{"id":1007,"date":"2019-09-08T17:01:21","date_gmt":"2019-09-08T14:01:21","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/?p=1007"},"modified":"2023-01-17T17:20:32","modified_gmt":"2023-01-17T14:20:32","slug":"kuresellesme-kapitalizmin-catismasiz-yeni-asamasi-mi%ef%bb%bf","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2019\/09\/08\/kuresellesme-kapitalizmin-catismasiz-yeni-asamasi-mi%ef%bb%bf\/","title":{"rendered":"\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d kapitalizmin \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z yeni a\u015famas\u0131\u201d m\u0131?\ufeff"},"content":{"rendered":"\r\n

Yusuf Akda\u011f<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ve emperyalizm kavramlar\u0131 merkez al\u0131narak s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fma, Donald Trump\u2019\u0131n, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131<\/em>\u201d a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131yla birlikte yeniden alevlendirildi. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d; bu sorunlu<\/em> kavram[1]<\/a> neredeyse t\u00fcm toplumsal sorunlarla ilintilendirilerek geni\u015f bir kullan\u0131m imk\u00e2n\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. B\u00f6yle olmas\u0131nda, ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitlenerek d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde yayg\u0131nca kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n kolayla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n, do\u011frulu\u011fu-yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak \u201cbilgi<\/em>\u201dnin, kavramlar\u0131n, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede d\u00fcnyan\u0131n herhangi bir yerindeki herhangi ilgili ki\u015fi(ler) taraf\u0131ndan \u201c\u00f6\u011frenilmesi<\/em>\u201dni m\u00fcmk\u00fcn hale getirmesinin de b\u00fcy\u00fck pay\u0131 var.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu kavram birka\u00e7 on y\u0131ld\u0131r b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle yeni bir durum ve geli\u015fmeyi i\u015faret etmek \u00fczere kullan\u0131l\u0131yor. Y\u00fcklenilen anlam ve i\u015faret etti\u011fi ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen geli\u015fmenin kapsam\u0131yla birlikte \u201cileti\u015fim alemi<\/em>\u201dnin denebilir ki en pop\u00fcler kavramlar\u0131ndan biri haline geldi ya da getirildi. \u201cD\u00fcnya kapitalizminin yeni ve son bir a\u015famas\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak da i\u00e7eriklendirilmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131lan bu kavram\u0131n bir \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc de i\u00e7erik ve kullan\u0131m hedefleriyle birlikte hem sa\u011f muhafazak\u00e2r ve \u015foven milliyet\u00e7i kesimlerin, hem de sol ilerici ayd\u0131nlar\u0131n, devrimci demokrat \u00e7evrelerin ve Marksistlerin ilgi alan\u0131na sorunlu <\/em>\u015fekilde girmi\u015f olmas\u0131d\u0131r. Egemen burjuva d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce piyasas\u0131ndaki kullan\u0131m\u0131yla daha \u00e7ok \u201columluluk<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6ndereni i\u015flevi y\u00fcklenmi\u015f \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131, muhalif \u2018sol\u2019 \u00e7evrelerde teredd\u00fctl\u00fc bir yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra beklentici tutumlar\u0131 da esinlemi\u015ftir. Bunu g\u00f6rmek i\u00e7in internet a\u011flar\u0131nda dola\u015f\u0131ma s\u00fcr\u00fclen y\u00fczlerce tan\u0131m ve a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u015f\u00f6yle bir g\u00f6z atmak bile yeterlidir.\u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u201ck\u00fcresel bir k\u00f6y<\/em>\u201d haline gelmesi olarak tarif edenler bunun \u201cg\u00fcmr\u00fck engellerinin kald\u0131r\u0131larak ticaretin serbestle\u015ftirilmesi, \u00fcretimin, topra\u011f\u0131n ve i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fcn ucuz oldu\u011fu \u00fclkelere kayd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 – ya da ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131; d\u0131\u015f kaynak kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n kolayla\u015fmas\u0131; maliyetleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcren ula\u015f\u0131m olanaklar\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015flemesi; yasal uyum i\u00e7in uluslararas\u0131 uzla\u015f\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flanmas\u0131 ve liberalle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ile ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyorlar. