{"id":1275,"date":"2020-07-04T00:51:56","date_gmt":"2020-07-03T21:51:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/?p=1275"},"modified":"2023-01-18T10:25:47","modified_gmt":"2023-01-18T07:25:47","slug":"liberal-duzenin-cokusu","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2020\/07\/04\/liberal-duzenin-cokusu\/","title":{"rendered":"Liberal d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc"},"content":{"rendered":"\r\n

Sinan Birdal<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

ABD\u2019de George Floyd\u2019un polis taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesiyle ba\u015flayan kent ayaklanmalar\u0131 bir kez daha toplumsal hareketlerin siyasete m\u00fcdahale imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi. Sokak protestolar\u0131 polis \u015fiddetini g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131makla kalmad\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin sembollerinden ba\u015flayarak kapitalizme dair bir tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 da ba\u015flatt\u0131. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ba\u011flant\u0131y\u0131 if\u015fa etti. Kritik bir se\u00e7imin \u00f6ncesinde ba\u015flayan bu sokak hareketi 1968\u2019in yenilgisiyle a\u00e7\u0131lan bir parantezin kapanmakta oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. Bir d\u00f6nem kapan\u0131yor ancak yeni d\u00f6nemin niteli\u011fi belirsizli\u011fini koruyor. Ciddi bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin y\u00fckselece\u011fi bir s\u00fcrecin e\u015fi\u011findeyiz.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

SAVA\u015e SONRASI L\u0130BERAL D\u00dcZEN<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131nda kurulan liberal d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeninin sonuna gelmekte oldu\u011fumuz g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde s\u0131k\u00e7a dillendiriliyor. Bu d\u00fczenin kurucu unsurlar\u0131n\u0131 tarif edelim:<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

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  1. Sava\u015f ekonomisiyle olu\u015fan askeri-sanayi kompleksi, yani tekelci holdingler ve g\u00fcvenlik kurumlar\u0131 (ordu, polis, istihbarat) aras\u0131ndaki ittifak;<\/li>\r\n
  2. \u0130\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisi vas\u0131tas\u0131yla sendikal hareketin ehlile\u015ftirilmesi ve sosyal g\u00fcvenlik sistemindeki ayr\u0131mc\u0131l\u0131k vas\u0131tas\u0131yla i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n (kay\u0131t-i\u00e7i\/kay\u0131t-d\u0131\u015f\u0131) olarak cinsiyet, \u0131rk ve etnik k\u00f6ken temelinde b\u00f6l\u00fcnmesi;[1]<\/a><\/li>\r\n
  3. Siyasal partilerin s\u0131n\u0131f s\u00f6yleminden uzakla\u015f\u0131p b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7at\u0131 partilerine d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ferek toplumdaki ideolojik \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n kontrol alt\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 ve b\u00f6ylece (sosyal demokrat, sosyalist, kom\u00fcnist) i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 partilerinin d\u00fczenle uyumlula\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131;[2]<\/a><\/li>\r\n
  4. Uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar vas\u0131tas\u0131yla emperyalist devletler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n ehlile\u015ftirilmesi, b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fman\u0131n kapitalizmin metropollerinden uzak mekanlarda s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen gayri-nizami vekalet sava\u015flar\u0131, askeri m\u00fcdahaleler ve darbeler eliyle s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi;<\/li>\r\n
