, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hayat\u0131nda farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlere sahip olsa da meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcnde yatan olgu ve bunun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehlike ortak: Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal \u00fcretimde oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol ile \u00fcstyap\u0131da edinebildikleri konum aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7eli\u015fki h\u0131zla derinle\u015fiyor ve kad\u0131nlar farkl\u0131 co\u011frafyalarda \u015fu ya da bu d\u00fczeyde kazand\u0131klar\u0131 ne varsa kaybetme riskiyle her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha fazla y\u00fczle\u015fiyor.<\/p>\n

Afrika ve Ortado\u011fu\u2019nun \u00e7e\u015fitli b\u00f6lgelerinde as\u0131p keserek ilerledikleri topraklar \u00fczerinde ilkel k\u00f6le pazarlar\u0131n\u0131 yeniden d\u00fcnya sahnesine \u00e7\u0131karan cihadist ter\u00f6r \u00e7eteleri formunda silueti beliren bir heyula, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn liberalizmin demokrasisinin konforuyla perdelendi\u011fi Bat\u0131\u2019da ete kemi\u011fe b\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyor. Trump gibi nobran bir fig\u00fcr\u00fcn kimilerine g\u00f6re \u201cs\u00fcrpriz\u201d bir \u015fekilde ba\u015fkan se\u00e7ildi\u011fi ABD\u2019de, ikilemin giderek daha \u00e7ok a\u015f\u0131r\u0131-sa\u011fc\u0131 ve sa\u011fc\u0131lar aras\u0131nda ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131 Bat\u0131 Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde, sol liberal ve ayd\u0131n \u00e7evrelerinde tarihte bir kez daha \u201cak\u0131l tutulmas\u0131\u201d ya\u015fan\u0131yor. Bir yandan, bu noktaya nas\u0131l gelindi\u011fine anlam verme \u00e7abas\u0131yla birlikte, tekerle\u011fin \u00f6te yan\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7lenen kuvveti n\u00f6tralize etme potansiyeli ta\u015f\u0131yan kar\u015f\u0131 bir kuvvet biriktirecek ve gidi\u015fat\u0131 tersine \u00e7evirecek birlik aray\u0131\u015flar\u0131 s\u00fcr\u00fcyor. \u00d6te yandan, bir zamanlar Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 korkutan hayaletin son kal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 def etmenin verdi\u011fi co\u015fkuyla \u201cYeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeni\u201d, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d m\u00fcjdeleri veren, \u00e7ok ge\u00e7meden sava\u015fs\u0131z d\u00fcnya vaadini \u201cmedeniyetler \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131\u201d s\u00f6ylemlerine k\u0131v\u0131ranlar, tekeller ve bunlar\u0131n denetimi alt\u0131ndaki uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar 2008 krizinin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 etkilere kar\u015f\u0131 aralar\u0131nda k\u0131z\u0131\u015fan rekabet y\u00fcz\u00fcnden kuyruklar\u0131 birbirine dola\u015fmadan b\u00fct\u00fcnl\u00fckl\u00fc liberal bir yeniden yap\u0131lanma plan\u0131 geli\u015ftirebilmi\u015f de\u011fil. B\u00fcy\u00fcme hedeflerini k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcltmek zorunda kal\u0131yorlar, emperyalist birlikler \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclme tehdidiyle her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha fazla y\u00fczle\u015firken, silahlanmaya ayr\u0131lan b\u00fct\u00e7eler g\u00fcn ge\u00e7tik\u00e7e art\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Yeni liberal politikalar\u0131n ve s\u00f6ylemlerin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f a\u015famas\u0131na ge\u00e7ti\u011fi s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u015foven, gerici, \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131 ve muhafazakar partiler; i\u00e7eriye h\u0131zl\u0131 bir mali sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n ya\u015fand\u0131\u011f\u0131, bunun bir sonucu olarak kapitalistle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinin h\u0131zland\u0131\u011f\u0131, ucuz emek g\u00fcc\u00fc avantaj\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131na t\u00fcm s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131yla birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck teknolojili \u00fcr\u00fcnlerden orta teknolojili \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin imalat\u0131na ivme kazand\u0131rmak suretiyle emek \u00fcretkenli\u011finin art\u0131r\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131, ter\u00f6rc\u00fc y\u00f6ntemlere ba\u015fvurmak pahas\u0131na pazar pay\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rma h\u0131rs\u0131n\u0131n artt\u0131\u011f\u0131; t\u00fcm bunlar\u0131n emek\u00e7iler nezdindeki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n esnekle\u015fme ve giderek tam bir g\u00fcvencesizle\u015fme oldu\u011fu ve i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n bilin\u00e7li, emek\u00e7i halklar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc bir m\u00fccadeleden ziyade, birka\u00e7 \u00f6rnek d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda, huzursuzluk d\u00fczeyinde kalan tepkiler geli\u015ftirebildi\u011fi \u00fclkelerde g\u00fc\u00e7 biriktirdiler. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de AKP\u2019nin iktidara geldi\u011fi g\u00fcnden bu yana biriktirdi\u011fi g\u00fc\u00e7le, \u00f6zellikle de 15 Temmuz darbesinin bah\u015fetti\u011fi l\u00fctuflar\u0131 dayanak yaparak hedefledi\u011fi k\u0131r\u0131lma, anayasa de\u011fi\u015fiklinde evet \u00e7\u0131karsa kurulacak \u201cTek Adam Tek Parti Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201d ile ba\u015far\u0131yla ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f olacak. Gericili\u011fin t\u0131rmand\u0131\u011f\u0131 t\u00fcm \u00fclkelerde oldu\u011fu gibi, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de de belirleyici olan i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu gerici \u015foven unsurlar\u0131n m\u0131, yoksa bu k\u0131r\u0131lman\u0131n seyrini \u201cileriye ve iyiye do\u011fru\u201d d\u00f6nd\u00fcrecek farkl\u0131 d\u00fczey ve d\u00fczlemlerde ittifaklar kurmay\u0131 ba\u015faran ilerici birliklerin mi kazanaca\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u201cTek Adam Tek Parti Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn \u0131l\u0131ml\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcml\u00fc in\u015fa s\u00fcrecinden dinci-muhafazakar notalarla otoriterle\u015fen her a\u015famas\u0131nda kad\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fman\u0131 politikalara kar\u015f\u0131 bazen g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bazen yetersiz de olsa az \u00e7ok istikrarl\u0131 bir m\u00fccadele vermi\u015f, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan, ezilen ulus, mezhep ve inan\u00e7lardan kad\u0131nlar, \u00e7oktan saflar\u0131n\u0131 belirtmi\u015f, yerellerde olu\u015fturdu\u011fu platformlarda hay\u0131r kampanyalar\u0131na ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f durumda. \u00d6te yandan, \u015fimdiye dek AKP\u2019ye oy vermi\u015f, dini ideolojinin etkisi ve bask\u0131s\u0131 alt\u0131nda olan milyonlarca kad\u0131n ya evet deme e\u011filiminde ya da samimi bir karars\u0131zl\u0131k ya\u015f\u0131yor. Nitekim anketler, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n T\u00fcrkiye ortalamas\u0131n\u0131n 13 puan alt\u0131nda bir oranla (%39,8) evet deme e\u011filiminde oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. Her bak\u0131mdan kritik bir y\u0131l olan 2017\u2019de kad\u0131n m\u00fccadelesinin temel g\u00fcndemi milyonlarca emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n\u0131, siyaseten Erdo\u011fan-AKP \u015fahs\u0131nda merkezile\u015fen tekelci gericili\u011fin mi, yoksa in\u015fa edilmek istenen fa\u015fist rejime hay\u0131r diyen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n m\u0131 kazanaca\u011f\u0131. \u015e\u00fcphesiz ki bu, her \u015feyden dil ve \u00fcslubun \u201chay\u0131r mahallesi\u201dnden \u00e7\u0131k\u0131p \u201cevet mahallesi\u201dne gitmeyi ve bir anlamda \u201cevet\/hay\u0131r\u201d kutupla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 k\u0131rmay\u0131 zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yor. 15 y\u0131ll\u0131k AKP iktidarlar\u0131n\u0131n kad\u0131nlar\u0131n i\u00e7erisinde bulundu\u011fu hangi maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131 istismar edip kendisine yedekledi\u011fini anlamay\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ve bask\u0131n\u0131n en ayyuka \u00e7\u0131kan, en k\u0131\u015fk\u0131rt\u0131c\u0131 somut g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlerini isabetli tespit etmeyi, buradan somutla\u015fan talepler ile Erdo\u011fan-AKP\u2019nin y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc politikalar aras\u0131ndaki derin \u00e7eli\u015fkinin politik te\u015fhirini \u00f6rg\u00fctlemeyi ve nihayetinde bu t\u00fcrden bir \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma etraf\u0131nda g\u00fc\u00e7 biriktirerek geni\u015f bir birlik geli\u015ftirmeyi zorunlu k\u0131l\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