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi, \u201c\u00fczerine tam ve net bir tan\u0131m vermek kolay olmasa da mal, hizmet ve sermayenin artan hareketlili\u011fi sonucunda s\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ekonomik b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme ve ulusal ekonomilerin d\u00fcnya piyasalar\u0131na dahil olma s\u00fcrecinde d\u00fcnyan\u0131n farkl\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerinde ya\u015fayan toplum ve devletler aras\u0131ndaki ileti\u015fimin ve etkile\u015fimin artmas\u0131 ve kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 hale gelinmesi olarak<\/em>\u201d tarif edenler de, a\u015fa\u011f\u0131 yukar\u0131 ayn\u0131 \u015feyden s\u00f6z etmi\u015f oluyorlar.[2]<\/a> Bu s\u00f6ylemin ba\u015fl\u0131ca gerek\u00e7elerinden biri, bilim ve teknikteki geli\u015fmelerin daha ileri d\u00fczeyinin ve ileti\u015fim ve ula\u015f\u0131m teknolojisinin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 kolayl\u0131klar\u0131n daha b\u00fcy\u00fck boyutlarda olmas\u0131n\u0131n sermaye ve \u00fcretimin uluslararas\u0131 hareketini d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilir k\u0131lmas\u0131d\u0131r. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d, emperyalizmin yeni bir a\u015famas\u0131, emperyalizm ile ayn\u0131 \u015fey, emperyalizmi de i\u00e7eren daha kapsaml\u0131 bir d\u00fcnya kapitalizmi olarak da tarif edilmektedir. Kavram \u00f6zellikle sol liberal \u00e7evrelerde \u201cultra emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d ile \u00f6zde\u015f \u015fekilde i\u00e7eriklendirilerek \u201csermaye birikimi<\/em>\u201dnin uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte \u201cs\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131 anlams\u0131z k\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d gerek\u00e7esine dayand\u0131r\u0131lmakta; Rosa Luxemburg\u2019un \u201csermaye birikimi<\/em>\u201d, Karl Kautsky\u2019nin \u201cultra emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine s\u00f6yledikleri referans g\u00f6sterilerek daha \u00f6zg\u00fcn savunu konusu yap\u0131lmaktad\u0131r. Bu savunu bi\u00e7imlerinden baz\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 a\u015fa\u011f\u0131da daha ayr\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131 olarak g\u00f6rece\u011fiz. Bunun i\u00e7in ama, \u00f6nce, Luxemburg ve Kautsky\u2019nin konumuzla i\u00e7eriksel ba\u011flam\u0131 kurulabilecek g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerine bakmak yararl\u0131 olacakt\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

i.<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Rosa Luksemburg, \u201cSermaye Birikimi<\/em>\u201d\u00a0ad\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131yan kitab\u0131nda, Marx\u2019\u0131n, sermayenin geni\u015fletilmi\u015f yeniden \u00fcretimiyle ilgili analiziyle \u00e7eli\u015fkili \u015fekilde, kapitalist geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde art\u0131-de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcne dayal\u0131 geni\u015fletilmi\u015f \u00fcretimin m\u00fcmk\u00fcns\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc savunuyor ve buradan hareketle kapitalistler ve i\u015f\u00e7iler \u201cd\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki<\/em>\u201d toplum kesimlerinin (tar\u0131msal n\u00fcfus vb. gibi) \u201ctalebinin g\u00f6zetilmesiyle pazar sorununun \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fclebilece\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Ona g\u00f6re Marx\u2019\u0131n, sermayenin geni\u015fleyen yeniden \u00fcretimine dair analizi, sorunu \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcme kavu\u015fturamam\u0131\u015ft\u0131 ve \u201cen \u00f6nemli ger\u00e7ek art\u0131-de\u011ferin ne kapitalistlere, ne de i\u015f\u00e7ilere yap\u0131lan sat\u0131\u015flarla realize edilebilece\u011fi\u201dydi. \u201cArt\u0131-de\u011fer, sadece \u00fcretim bi\u00e7imleri kapitalist olmayan \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmelere ya da katmanlara sat\u0131l\u0131rsa realize edilebilir<\/em>\u201ddi.[3]<\/a>\u00a0Ancak eskinin \u201ckal\u0131nt\u0131lar\u0131<\/em>\u201d da nihayetinde \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcl\u00fcp yok olmaya mahkumlard\u0131. \u00d6yleyse bu da \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm olamazd\u0131. Luxemburg, i\u015f\u00e7ileri ve kapitalistleri \u201ct\u00fcketici<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6rmedi\u011finden, yeniden \u00fcretim i\u00e7in birikimin -y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc mant\u0131\u011fa g\u00f6re- \u201ckar\u015f\u0131lanmayan talep<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerinden sa\u011flanmas\u0131 olanaks\u0131zla\u015fmaktad\u0131r. Bu durumda \u00fcretim ve t\u00fcketim ayn\u0131 \u00fclke pazar\u0131nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilemez! Luxemburg\u2019a g\u00f6re, geni\u015fleyen yeniden \u00fcretim i\u00e7in gerekli t\u00fcketim ve \u201cd\u00fcrt\u00fc<\/em>\u201d