  5. Kapitalizmin d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda i\u015fleyebilmesini sa\u011flayacak hukuki kurallar, normlar ve kurumlar\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131.<\/li>\r\n<\/ol>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 devam ederken m\u00fczakere edilen bu d\u00fczen sava\u015f\u0131n ertesinde \u00f6nemli de\u011fi\u015fiklikler ge\u00e7irdi. N\u00fckleer silahlar sayesinde b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyay\u0131 yok etme kapasitesine sahip olmas\u0131 bunlar\u0131n do\u011frudan birbirleriyle sava\u015fa girmeme e\u011filimini, \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 kapitalizmin \u00e7evre co\u011frafyas\u0131na ta\u015f\u0131ma y\u00f6nelimini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi. So\u011fuk Sava\u015f s\u0131n\u0131f meselelerinden ziyade milli g\u00fcvenlik meselesini \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kartarak, partilerin s\u0131n\u0131f s\u00f6yleminden uzakla\u015fma e\u011filimini g\u00fc\u00e7lendirdi ancak olu\u015fturulan uluslararas\u0131 kurumlar\u0131n i\u015flerli\u011fini de olumsuz etkiledi.<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    1950\u2019lerde d\u00fcnya d\u00fczenini sarsacak \u00e7ok \u00f6nemli bir dizi m\u00fccadele belirdi: S\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 ayaklanmalar o tarihe kadar s\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131 say\u0131da devletten olu\u015fan sisteme y\u00fczlerce yeni ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devlet ekledi. Uluslararas\u0131 hegemonyay\u0131 Britanya\u2019dan devralan ABD \u00f6nce bu ge\u00e7i\u015fi yumu\u015fak bir \u015fekilde idare etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ancak s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadelenin kom\u00fcnizmi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirece\u011fi tezine dayanan d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131 ABD\u2019yi Vietnam\u2019da emperyalist bir sava\u015f\u0131n ba\u015f akt\u00f6r\u00fc haline getirdi. Sava\u015f bu \u00fclkeyi ve uluslararas\u0131 sistemi k\u00f6kten de\u011fi\u015ftirecekti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    1968 VE NEOL\u0130BERAL\u0130ZM<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    1960\u2019lar\u0131n ikinci yar\u0131s\u0131ndan itibaren ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan toplumsal hareketler sosyal, siyasal ve uluslararas\u0131 sacayaklar\u0131n\u0131n sava\u015f sonras\u0131 liberal d\u00fczeni art\u0131k ta\u015f\u0131yamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne seriyordu. 1967\u2019te sokaklara ta\u015fan Afrikal\u0131 Amerikal\u0131 hareketi di\u011fer az\u0131nl\u0131k hareketleri, gen\u00e7lik hareketi ve sava\u015f-kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 hareketler bu ortamda bulu\u015ftu. Siyah hareket, yerli hareketi, Latino hareketi, kad\u0131n hareketi, trans\/e\u015fcinsel hareket, \u00e7evre hareketi gibi sonraki y\u0131llarda muhalefetin g\u00fcndeminden inmeyecek hareketler ataerkil aile d\u00fczenine dayanan emperyalist sosyal devletin toplumsal me\u015fruiyetini onar\u0131lmaz bir \u015fekilde sarst\u0131lar.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    Emperyalist militarizmi Keynesci sosyal devletle harmanlayan rejim form\u00fcl\u00fcn\u00fcn son temsilcisi Ba\u015fkan Johnson\u2019\u0131n 1968\u2019de se\u00e7imlerde bir daha aday olmayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131yla, bir d\u00f6nem sona eriyordu. Ancak form\u00fcl\u00fcn yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 siyasal b\u00f6l\u00fcnme bu ge\u00e7i\u015f d\u00f6neminde h\u00fckm\u00fcn\u00fc icra etmeye devam etti. Sosyal devletin d\u0131\u015flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 veya b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm hiyerar\u015fisinin dibine iteledi\u011fi gen\u00e7ler ve emek\u00e7ilerle i\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisi \u00fczerinden sisteme entegre edilmi\u015f emek\u00e7iler aras\u0131nda e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcm, bir ittifak kurulamad\u0131. 