EMEK\u00c7\u0130 KADINLARIN DURUMU<\/strong><\/p>\n

AKP\u2019nin emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131 kendi kitle taban\u0131 haline getirmesinin \u00e7e\u015fitli zeminlerine de\u011finmeden \u00f6nce, ezilen cinsiyet sorununu kapitalizmin sorunu haline getiren maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131 hat\u0131rlamakta fayda var. Kapitalizm, modern sanayinin geli\u015fmesiyle birlikte, kad\u0131nlar\u0131 kitleler halinde toplumsal \u00fcretimin temel karakteristi\u011fini belirleyen meta \u00fcretiminin i\u00e7erisine \u00e7ekti. Di\u011fer bir ifadeyle, kad\u0131nlar, \u00fcretim ili\u015fkileriyle \u00e7eli\u015fki i\u00e7erisindeki \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin temel unsuru, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n \u201ce\u015fit\u201d bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline geldiler. Ancak s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fclen s\u0131n\u0131f olma stat\u00fcs\u00fcndeki bu \u201ce\u015fitlik\u201d, \u201ce\u015fit i\u015fe e\u015fit \u00fccret\u201d talebinin de temelini olu\u015fturdu\u011fu \u00fczere, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n ucuz eme\u011fi giderek b\u00fct\u00fcn s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n da \u00fccretlerini bask\u0131laman\u0131n bir payandas\u0131 oldu. Bununla birlikte, kapitalizm, kendinden \u00f6nceki toplumlardan ataerkil aileyi devral\u0131rken \u00f6zel bir meta olan emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretiminin t\u00fcm y\u00fck\u00fcn\u00fc kad\u0131nlara y\u0131kman\u0131n bir arac\u0131 haline getirdi; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretiminde harcad\u0131klar\u0131 emek \u201cde\u011fersiz\u201d, \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z\u201d kald\u0131. Yani, tarihte ilk defa iki cinsiyet aras\u0131ndaki e\u015fitli\u011fin maddi ko\u015fullar\u0131 do\u011fmu\u015f, ama bununla birlikte alt ve \u00fcst yap\u0131daki e\u015fitsizlik bir \u00e7eli\u015fki do\u011furmu\u015f oldu. Kad\u0131nlar, \u00fcretici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin saflar\u0131na kat\u0131ld\u0131klar\u0131ndan bu yana kapitalizmde ezilen cinsiyet sorununun \u00f6z\u00fcn\u00fc ifade eden bu \u00e7eli\u015fki hi\u00e7 de\u011fi\u015fmedi, kapitalist toplumun temel \u00f6zelliklerinden biri olmaya devam etti.<\/p>\n

AKP\u2019nin \u00f6zellikle emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n kitleleri i\u00e7erisinde taban yaratabilmesinin ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 da bu \u00e7eli\u015fkinin 2000\u2019li y\u0131llardan bug\u00fcne ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmler \u00fczerinden okumak gerekir. AKP\u2019nin ilk kez iktidara gelmesinin arifesinde, T\u00fcrkiye, hala \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretimi bak\u0131m\u0131ndan d\u0131\u015fa ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 olmakla karakterize bir kapitalist geli\u015fme d\u00fczeyinde, buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck teknolojiye dayal\u0131, yani emek \u00fcretkenli\u011finin kapitalistlerin rekabet etmesine elveri\u015fli bir d\u00fczeyde olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir \u00fclke tablosu \u00e7iziyordu. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla \u00fcretim daha \u00e7ok emek yo\u011fun, rekabet d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretlere dayanarak devam ediyordu. 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda sanayi istihdam\u0131n\u0131n %13\u2019\u00fcn\u00fc olu\u015fturan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n en \u00f6nemli sorunlar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretler ve emek yo\u011fun sekt\u00f6rlerde yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde uzun i\u015f g\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fc denebilir. Buna bug\u00fcn ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 devasa boyut kadar olmasa da yayg\u0131nla\u015fan kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fman\u0131n bir sonucu olarak g\u00fcvencesizle\u015fme de eklenmelidir.<\/p>\n