1970\u2019lerde Nixon y\u00f6netimiyle ba\u015flayan neoliberal d\u00fczenlemeler bir \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemin yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 fay hatlar\u0131n\u0131 derinle\u015ftirdi. Uluslararas\u0131 finans\u0131n Wall Street hakimiyetine ge\u00e7mesi; sanayi \u00fcretiminin emek g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ucuz, emek\u00e7ilerin \u00f6rg\u00fcts\u00fcz veya diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckler taraf\u0131ndan bast\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f \u00fclkelere kaymas\u0131 eski d\u00fczenle b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fmi\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n varolu\u015f ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 giderek ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131. 1971\u2019de ABD hegemonyas\u0131n\u0131n sars\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 yorumlar\u0131na yol a\u00e7an Bretton Woods sisteminin ilgas\u0131 -yani dolar\u0131n alt\u0131na \u00e7evrilebilirli\u011fine son verilmesi- bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn bir haz\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131yd\u0131. 1975\u2019te uluslararas\u0131 ekonomi ve finans y\u00f6netimi i\u00e7in yeni bir hiyerar\u015fik yap\u0131 olan G-7 kurulacak, merkez-\u00e7evre ili\u015fkilerinin d\u00fczenlenmesinde Uluslararas\u0131 Yeniden Yap\u0131lanma ve Kalk\u0131nma Bankas\u0131 (D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131) yerine Uluslararas\u0131 Para Fonu (IMF) \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131. Art\u0131k uluslararas\u0131 bor\u00e7land\u0131rmada do\u011frudan Wall Street ba\u015f\u0131 \u00e7ekecekti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    Bu d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm\u00fcn siyasi aya\u011f\u0131n\u0131 Yeni Sa\u011f ad\u0131 verilen hegemonik proje olu\u015fturdu. \u201cK\u00fclt\u00fcr sava\u015flar\u0131<\/em>\u201d diye an\u0131lan bir dizi hamleyle sa\u011f siyaset 1968 hareketlerine gayri-nizami bir harp ba\u015flatt\u0131. Sermaye ve eme\u011fin cephe m\u00fccadelesine girdi\u011fi \u00f6nceki d\u00f6nemlerden farkl\u0131 olarak bu strateji kontrgerilla doktrinine dayan\u0131yordu. Vietnam Sava\u015f\u0131 bitmi\u015f, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ayaklanma idaresi eve d\u00f6nm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc. Kan\u0131mca neoliberal y\u00f6netim tekni\u011fini en isabetli tarif eden unsur asimetrik sava\u015ft\u0131r.<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    NEOL\u0130BERAL KONTRGER\u0130LLA<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    Emek ve demokrasi cephesinin kontrgerillayla m\u00fccadelesinin sonucu a\u011f\u0131r bir yenilgi olmu\u015ftur. Bu \u00fclkemiz kadar d\u00fcnyan\u0131n geri kalan\u0131 i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erlidir. Yarg\u0131s\u0131z infaz, yarg\u0131 ve polisin militarizasyonu, muhalefete y\u00f6nelik d\u00fc\u015fman hukukunun uygulanmas\u0131, yeni kontrol ve g\u00f6zetleme teknikleri, soka\u011f\u0131n kriminalize edilmesi emek\u00e7ilerin bu asimetrik sava\u015fla ba\u015f etme olanaklar\u0131n\u0131 ciddi anlamda akamete u\u011fratm\u0131\u015f, savunma pozisyonuna \u00e7ekilerek gettola\u015fmas\u0131na neden olmu\u015ftur. Bug\u00fcn Trump\u2019\u0131n tekrar sloganla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cKanun ve D\u00fczen<\/em>\u201d devleti bu d\u00f6nemin miras\u0131d\u0131r.<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    Finanstan i\u015f piyasas\u0131n\u0131n yeniden d\u00fczenlemesine \u00e7ok \u00e7e\u015fitli alanlarda kendini tahkim eden neoliberal d\u00fczen 1980\u2019lerin sonuna do\u011fru yeniden g\u00fcncellendi. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin \u00e7\u00f6kmesiyle beraber yeni co\u011frafi alanlar sermayeye a\u00e7\u0131l\u0131yor, eski sosyal devletin savunuculu\u011funu yapan sosyal demokrat partiler Yeni Sol ad\u0131nda neoliberal program\u0131 benimsiyor ve ABD Ba\u015fkan\u0131 George Bush Yeni D\u00fcnya D\u00fczeni<\/em>ni ilan ediyordu. Art\u0131k ABD, d\u00fcnya sisteminin tek ve ger\u00e7ek hegemonuydu. G\u00fcney Avrupa ve Latin Amerika\u2019da art\u0131k miad\u0131n\u0131 doldurmu\u015f askeri diktat\u00f6rl\u00fckler tasfiye edilmi\u015f, Do\u011fu Avrupa yeniden kapitalizme eklemlenmi\u015f, metropoldeki kapitalizm kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 muhalefet tamamen yenilmi\u015f, uluslararas\u0131 sistemde kapitalizm rakipsiz bir hale gelmi\u015fti. Yeni Muhafazakarlar\u0131n ideolo\u011fu Francis Fukuyama tarihin sonunun geldi\u011fini \u00f6ne s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Yirmi y\u0131ll\u0131k y\u0131k\u0131m ve asimetrik sava\u015f\u0131n sonunda art\u0131k neoliberalizmin \u201cihya ve in\u015fa<\/em>\u201d d\u00f6nemi ba\u015flam\u0131\u015ft\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    KURUMSAL NEOL\u0130BERAL\u0130ZM<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    1990\u2019lar Birinci K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131, Bosna ve Kosova Sava\u015flar\u0131yla ba\u015flad\u0131, 11 Eyl\u00fcl sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131 sonras\u0131ndaki Irak ve Afganistan i\u015fgaliyle son buldu. 1990\u2019larda IMF programlar\u0131na y\u00f6nelik tepkiler, bili\u015fim teknolojilerinin \u00fczerinde y\u00fckselen finans balonu ve nihayet Asya krizi yeni bir kurumsalla\u015fmay\u0131 zaruri hale getiriyordu. May\u0131s 1998 Endonezya ayaklanmas\u0131 ve 1999 Seattle protestosu ard\u0131ndan per\u00e7inlenen bu yeni reform d\u00f6neminde ekonominin giderek politik m\u00fccadeleden ar\u0131nd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekiyordu. Geli\u015fmekte olan ekonomilerin dahil edildi\u011fi G-20 kuruldu. Ekonomi y\u00f6netiminin h\u00fck\u00fcmetlerden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z kurullara devredildi\u011fi y\u00f6neti\u015fim d\u00f6nemi b\u00f6yle ba\u015flad\u0131. Devletin ekonomideki rol\u00fc reddedilmiyor, tersine piyasan\u0131n i\u015fleyi\u015fini sa\u011flayacak yasalar\u0131 uygulamas\u0131 i\u015flevi vurgulan\u0131yordu. Merkez sol ve sa\u011f art\u0131k kimin bu yasa ve kurumlar\u0131 tavizsiz i\u015fletece\u011fi \u00fczerine rekabet ediyordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    D\u00f6nemin vitrinindeki te\u015fhir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc Avrupa Birli\u011fiydi. AB cilt cilt d\u00fczenlemeleri, halk denetiminden uzak b\u00fcrokrasisi ve ulusal temsil organlar\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z teknik kurullar\u0131yla tam bir neoliberal \u00fctopyayd\u0131. Almanya\u2019n\u0131n birle\u015fmesi ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019ya do\u011fru geni\u015flemesiyle d\u00fcnya ekonomisinde ciddi bir pazar pay\u0131 vard\u0131. ABD\u2019nin bu d\u00f6nemki stratejisi AB\u2019nin ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z bir siyasi hat izlemesini engellemek \u00fczerine kuruluydu. AB bir yandan k\u00fcresel sermaye d\u00fczeniyle b\u00f6lgesel olarak birle\u015fecek, di\u011fer yandan NATO \u00fczerinden transatlantik ba\u011flant\u0131s\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrecekti. Avrupa ve Amerikan y\u00f6netici elitleri aras\u0131ndaki ihtilaflar genelde perde arkas\u0131nda halledilir, sahnede uyum ve birlik imaj\u0131 verilirdi. 2008 krizine kadar bu temsil s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclebildi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    2008 KR\u0130Z\u0130 VE ABD-AB-JAPONYA AYRI\u015eMASI<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    Irak ve Afganistan sava\u015flar\u0131 AB \u00fclkeleri i\u00e7inde ABD\u2019ye kar\u015f\u0131 ciddi siyasi tepkiye yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Kosova m\u00fcdahalesinde Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletlerin izninin al\u0131nmamas\u0131 idare edilmi\u015fti, Irak i\u015fgalinde NATO\u2019nun bile onay\u0131n\u0131n aranmamas\u0131 II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131ndan sonra kurulan kurumlar\u0131n art\u0131k siyaseten i\u015flevsizle\u015fti\u011fini g\u00f6zler \u00f6n\u00fcne seriyordu. Yine de \u00f6zellikle ekonomik alanda hala bir uzla\u015fma hakimdi. 