Kad\u0131n istihdam\u0131n\u0131n en yo\u011fun oldu\u011fu tar\u0131mda ise devlet deste\u011finin azalmas\u0131, istihdam\u0131 da garanti alt\u0131na alan kamu i\u015fletmelerinin \u00f6zelle\u015ftirilmesi, dolay\u0131s\u0131yla tar\u0131m sekt\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00fcretimde azalan pay\u0131 bu alandaki kad\u0131n istihdam\u0131nda dramatik bir d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fle sonu\u00e7land\u0131. Rakamlarla ifade edecek olursak, 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda tar\u0131mdaki kad\u0131n istihdam oran\u0131 %60\u2019ken, 2014 y\u0131l\u0131na gelindi\u011finde bu oran neredeyse yar\u0131ya inmi\u015f ve %33 olarak kaydedilmi\u015ftir.[1] Zaten bir\u00e7o\u011fu \u00fccretsiz aile i\u015f\u00e7ili\u011fi yapan milyonlarca kad\u0131n tar\u0131m d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itilmi\u015ftir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, sanayindeki oran\u0131 2010\u2019lu y\u0131llarda hala %16-17 d\u00fczeylerinde seyretmektedir. Yani tar\u0131m d\u0131\u015f\u0131na itilen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131 milyonlarla ifade edilirken, sanayinde istihdama giren kad\u0131nlar\u0131n say\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 ancak on binlerle ifade edilebilir durumda. Bu devasa a\u00e7\u0131k \u00fc\u00e7 olguyla a\u00e7\u0131klanabilir. Her \u015feyden \u00f6nce y\u00fczbinlerce kad\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fsizle\u015fti\u011fi s\u00f6ylenmeli. Buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak, kad\u0131nlar giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcyen kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131 istihdama kat\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Nitekim, \u00c7al\u0131\u015fma Bakanl\u0131\u011f\u0131 2014 verilerine g\u00f6re \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n %54\u2019\u00fc kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. \u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fcs\u00fc, tar\u0131m d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kalan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n az\u0131msanmayacak bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc hizmet sekt\u00f6r\u00fcne kaym\u0131\u015ft\u0131r; 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan 100 kad\u0131ndan 26\u2019s\u0131, 2014 y\u0131l\u0131nda ise \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan 100 kad\u0131ndan 61\u2019i hizmetlerde \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r.[2]\n

Bu dramatik ve \u00e7ok boyutlu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerin alt\u0131nda, AKP\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131 da ba\u015f\u0131ndan sonuna karakterize eden \u015fey ise mali sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n h\u0131z kazanmas\u0131, buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u00e7ok\u00e7a dindar-muhafazakar olarak nitelenen yeni sermaye gruplar\u0131n\u0131n palazlanmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u0130ktidar \u00e7evresinde olman\u0131n bir avantaj\u0131 olan te\u015fviklerle birlikte d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccretlerin kayma\u011f\u0131n\u0131 yiyip semiren yeni sanayiciler sermaye birikimi elde ettikleri sekt\u00f6rlerden enerji, ileti\u015fim gibi sekt\u00f6rlere de girme f\u0131rsat\u0131 bulmu\u015f, rekabetin bir akt\u00f6r\u00fc haline gelmi\u015flerdir. 2008 kriziyle beliren keskin viraj\u0131 alamayanlar alabilenler taraf\u0131ndan yutulmu\u015f olsa da, rekabet sadece ucuz emek g\u00fcc\u00fcne dayanarak s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclemez boyutlara ula\u015fm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ucuz emek havuzlar\u0131 sakl\u0131 tutulmak, hatta bask\u0131lanabilir oldu\u011fu her yerde \u00fccretleri bask\u0131lamaya devam etmek kayd\u0131yla, T\u00dcS\u0130AD ve \u0130stanbul Ticaret Odas\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck \u00fccret avantaj\u0131n\u0131n yetmedi\u011fini, teknoloji yo\u011fun \u00fcr\u00fcnlere ihtiya\u00e7 oldu\u011funu, emek \u00fcretkenli\u011fini art\u0131rmak gerekti\u011fine dair vurgular\u0131 hat\u0131rlanmal\u0131. Bir yandan, \u00fcniversitelerin sanayi ve i\u015fletmelere a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, Ar-Ge departmanlar\u0131n\u0131n, teknoparklar\u0131n a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131p sermayenin denetimine verilmesi hayata ge\u00e7irilirken, \u00f6te yandan hem ucuz emek havuzunun geni\u015fletilmesi hem de emek \u00fcretkenli\u011finin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma ya\u015fam\u0131ndaki form\u00fcl\u00fc amans\u0131z bir esnekle\u015fme olmu\u015ftur. Sermaye; orta ve y\u00fcksek teknolojili \u00fcr\u00fcnlerin \u00fcretiminde, e\u011fitim seviyesi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fck oldu\u011fundan istihdam edilmek ya da istihdamda kalabilmek i\u00e7in \u201cya\u015fam boyu e\u011fitim\u201d almak zorunda olan, ihtiyaca g\u00f6re istihdama kolayca girip \u00e7\u0131kabilen, emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretimini ev i\u00e7i kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z eme\u011fiyle sermayenin s\u0131rt\u0131na y\u00fck olmadan garantileyebilen, yoksullu\u011fu bir tak\u0131m temel t\u00fcketim mallar\u0131n\u0131 evde \u00fcreterek g\u00f6\u011f\u00fcsleyebilen; k\u0131sacas\u0131 hem i\u015f\u00e7i hem i\u015fsiz, hem anne hem e\u015f, hem s\u0131n\u0131f annesi hem de hizmetli olabilen bir emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n ordusu yarat\u0131lmas\u0131 i\u00e7in iktidardaki orta\u011f\u0131na kanun \u00f6nerilerinde bulunmu\u015ftur. Meclisten ge\u00e7en torbalar\u0131 dolduran i\u015fte bu kanunlard\u0131r.<\/p>\n

\u00d6zetleyecek olursak; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal hayat\u0131n \u00fcretiminde oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol harcad\u0131klar\u0131 emek oran\u0131nda muazzam bir art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6stermi\u015ftir. Bunun zorunlu sonucu olarak, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n e\u015fitlik talebinin maddi dayanaklar\u0131 hi\u00e7 olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar geni\u015flemi\u015ftir. Buna kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k, esnek ve kay\u0131t d\u0131\u015f\u0131 istihdam\u0131n en ilkel bi\u00e7imlerinde konumlan\u0131\u015flar\u0131yla ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 pratik, insan varl\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in maddi manevi en t\u00fcketici s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc bi\u00e7imlerine maruz kalmalar\u0131d\u0131r. Kad\u0131nlar topluma her \u015feylerini sunan ama toplumdan hi\u00e7bir \u015fey alamayan bir duruma itilmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

MUHAFAZAKARLA\u015eMANIN \u00c7EL\u0130\u015eK\u0130Y\u0130 DER\u0130NLE\u015eT\u0130REN KARAKTER\u0130<\/strong><\/p>\n

Din propagandas\u0131n\u0131n yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, ya\u015fam\u0131n her alan\u0131n\u0131n (e\u011fitim, sa\u011fl\u0131k, aile, yerel y\u00f6netimler) \u0130slam ideolojisi uyar\u0131nca yeniden tasarlanmas\u0131, kad\u0131n\u0131n cinselli\u011fi ve do\u011furganl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinde artan denetim; kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kamusal hayatta, politikada, giderek mahallede ve sokakta ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bask\u0131 ve \u015fiddeti h\u0131zla art\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Bu da yukar\u0131da kapitalizmin her a\u015famas\u0131 i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yledi\u011fimiz ve tekelci kapitalizmle ve onun bug\u00fcnk\u00fc siyasi temsilcisi olan AKP politikalar\u0131yla ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 boyutu ortaya koydu\u011fumuz \u00e7eli\u015fkiyi ciddi oranda derinle\u015fmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\n

\u00d6te yandan, AKP\u2019nin t\u00fcm bu politikalar\u0131n yegane uygulay\u0131c\u0131s\u0131 konumundayken emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlardan ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 destek a\u00e7\u0131klanmaya muhta\u00e7 g\u00f6r\u00fcnebilir. Burada birka\u00e7 olguyu a\u00e7makta yarar var. Birincisi, kad\u0131n istihdam\u0131nda bahsetti\u011fimiz d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerin en yak\u0131c\u0131 sonucu olan i\u015fsizlik ve buna ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak yoksulla\u015fma emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcndeki terazinin bir kefesinde duruyor. Teraziyi t\u00fcmden y\u0131kacak ya da en az\u0131ndan burjuvaziyi taviz vermeye zorlayacak bir m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenememi\u015f olmas\u0131, kad\u0131nlar\u0131 ister istemez t\u00fcm kurumlar\u0131 (\u00d6zel \u0130stihdam B\u00fcrolar\u0131) ve t\u00fcm bi\u00e7imleriyle (yar\u0131 zamanl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, ev eksenli \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, uzaktan \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma, \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131 \u00fczerine \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma) terazinin \u00f6b\u00fcr kesesinde duran esnek \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaya itiyor. \u0130kincisi, emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn yeniden \u00fcretiminin hizmetine ko\u015fulan kad\u0131n\u0131n her ge\u00e7en g\u00fcn daha da zorla\u015fan ev i\u00e7i bak\u0131m eme\u011finin \u201cde\u011fersizli\u011fi\u201d \u00e7e\u015fitli sosyal yard\u0131mlarla (engelli, ya\u015fl\u0131, hastalar i\u00e7in verilen evde bak\u0131m maa\u015f\u0131, b\u00fcy\u00fckanne maa\u015f\u0131, vb) s\u00fcbvanse edilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor; kad\u0131nlara, \u015fimdiye dek hi\u00e7 itibar g\u00f6rmeyen emeklerinin \u201cde\u011fer\u201d g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc yan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131 ya\u015fat\u0131l\u0131yor. Bunlar\u0131n tekelci sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na uyarlanm\u0131\u015f bir din propagandas\u0131yla birlikte hayata ge\u00e7irildi\u011fini ak\u0131lda tutarak, bir o kadar \u00f6nemli \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc bir olguya de\u011finelim: AKP, t\u00fcm bu politikalar\u0131n adresine ula\u015fmas\u0131 i\u00e7in mahalle mahalle \u00f6rg\u00fctlenen kad\u0131n kollar\u0131n\u0131 seferber ediyor. Nesnel bak\u0131mdan olanaklar\u0131 geli\u015fen ama emek\u00e7iler nezdinde bir olanak olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclmeyen s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesi, adresine ula\u015fan politikalar\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cs\u0131n\u0131f atlama\u201d ya da \u201cstat\u00fc y\u00fckseltme\u201d yan\u0131lsamas\u0131yla g\u00f6lgelenirken, kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7ine itildikleri yo\u011fun de\u011fersizlik ve yaln\u0131zl\u0131k duygusunu \u201cyard\u0131m alma\u201d, \u201cgezilerde, mevlitlerde ve mahalle toplant\u0131lar\u0131nda sosyalle\u015fme\u201d, \u201cevde i\u015fsiz oturaca\u011f\u0131na bir i\u015fe yarama\u201d olanaklar\u0131yla sa\u011faltmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor.[3] \u201cYetersizlikleri\u201d, \u201ccahillikleri\u201d, \u201cyarad\u0131l\u0131\u015flar\u0131-f\u0131tratlar\u0131\u201d gere\u011fi zaten topyek\u00fcn toplumsal bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn par\u00e7as\u0131 olamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 hisseden kad\u0131nlar, kendi yerelliklerinde ya\u015fad\u0131klar\u0131 mikro de\u011fi\u015fimlere tutunma e\u011filimi g\u00f6steriyor, ihtiyac\u0131n\u0131 duyuyor. Kad\u0131nlar\u0131 muazzam bir s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc cehennemine sokan AKP, manevi durumlar\u0131n\u0131 istismar etmek \u00fczere her yola ba\u015fvuruyor.<\/p>\n

SINIRLAR, OLANAKLAR VE M\u00dcCADELE<\/strong><\/p>\n

Ne var ki t\u00fcm bunlar, emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n kitlelerinin sars\u0131lmaz bir \u015fekilde AKP saflar\u0131nda yedeklendi\u011fi anlam\u0131na gelmiyor. Bunu hem AKP\u2019nin politikalar\u0131n\u0131n zorunlu s\u0131n\u0131r(l\u0131l\u0131k)lar\u0131 hem de s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin nesnel olanaklar\u0131 belirliyor. OHAL ko\u015fullar\u0131nda artan i\u015fsizlik, \u015fiddet ve \u00fcst \u00fcste patlak veren \u00e7ocuk istismar\u0131 vakalar\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n rezervlerinin ba\u015fl\u0131ca konular\u0131n\u0131 olu\u015fturuyor. Kendisini Erdo\u011fan\u2019\u0131n iktidar\u0131yla \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirerek g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc hisseden[4] ve\/veya AKP ile pragmatik bir ili\u015fki i\u00e7erisinde giren, bu durumu se\u00e7imlerde sand\u0131\u011fa yans\u0131tan kad\u0131nlar, OHAL d\u00f6neminin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7ekincelerle \u201cTek Adam Rejimi\u201dne mesafe koyuyor. Kad\u0131nlar aras\u0131ndaki Erdo\u011fan-AKP fanatizmi yerini giderek \u201calternatifsizlik\u201d kayg\u0131s\u0131na b\u0131rak\u0131yor.[5] Ayr\u0131ca, yine OHAL ko\u015fullar\u0131nda Gelir Vergisi Kanununda yap\u0131lan de\u011fi\u015fiklikle i\u015fverenlere yar\u0131 zamanl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmada \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lacak zaman aral\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fyerinin geleneklerine g\u00f6re belirleme yetkisinin verilmesi kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in sadece aile ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131n, soka\u011f\u0131n ve \u00fclkenin de\u011fil ayn\u0131 zamanda i\u015fyerinin de ter\u00f6rize edilece\u011fine i\u015faret ediyor. Tarihin en ter\u00f6rc\u00fc y\u00f6netim bi\u00e7imlerinin dahi s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin nesnel olanaklar\u0131yla s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 oldu\u011funu unutmamak gerek.<\/p>\n