1980\u2019lerde d\u00fcnya kapitalizmine eklemlenen \u00c7in bu d\u00f6nemde b\u00fcy\u00fcyerek hem ABD hem de AB i\u00e7in ehlile\u015ftirilmesi gereken bir akt\u00f6r ve vazge\u00e7ilmez bir ticari ortak olarak belirdi. 2001\u2019de D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc\u2019ne \u00fcye olmas\u0131yla beraber \u00c7in d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin itici g\u00fcc\u00fc haline gelecekti.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    Irak ve Afganistan sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ABD\u2019nin y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc en uzun ve sonu\u00e7 vermeyen sava\u015flar olarak an\u0131lmaya ba\u015fland\u0131\u011f\u0131 2008\u2019de patlayan finansal kriz otuz y\u0131ld\u0131r s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen neoliberal uzla\u015f\u0131 i\u00e7in alarm zilini \u00e7ald\u0131. Kriz sonras\u0131nda ABD, AB ve Japonya e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcml\u00fc bir ekonomi politikas\u0131 izlemedi, tersine aralar\u0131ndaki g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f farklar\u0131 \u00e7o\u011fald\u0131. Y\u00fckselen \u00c7in ekonomisi, Rusya\u2019n\u0131n G\u00fcrcistan i\u015fgali ve ABD\u2019nin Irak ve Afganistan\u2019da tarihinin en uzun sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 y\u00fcr\u00fctmesine ra\u011fmen sonu\u00e7 alamamas\u0131 yeni bir hegemonya tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131 tetikledi. Amerikan hegemonyas\u0131 sona m\u0131 eriyordu? Rusya ve \u00c7in yeni bir ittifak m\u0131 kuracakt\u0131? Tek-kutuplu d\u00fcnyadan \u00e7ok-kutuplu d\u00fcnyaya m\u0131 ge\u00e7mekteydik? Bu sorular hen\u00fcz bir yan\u0131t bulmadan d\u00fcnya siyasetinin akt\u00f6rleri yeni f\u0131rsatlara do\u011fru y\u00f6neldiler.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    2011\u2019DEN 2020\u2019YE AYAKLANMALAR\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    2011 y\u0131l\u0131nda d\u00fcnya siyaseti yeni bir ayaklanma dalgas\u0131na \u015fahit oldu. Wall Street\u2019ten Avrupa\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015fkentlerine, oradan Arap kentlerine, Brezilya\u2019ya, Rusya\u2019ya, \u0130ran\u2019a, Hong Kong\u2019a, Ermenistan\u2019a, Ukrayna\u2019ya ve \u0130stanbul ve Anadolu\u2019nun kentlerine \u00e7ok farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerde ba\u015f g\u00f6steren bu halk hareketleri birbiriyle ilgisiz g\u00f6r\u00fcnse de asl\u0131nda ayn\u0131 konjonkt\u00fcr\u00fcn \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyd\u00fcler. K\u0131talar boyunca uzanan fay hatlar\u0131, kimi yerde \u00e7ukurlar kimi yerde tepeler olarak belirseler de ayn\u0131 tektonik hareketten kaynakland\u0131lar. ABD ve Avrupa\u2019daki hareketler a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a finans krizi sonras\u0131 uygulanan politikalar\u0131 hedefe koydu. Arap ayaklanmalar\u0131 do\u011frudan ekmek talebiyle ba\u015flad\u0131 ve h\u0131zl\u0131ca diktat\u00f6rleri devirme hedefine y\u00f6neldi. Brezilya\u2019da, Ukrayna\u2019da ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de g\u00f6steriler \u00e7ok daha geni\u015f bir ideolojik yelpazeyi kapsad\u0131. Ancak bu hareketlerin hepsinin ortak noktas\u0131 sokak hareketlerinin yeni bir siyasi d\u00f6nemi a\u00e7acak akt\u00f6r\u00fc \u00fcretememesi oldu. Yunanistan, \u0130spanya ve \u0130talya\u2019daki partile\u015fme \u00e7abalar\u0131 k\u0131smen ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fsa da bu \u00f6rneklerde iktidara gelen partiler d\u00fczenle kopmad\u0131lar, kopamad\u0131lar. Sonu\u00e7 yeni bir sa\u011f dalgan\u0131n y\u00fckseli\u015fi oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    Sa\u011f yeniden \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fck kazand\u0131 ancak liberal