\u00c7eli\u015fkinin gelip dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131r ise liberal demokrasiye ait. Anayasa de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fiyle g\u00fcndeme gelen meclis tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda sol liberal ayd\u0131nlar ve sosyal demokratlar, yasama-y\u00fcr\u00fctme-yarg\u0131 ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na dayanan burjuva parlamentarizmini, demokrasinin kaybedilmesi teklif dahi edilemez bir kalesiymi\u015f\u00e7esine arg\u00fcmanlar geli\u015ftiriyor, politik s\u00f6ylemlerinin merkezine bu savunuyu koyuyor. Devlet-(sivil)toplum ikili\u011fine dayanan liberal demokrasinin emek\u00e7iler ve \u00f6zel olarak emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar nezdindeki itibars\u0131z kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, asl\u0131nda kaybedilecek tek kalenin devlet-(sivil)toplum ikili\u011finde liberal demokrasinin edindi\u011fi konum oldu\u011fu anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r. Nitekim, 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n ilk yar\u0131s\u0131nda, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131na musallat olan heyula, liberalizmin dayand\u0131\u011f\u0131 bu ikili\u011fin s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131, yani devlet ayg\u0131t\u0131 ile emek\u00e7i kitleler aras\u0131ndaki mesafenin \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma d\u00fczeyine geli\u015fini istismar ederek kitle taban\u0131 bulabilmi\u015fti.[6]\n

AKP\u2019nin \u201cistikrar, istiklal, istikbal\u201d i\u00e7in sand\u0131ktan tek adam iktidar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fi propagandas\u0131, yasama-y\u00fcr\u00fctme-yarg\u0131 ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n emek\u00e7ilerin dertlerinin \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fcndeki en b\u00fcy\u00fck engel olarak g\u00f6stermesi ve bunun ciddi bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k bulmas\u0131n\u0131n dayanaklar\u0131 bu s\u0131n\u0131rlarda yat\u0131yor. Devlet ile toplum aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n temeli, devletin, i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ve emek\u00e7ilerin kendi denetiminde de\u011fil, s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinde kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda duran s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n, burjuvazinin denetiminde olmas\u0131ndad\u0131r. E\u011fer ge\u00e7mi\u015fte ve bug\u00fcn, tek bir ki\u015finin \u015fahs\u0131nda toplum-devlet-parti \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesi bir kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k buluyorsa, bu devlet ve iktidar\u0131n s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesinin bir ve\u00e7hesi olmas\u0131ndan kaynakl\u0131d\u0131r.[7] Di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle, zaten s\u0131n\u0131f olarak burjuvazi denetiminde olan ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na kapal\u0131 bir mekanizma olan devlet ve onun yasama organ\u0131 olan meclisin var olan k\u0131s\u0131tl\u0131 yetkilerinin de budanmas\u0131, i\u015flevine kast edilmesi, ondan soyutlanm\u0131\u015f emek\u00e7i y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131n\u0131n en geri bilincinde liberalizmin sand\u0131\u011f\u0131 kadar ayk\u0131r\u0131 bir durum olarak okunmamaktad\u0131r. Tam tersine, burjuva devletin bu karakterinden faydalanan AKP, parlamentarizmin devlet-toplum aras\u0131nda bir \u201cmesafe\u201d yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 sav\u0131na (ve ger\u00e7e\u011fine) dayanarak, devlet ve toplum aras\u0131nda kayna\u015fma \u00f6zlemini istismar ederek, \u201cmillet iradesinin egemen k\u0131l\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in \u00e7ift ba\u015fl\u0131l\u0131k ortadan kalkmal\u0131, sand\u0131ktan tek parti \u00e7\u0131kmal\u0131d\u0131r\u201d s\u00f6ylemini kuruyor.<\/p>\n

Ezilen ve ikincil cinsiyet konumunda olan kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7inse bu \u201cmeclisin yabanc\u0131s\u0131 olma\u201d hali \u00f6zel bir anlam ifade ediyor. Kapitalizmin ataerkil karakterinin somut bir g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fc olarak meclis erkek egemen bir aland\u0131r. Burjuva meclis, sadece i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131na ve dolay\u0131s\u0131yla onun kad\u0131n yar\u0131s\u0131na de\u011fil, proletarya d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki kad\u0131nlara da kap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 kapat\u0131r. T\u00fcrkiye gibi muhafazakar \u00fclkelerdeyse bu \u00e7ok daha vahim bir tablo \u00e7izer. Nitekim, 1 Kas\u0131m se\u00e7imleri sonucunda \u015fekillenen TBMM genel kurulundaki kad\u0131n vekil oran\u0131 %14,5. Mecliste en fazla kad\u0131n vekil say\u0131s\u0131na sahip (%38) HDP d\u0131\u015far\u0131da tutuldu\u011funda bu oran %11,8\u2019e kadar geriliyor. Yani, meclisin tehlike alt\u0131nda olmas\u0131 tek ba\u015f\u0131na \u201cbir kazan\u0131m\u0131n kaybedilmesi\u201d huzursuzlu\u011funu infial d\u00fczeyinde tetiklemiyor. Sonu\u00e7 olarak, \u201ctek adam tek parti y\u00f6netimi\u201dnin bir \u201crejim\u201d de\u011fi\u015fikli\u011fi, bir diktat\u00f6rl\u00fck in\u015fas\u0131 olarak anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 kendili\u011finden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmiyor. De\u011fi\u015fimden huzursuz olan ama hen\u00fcz AKP\u2019nin etkisi alt\u0131ndaki kad\u0131nlar, kayg\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 en fazla \u201calternatifsizlik\u201d d\u00fczeyinde a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131yor.<\/p>\n

Ne var ki, kendili\u011findenli\u011fin bu s\u0131n\u0131r\u0131 ayn\u0131 zamanda bilin\u00e7li bir m\u00fccadelenin de olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 ifade ediyor. T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de yak\u0131n d\u00f6nemden sadece bir \u00f6rnek bile bunu somutlar nitelikte. K\u00fcrtaj\u0131n yasaklanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6nem. Yoksulluk ve cinsel bilin\u00e7 d\u00fczeyi d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde, AKP\u2019ye destek veren milyonlarca emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n\u0131n k\u00fcrtaja en \u00e7ok ihtiya\u00e7 duyan kesimi olu\u015fturdu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebiliriz. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla, k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n yasaklanmas\u0131 kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201cmerdiven alt\u0131 k\u00fcrtaj\u201d y\u00f6ntemlerine ba\u015fvurmas\u0131 ve bir\u00e7o\u011funun \u00f6lmesi anlam\u0131na geliyor. Bu ger\u00e7e\u011fin yerellerde tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131yla form\u00fcle edilen \u201cK\u00fcrtaj yasa\u011f\u0131 cinayettir\u201d slogan\u0131 etraf\u0131nda k\u00fcmelenen emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlarla, yasa\u011f\u0131 \u201cataerkinin kad\u0131n bedeni \u00fczerindeki tahakk\u00fcm\u00fc\u201d olarak yorumlayan ve \u201cBenim bedenim, benim karar\u0131m\u201d slogan\u0131 etraf\u0131nda harekete ge\u00e7en feministler \u201cK\u00fcrtaj yasa\u011f\u0131na hay\u0131r!\u201d slogan\u0131nda ortakla\u015fabilmi\u015fler ve h\u00fck\u00fcmete geri ad\u0131m att\u0131rabilmi\u015flerdi. Bunun bir benzeri daha yak\u0131n bir d\u00f6nemde, hem de bask\u0131c\u0131 OHAL ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ya\u015fand\u0131. \u00c7ocuklar\u0131n istismarc\u0131lar\u0131yla evlendirilmesini \u00f6ng\u00f6ren yasa tasar\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n geri \u00e7ekilmesi, k\u00fcrtaj eylemlerindeki kitlesellik yakalamasa da, yine emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar ve feministlerin farkl\u0131 saiklerle birle\u015fti\u011fi ortak tepkisiyle m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu. Her iki \u00f6rnekte de, parlamento d\u0131\u015f\u0131 k\u0131l\u0131nan kad\u0131nlar, \u00f6nce kendi \u00f6zg\u00fcn taleplerini ortaya koydular, sonra ortakla\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 bir talep etraf\u0131nda birle\u015ferek harekete ge\u00e7ip soka\u011fa d\u00f6k\u00fcld\u00fcler ve yasalar\u0131 geri \u00e7ektirerek meclise \u201cd\u0131\u015far\u0131dan\u201d m\u00fcdahale etmi\u015f oldular.<\/p>\n

Bu m\u00fcdahalenin olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131n, emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlarla bulu\u015fulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131l\u0131\u011fa d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir \u00f6rnek ele alal\u0131m: ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fc\/t\u00fcrban tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131. T\u00fcrkiye kad\u0131n hareketi ve demokrasi g\u00fc\u00e7leri, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u00f6rt\u00fcnmesi meselesinde ya \u201c\u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131 alt\u0131nda ele alarak bug\u00fcnk\u00fc otoriterle\u015fmenin ak\u0131\u015f\u0131na su ta\u015f\u0131yan bir yere savruldu, ya da muhafazakarla\u015fman\u0131n te\u015fhirini tabanda yapmakta yetersiz kald\u0131. Yukar\u0131da kurulan politik s\u00f6ylem tabanda dinci gerici propagandaya maruz kalan ve etkisi alt\u0131nda bulunan kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7erisinde bir kitle \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmas\u0131yla bulu\u015fmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde, emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n politik kutupla\u015fman\u0131n kar\u015f\u0131 taraf\u0131nda alg\u0131lanman\u0131n, \u201cd\u00fc\u015fman\u201d saf\u0131nda alg\u0131laman\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcne ge\u00e7ilemedi. Ba\u015fka bir ifadeyle, ba\u015f\u00f6rt\u00fcs\u00fc\/t\u00fcrban tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131nda merkezi d\u00fczeyde kurulan propaganda i\u015fyerlerinde ve emek\u00e7i semtlerinde istikrarl\u0131 bir laisizm tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 ile birle\u015fmedi\u011fi oranda, tabanda bu kad\u0131nlar\u0131n kimliklerine ve varl\u0131klar\u0131na hakaret olarak alg\u0131land\u0131. \u0130ktidar\u0131n \u201cMerve Kavak\u00e7\u0131 yaras\u0131n\u0131\u201d ka\u015f\u0131mas\u0131yla bu sefer meclis, \u201ci\u00e7eriden\u201d emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n kitlelerinin gericile\u015fmeye yedeklenmesi i\u015flevi g\u00f6rd\u00fc.<\/p>\n

Buradan \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131lacak en \u00f6nemli sonu\u00e7, emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n, parlamentarizmin g\u00fc\u00e7ler ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ilkesinin korunup parlamenter demokrasinin \u201cm\u00fckemmelle\u015ftirilmesi\u201d m\u00fccadelesine \u00e7ekilmesi de\u011fil ku\u015fkusuz; tam tersine, meclisten, geri ad\u0131m att\u0131r\u0131labilir bir alan olarak faydalanmak, e\u015fitlik ve \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck talepleri etraf\u0131nda \u00f6rg\u00fctlenecek m\u00fccadelelerde burjuvaziden talepler koparman\u0131n bir alan\u0131 olarak kullanmak. Ve bunu zorunlu k\u0131lan kesintisiz m\u00fccadelede g\u00fc\u00e7 biriktirdik\u00e7e, her talebi \u201cdevletten ataerkil bir devlet olmaya son vermesi talebine\u201d ba\u011flamak. Tersinden okundu\u011funda, bu talebin emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131n iktidara ilerleme program\u0131 oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fclecektir. Ne yaz\u0131k ki, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019deki kad\u0131n hareketi bug\u00fcn b\u00f6ylesi bir program tarif edememektedir.<\/p>\n

Bunun i\u00e7in bug\u00fcn yap\u0131lamas\u0131 gereken, hayat\u0131n her alan\u0131nda, hayat\u0131n oradaki ve o andaki prati\u011fiyle, di\u011fer bir deyi\u015fle, ataerkil bask\u0131 ve istismar\u0131n ve kapitalizmle olan kopmaz ba\u011f\u0131n\u0131n g\u00fcnl\u00fck somut g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmleriyle, cinsiyet e\u015fitsizli\u011fi ve neoliberal politikalar aras\u0131ndaki, muhafazakarl\u0131k ve kad\u0131na y\u00f6nelik \u015fiddet aras\u0131ndaki, ataerkil aile ile kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki kopmaz ba\u011flar\u0131n politik te\u015fhiridir. Regl kan\u0131 pantolona ge\u00e7irilene kadar \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lan kad\u0131na kad\u0131nlar i\u00e7in edep, ahlak k\u0131lavuzu da\u011f\u0131tan uleman\u0131n ahlaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tart\u0131\u015fmak, makine band\u0131n\u0131 \u201cbu eller benim mi\u201d diye sordurtacak kadar h\u0131zl\u0131 \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131ran patrona, sahibi oldu\u011fu medya holdinginin gazetelerinde \u201c\u00e7ocu\u011funu evde b\u0131rak\u0131p \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan anne\u201d haberlerinin hesab\u0131n\u0131 sordurtmakt\u0131r; babaanne maa\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7in ba\u015fvuran 65 bin kad\u0131ndan biri olan ama maa\u015f\u0131n verilece\u011fi 6 bin kad\u0131ndan biri olamayan ev i\u015f\u00e7isinden \u201c3 \u00e7ocuk do\u011fur\u201d diyen ba\u015fbakan\/cumhurba\u015fkan\u0131n\u0131 \u201csevmeyi, anlamay\u0131, empati kurmay\u0131\u201d b\u0131rakmas\u0131n\u0131 talep etmektir; her g\u00fcn kap\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6n\u00fcnden ge\u00e7ti\u011fimiz esnaftan \u00e7\u00f6p konteyn\u0131rlar\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 ba\u015f\u0131nda k\u0131z \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n\u0131n bedeninin pazarland\u0131\u011f\u0131 ikiy\u00fczl\u00fc muhafazakarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcp son vermesini istemektir.<\/p>\n