d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc devam etti. Pop\u00fclist veya illiberal sa\u011f olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131k, g\u00f6\u00e7men kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden yeniden 1970\u2019lerin k\u00fclt\u00fcr sava\u015flar\u0131na d\u00f6nen bu sa\u011f ak\u0131mlar bir kez daha y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011fa y\u00f6neldiler. Avrupa\u2019da AB, ABD\u2019de NATO kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerinden y\u00fcr\u00fcyen tart\u0131\u015fmalarda sa\u011f\u0131n bu sefer neoliberal d\u00fczenin kurumlar\u0131n\u0131 hedefe koydu\u011funu g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz. Bu tutumun en a\u00e7\u0131k \u00f6rne\u011fini merkez bankas\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ele\u015ftiren ve G-7\u2019ye art\u0131k ihtiya\u00e7 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 beyan eden Trump y\u00f6netimi veriyor. 1990\u2019lar\u0131n \u00fcnl\u00fc spek\u00fclat\u00f6r\u00fc (ve 1997 Asya krizini tetiklemekle su\u00e7lanan) George Soros\u2019u hapse atmak istedi\u011fini ilan eden Trump hakim s\u0131n\u0131f aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerin geldi\u011fi noktay\u0131 \u00f6zetliyor. Irak ve Afganistan sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n mimar\u0131 Yeni Muhafazakarlar\u0131n bile art\u0131k a\u00e7\u0131ktan ele\u015ftirdi\u011fi Trump, sistemin i\u00e7inde bulundu\u011fu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcms\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn somut bir g\u00f6stergesi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    ABD\u2019deki ayaklanmalar tam da b\u00f6yle bir ortamda siyasete m\u00fcdahale ediyor. On y\u0131l \u00f6nceki protestolar gibi bu hareketler de siyasi bir e\u015fg\u00fcd\u00fcme ve stratejiye sahip de\u011fil. K\u0131sa bir s\u00fcrede g\u00fcndeme oturan ve b\u00fct\u00fcn siyasi tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 belirleyen kitleler sokakta sonu\u00e7 al\u0131nabilece\u011fini \u00f6\u011frendi ve bu ders giderek soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kma arzusunu tetikleyecektir. Hareketin \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesi, s\u00fcreklile\u015fmesi, kendi liderlerini yeti\u015ftirmesi, kendi taleplerini bir strateji \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde ifade etmesi kitlelerin ge\u00e7mi\u015f elli y\u0131ldan hangi dersleri \u00e7\u0131kartaca\u011f\u0131na ba\u011fl\u0131. <\/a>1968\u2019den bu yana biriktirilen tarihsel tecr\u00fcbe ve haf\u0131za i\u015fe ko\u015fulabilirse hareket yepyeni bir d\u00f6nemi a\u00e7abilir. Aksi halde giderek koyula\u015fan ve sald\u0131rganla\u015fan bir taassubun y\u0131k\u0131c\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131na \u015fahit olaca\u011f\u0131z. Sonu\u00e7 ne olursa olsun art\u0131k zarlar at\u0131ld\u0131, ok yaydan \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. Soka\u011fa \u00e7\u0131kmakla kitleler art\u0131k geri d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fc olmayan bir s\u00fcreci ba\u015flatt\u0131 ve yolun sonuna kadar y\u00fcr\u00fcmekten ba\u015fka bir \u00e7are yok.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n

    \r\n\r\n\r\n

    [1]<\/a> Ku\u015fkusuz sosyal g\u00fcvenlik sisteminin temel ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 erkek egemenlik ve \u0131rk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n k\u00f6keni bu sistemden \u00f6nce olu\u015fmu\u015ftur. Burada kas\u0131t So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6nemindeki sosyal g\u00fcvenlik sisteminin bu ayr\u0131mlar\u0131 g\u00fcncelleyerek i\u015f\u00e7iler aras\u0131ndaki birli\u011fi engellemesidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