Ancak b\u00f6ylesi bir politik te\u015fhirle emek\u00e7i kad\u0131n kitleleri \u201ctek parti tek adam rejimini\u201dni durdurma ve giderek geriletme m\u00fccadelesinin bir par\u00e7as\u0131 haline gelebilir. Aksi halde, kurulmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan \u201cTek Adam Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dn\u00fcn in\u015fas\u0131n\u0131n durdurulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ko\u015fullarda, yani bug\u00fcnk\u00fc fa\u015fizan e\u011filimlerin ve pratiklerin art\u0131k topyek\u00fcn bir v\u00fccuda evrildi\u011fi ko\u015fullarda, kad\u0131nlar bug\u00fcnk\u00fc m\u00fccadele olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 da kaybedecek, \u00f6rne\u011fin k\u00fcrtaj\u0131n yasaklanmas\u0131, \u00e7ocuklar\u0131n tecav\u00fczc\u00fcleri ile evlendirilmesi \u201cbir gecelik\u201d bir mesaiye ba\u011fl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r. Evet deme e\u011filiminde olan, karars\u0131z emek\u00e7i kad\u0131nlar\u0131 kazanmak bu ger\u00e7e\u011fin kavrat\u0131lmas\u0131ndan ge\u00e7iyor. Zira, kad\u0131nlar\u0131n \u201cTek Parti Tek Adam Diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc\u201dne kaybedece\u011fi \u00e7ok \u015fey oldu\u011funu tarihteki \u201cTek Millet, Tek Ulus, Tek Lider\u201d[8] diktat\u00f6rl\u00fcklerine kaybettiklerinden \u00f6\u011frenmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn; \u201cBir daha asla!\u201d demek i\u00e7in \u00e7ok sebep var.<\/p>\n[1] Bu dramatik d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fte hala \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fclebilir veriler \u0131\u015f\u0131\u011f\u0131nda tam olarak a\u00e7\u0131klanamayan, ama niteliksel bir katk\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n oldu\u011funu s\u00f6yleyebilece\u011fimiz Suriyeli g\u00f6\u00e7men eme\u011finin etkisi ak\u0131lda tutulmal\u0131.<\/p>\n[2] Verilerin yararlan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 kaynak i\u00e7in bak\u0131n\u0131z: Melda Yaman ve Saniye Dedeo\u011flu (2016), Kapitalizm, Ataerkillik ve Kad\u0131n Eme\u011fi: Neoliberal ve Muhafazakar D\u00f6nem, \u0130stanbul: SAV Yay\u0131nlar\u0131<\/p>\n[3] Do\u011fan, Sevin\u00e7 (2016), Mahalledeki AKP, \u0130stanbul: \u0130leti\u015fim Yay\u0131nlar\u0131<\/p>\n[4] Bu \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015ftirme, \u00f6z\u00fcnde, gerek cinsiyet gerekse s\u0131n\u0131f konumu bak\u0131m\u0131ndan bir yabanc\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n yads\u0131nmas\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\n[5] Ekmek ve G\u00fcl dergisinin \u015fubat say\u0131s\u0131nda evet diyen kad\u0131nlar\u0131n s\u00f6yledikleri bu ba\u011flamda \u00f6nemli veriler sunuyor.<\/p>\n[6] \u0130talyan fa\u015fizmi, Birinci Payla\u015f\u0131m Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ya\u015fayan i\u015f\u00e7ileri kendi saflar\u0131na \u00e7ekmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rken, fa\u015fist sendikalar\u0131n \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fi fabrikalarda toplum-devlet kayna\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 vaat eden \u201cG\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc Devlet\u201d propagandas\u0131 yap\u0131yordu. \u0130\u015f\u00e7iler ile patronlar, emek\u00e7iler ile elitler aras\u0131ndaki sorunlar\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6zemeyen devletin \u201czay\u0131fl\u0131\u011f\u0131na\u201d i\u015faret eden bu propaganda, asl\u0131nda, fa\u015fizmin, proletarya ile burjuvaziyi uzla\u015ft\u0131rma, daha do\u011fru ifade edecek olursak, burjuvazinin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 tehlikeye atacak d\u00fczeyde bir patlamaya evrilebilir \u00f6fke biriktirmekte olan proletaryay\u0131 bir kez daha boyunduruk alt\u0131na sokma i\u015flevini yerine getirmesiydi.<\/p>\n[7] Bu yaz\u0131n\u0131n do\u011frudan konusu olmamakla birlikte, de\u011finmekte fayda var ki, iktidar m\u00fccadelesini bir s\u0131n\u0131flar m\u00fccadelesi olarak okumayan reformistler, \u201cparti-devlet-toplum \u00f6zde\u015fle\u015fmesi\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131l\u0131kla, tekelci kapitalizmin ter\u00f6rc\u00fc diktat\u00f6rl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc olan Nazi Devleti ile yasa koyucu ile uygulay\u0131c\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki burjuva topluma \u00f6zg\u00fc ayr\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131p \u015fekli de\u011fil ger\u00e7ek bir demokrasi in\u015fa eden bir i\u015f\u00e7i devleti olan SSCB\u2019yi totaliterlikte e\u015fitleyip bunun propagandas\u0131n\u0131 yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131lar. Bunun, yar\u0131m y\u00fczy\u0131l sonra dahi yaz\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131nda de\u011findi\u011fimiz \u201cak\u0131l tutulmas\u0131\u201dna varan tahrip edici sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 oldu.<\/p>\n[8] Hitler \u00f6ndeli\u011findeki Nazi Partisinin slogan\u0131.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Fulya Aliko\u00e7 D\u00fcnya kad\u0131nlar\u0131 bu y\u0131lki 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 kendi m\u00fccadele tarihlerinin tekerle\u011fine, \u015fimdiye kadar kat ettikleri yolun aksine y\u00f6nde y\u00fcklenen topyek\u00fcn bir bask\u0131 ve sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Tekerle\u011fin \u00f6b\u00fcr taraf\u0131nda, onu geriye do\u011fru d\u00f6nd\u00fcrmeye y\u00f6nelik kuvvet, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hayat\u0131nda farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlere sahip olsa da meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcnde yatan olgu ve bunun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehlike ortak: Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal \u00fcretimde oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol ile […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":2,"featured_media":141,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[473,366,314],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-140","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-4-sayi-mart-2017","category-toplumsal-cinsiyet","category-fulya-alikoc"],"yoast_head":"\nReferandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Fulya Aliko\u00e7 D\u00fcnya kad\u0131nlar\u0131 bu y\u0131lki 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 kendi m\u00fccadele tarihlerinin tekerle\u011fine, \u015fimdiye kadar kat ettikleri yolun aksine y\u00f6nde y\u00fcklenen topyek\u00fcn bir bask\u0131 ve sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Tekerle\u011fin \u00f6b\u00fcr taraf\u0131nda, onu geriye do\u011fru d\u00f6nd\u00fcrmeye y\u00f6nelik kuvvet, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hayat\u0131nda farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlere sahip olsa da meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcnde yatan olgu ve bunun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehlike ortak: Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal \u00fcretimde oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol ile […]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Teori ve Eylem\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:publisher\" content=\"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/teoriveeylem\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2017-03-01T10:27:38+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2023-01-18T14:03:16+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/03\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"696\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"385\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:creator\" content=\"@teoriveeylem\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:site\" content=\"@teoriveeylem\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"Yazan:\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"19 