    [2]<\/a> \u00c7at\u0131 partisi terimini Otto Kirchheimer\u2019in Almanca\u2019da Allerwertspartei (T\u00fcm de\u011ferler partisi), \u0130ngilizce\u2019de Catch-All Party (Herkesi yakala partisi) kavram\u0131n\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131lamak i\u00e7in kullan\u0131yorum. Weimar D\u00f6neminde Sosyal Demokrat Parti i\u00e7inde faaliyet g\u00f6steren Kircheimer bu kavram\u0131 sava\u015f sonras\u0131nda s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini tasfiye eden parti sistemini tarif etmek i\u00e7in kullanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Buna g\u00f6re Avrupa siyasal sistemindeki temel d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmlerden biri siyasi partilerin giderek se\u00e7im i\u00e7in rekabet ederek merkeze yakla\u015fan, ideolojik tezleri birbirine benze\u015fen Amerikan partilerine benzemesiydi. Kircheimer bu s\u00fcre\u00e7te muhalefetin yok oldu\u011funu iddia eder. 1965\u2019te vefat eden Kirchheimer, Frankfurt Okulu\u2019nun di\u011fer \u00fcyeleri gibi – Bat\u0131 Avrupa\u2019daki mevcut siyasete ili\u015fkin \u00e7ok umutsuzdur. \u00dcnl\u00fc siyaset bilimci 1968\u2019deki muhalif y\u00fckseli\u015fini nas\u0131l kavrar ve a\u00e7\u0131klard\u0131? Bu ancak bir spek\u00fclasyon konusu olabilir.<\/p>\r\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

    Sinan Birdal ABD\u2019de George Floyd\u2019un polis taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesiyle ba\u015flayan kent ayaklanmalar\u0131 bir kez daha toplumsal hareketlerin siyasete m\u00fcdahale imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi. Sokak protestolar\u0131 polis \u015fiddetini g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131makla kalmad\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin sembollerinden ba\u015flayarak kapitalizme dair bir tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 da ba\u015flatt\u0131. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ba\u011flant\u0131y\u0131 if\u015fa etti. Kritik bir se\u00e7imin \u00f6ncesinde ba\u015flayan bu sokak hareketi 1968\u2019in yenilgisiyle a\u00e7\u0131lan bir parantezin kapanmakta oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. Bir […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1276,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[513,282],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1275","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-44-sayi-temmuz-2020","category-sinan-birdal"],"yoast_head":"\nLiberal d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2020\/07\/04\/liberal-duzenin-cokusu\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Liberal d\u00fczenin \u00e7\u00f6k\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Sinan Birdal ABD\u2019de George Floyd\u2019un polis taraf\u0131ndan \u00f6ld\u00fcr\u00fclmesiyle ba\u015flayan kent ayaklanmalar\u0131 bir kez daha toplumsal hareketlerin siyasete m\u00fcdahale imkanlar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6sterdi. Sokak protestolar\u0131 polis \u015fiddetini g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131makla kalmad\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin sembollerinden ba\u015flayarak kapitalizme dair bir tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 da ba\u015flatt\u0131. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ba\u011flant\u0131y\u0131 if\u015fa etti. Kritik bir se\u00e7imin \u00f6ncesinde ba\u015flayan bu sokak hareketi 1968\u2019in yenilgisiyle a\u00e7\u0131lan bir parantezin kapanmakta oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. 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Sokak protestolar\u0131 polis \u015fiddetini g\u00fcndeme ta\u015f\u0131makla kalmad\u0131, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin sembollerinden ba\u015flayarak kapitalizme dair bir tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 da ba\u015flatt\u0131. Irk\u00e7\u0131l\u0131kla kapitalizm aras\u0131ndaki tarihsel ba\u011flant\u0131y\u0131 if\u015fa etti. Kritik bir se\u00e7imin \u00f6ncesinde ba\u015flayan bu sokak hareketi 1968\u2019in yenilgisiyle a\u00e7\u0131lan bir parantezin kapanmakta oldu\u011funu g\u00f6steriyor. 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