dakika\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308\"},\"headline\":\"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar\",\"datePublished\":\"2017-03-01T10:27:38+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2023-01-18T14:03:16+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":4818,\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#organization\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"4. Say\u0131 \\\/ Mart 2017\",\"Toplumsal Cinsiyet\",\"Fulya Aliko\u00e7\"],\"inLanguage\":\"tr-TR\"},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/\",\"name\":\"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2017-03-01T10:27:38+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2023-01-18T14:03:16+00:00\",\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"tr-TR\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"tr-TR\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg\",\"width\":696,\"height\":385},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/2017\\\/03\\\/01\\\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Anasayfa\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/\",\"name\":\"Teori ve Eylem\",\"description\":\"\u00dc\u00e7 Ayl\u0131k Sosyalist Teori ve Politika Dergisi\",\"publisher\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#organization\"},\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"tr-TR\"},{\"@type\":\"Organization\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#organization\",\"name\":\"Teori ve Eylem\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/\",\"logo\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"tr-TR\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/400x400-1.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2022\\\/12\\\/400x400-1.jpg\",\"width\":400,\"height\":400,\"caption\":\"Teori ve Eylem\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/logo\\\/image\\\/\"},\"sameAs\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.facebook.com\\\/teoriveeylem\\\/\",\"https:\\\/\\\/x.com\\\/teoriveeylem\",\"https:\\\/\\\/www.instagram.com\\\/teoriveeylem\\\/\"]},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308\",\"name\":\"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/teoriveeylem.net\\\/tr\\\/author\\\/cagdas\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/","og_locale":"tr_TR","og_type":"article","og_title":"[:tr]Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar[:] - Teori ve Eylem","og_description":"Fulya Aliko\u00e7 D\u00fcnya kad\u0131nlar\u0131 bu y\u0131lki 8 Mart\u2019\u0131 kendi m\u00fccadele tarihlerinin tekerle\u011fine, \u015fimdiye kadar kat ettikleri yolun aksine y\u00f6nde y\u00fcklenen topyek\u00fcn bir bask\u0131 ve sald\u0131r\u0131 dalgas\u0131yla kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131yor. Tekerle\u011fin \u00f6b\u00fcr taraf\u0131nda, onu geriye do\u011fru d\u00f6nd\u00fcrmeye y\u00f6nelik kuvvet, farkl\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131flardan kad\u0131nlar\u0131n hayat\u0131nda farkl\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcmlere sahip olsa da meselenin \u00f6z\u00fcnde yatan olgu ve bunun yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 tehlike ortak: Kad\u0131nlar\u0131n toplumsal \u00fcretimde oynad\u0131klar\u0131 rol ile […]","og_url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/","og_site_name":"Teori ve Eylem","article_publisher":"https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/teoriveeylem\/","article_published_time":"2017-03-01T10:27:38+00:00","article_modified_time":"2023-01-18T14:03:16+00:00","og_image":[{"width":696,"height":385,"url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/03\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_creator":"@teoriveeylem","twitter_site":"@teoriveeylem","twitter_misc":{"Yazan:":false,"Tahmini okuma s\u00fcresi":"19 dakika"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/"},"author":{"name":"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#\/schema\/person\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308"},"headline":"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar","datePublished":"2017-03-01T10:27:38+00:00","dateModified":"2023-01-18T14:03:16+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/"},"wordCount":4818,"publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#organization"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/03\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg","articleSection":["4. Say\u0131 \/ Mart 2017","Toplumsal Cinsiyet","Fulya Aliko\u00e7"],"inLanguage":"tr-TR"},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/","url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/","name":"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/03\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg","datePublished":"2017-03-01T10:27:38+00:00","dateModified":"2023-01-18T14:03:16+00:00","breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"tr-TR","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"tr-TR","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/03\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2017\/03\/04_Fulya-Aliko\u00e7.jpg","width":696,"height":385},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2017\/03\/01\/kadinlik-referandum-esiginde\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Anasayfa","item":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Referandum e\u015fi\u011finde kad\u0131nlar"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#website","url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/","name":"Teori ve Eylem","description":"\u00dc\u00e7 Ayl\u0131k Sosyalist Teori ve Politika Dergisi","publisher":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#organization"},"potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"tr-TR"},{"@type":"Organization","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#organization","name":"Teori ve Eylem","url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/","logo":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"tr-TR","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/","url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/400x400-1.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/wp-content\/uploads\/2022\/12\/400x400-1.jpg","width":400,"height":400,"caption":"Teori ve Eylem"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#\/schema\/logo\/image\/"},"sameAs":["https:\/\/www.facebook.com\/teoriveeylem\/","https:\/\/x.com\/teoriveeylem","https:\/\/www.instagram.com\/teoriveeylem\/"]},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/#\/schema\/person\/e9bd173f3b1d0175ee175b4b0114d308","name":"\u00c7a\u011fda\u015f \u00c7avu\u015fo\u011flu","url":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/author\/cagdas\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/2"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=140"}],"version-history":[{"count":4,"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":2291,"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/140\/revisions\/2291"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/141"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=140"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=140"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=140"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}