ancak d\u0131\u015far\u0131da bulunabilir. Aksi durumda kapitalist art\u0131-de\u011fer \u201crealize edilemez<\/em>\u201d olacak ve \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fcretimi ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere yeniden \u00fcretim i\u00e7in neden kalmayacakt\u0131r! Luxemburg\u2019un \u201cbuldu\u011fu<\/em>\u201dnu sand\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm kapitalist \u00fclkenin d\u0131\u015far\u0131s\u0131d\u0131r ve bu da onun, emperyalizmin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na ili\u015fkin d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcncesini belirler. Kapitalizm var olma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ancak kendi d\u0131\u015far\u0131s\u0131yla, geli\u015fmemi\u015f olan b\u00f6lge, sekt\u00f6r ve \u00fclkelerle var edebilirdi! Art\u0131-de\u011ferin ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilebilmesi bu durumda ancak daha geri b\u00f6lge ve \u00fclkelerin emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7(ler) taraf\u0131ndan fiili i\u015fgal, bask\u0131 ve entrikalarla ele ge\u00e7irilmesi ve kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131yla m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olabilir. Bu durumda d\u0131\u015f pazar ihtiyac\u0131, yeni pazarlar\u0131n fethi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Ne var ki bu olanak sonsuzca olamaz. Kapitalizm \u00f6ncesi de de\u011fi\u015fim ge\u00e7irecek, sonu\u00e7ta -g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde oldu\u011fu \u00fczere- d\u00fcnyan\u0131n giderek t\u00fcm\u00fc kapitalistle\u015fecek, toplumsal b\u00f6l\u00fcnmeler iki b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na yol a\u00e7acak ve \u201ct\u00fcketici<\/em>\u201d sorunu yine ortaya \u00e7\u0131kacakt\u0131r. Luxemburg, ivedi devrimcili\u011fiyle buna da bir \u00e7are bulur: kapitalizm yok olacakt\u0131r! Toplumsal geli\u015fmenin toplumu iki b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131n\u0131fa do\u011fru de\u011fi\u015fime s\u00fcr\u00fckleyen i\u015fleyi\u015fiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak \u201ceski k\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00fclkeler<\/em>\u201din de kapitalistle\u015fmesi sonucu, \u201crealize olma<\/em>\u201d olanaks\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla bo\u011fu\u015fmak durumundaki kapitalizmin “mukadder sonu<\/em>“, b\u00f6ylece kendili\u011finden gelecekti. Rosa Luxemburg, bu tahlilini kapitalizmin tekelci a\u015famaya vard\u0131\u011f\u0131, pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin k\u0131yas\u0131ya s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc bir d\u00f6nemde, emperyalistler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri de hesaba katmaks\u0131z\u0131n ve \u00fclke i\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin sosyal dayanaklar\u0131 -bu m\u00fccadelenin kararl\u0131 bir militan\u0131 olmas\u0131na ra\u011fmen- sorununu az\u0131msayarak yap\u0131yordu. Buna ra\u011fmen ama, Luxemburg, emperyalizm ve ulusal kaderini tayin hakk\u0131 gibi siyasal demokrasi konular\u0131ndaki sorunlu yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131na ra\u011fmen, kriz ve sava\u015flar\u0131n kapitalizmin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc oldu\u011fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fc savunuyor; tekelci gericili\u011fe ve sava\u015f politikalar\u0131na kararl\u0131ca kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan devrimci bir tutum g\u00f6steriyordu. Luxemburg’un teorik yetersizlikleri ve yanl\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret etmekle birlikte onu, bu devrimci tutumu nedeniyle hedef almaktan ka\u00e7\u0131nan Lenin, “eski marksist<\/em>” Kautsky’nin “ultra-emperyalizm<\/em>” \u00fczerine teorik g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleriyle ve oport\u00fcnist uzla\u015fmac\u0131 politik tutumuyla amans\u0131zca m\u00fccadele etmekten bir an olsun ka\u00e7\u0131nmad\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

ii.<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Luxemburg\u2019da \u00fcst\u00fc \u00f6rt\u00fck kalan Kautsky\u2019de apa\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131: Kautsky, kapitalist \u015firketlerin \u00fcretim kotalar\u0131 veya pazarlar \u00fczerinde anla\u015farak rekabeti engellemelerinden bahisle ve \u201csalt ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131dan<\/em>\u201d kayd\u0131 d\u00fc\u015ferek bir “ultra-emperyalizm<\/em>” a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131 olanakl\u0131 ve ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz g\u00f6r\u00fcyordu. Lenin, Kautsky\u2019nin, kapitalist rekabetin tekelci d\u00f6nemdeki varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fcsb\u00fct\u00fcn az\u0131msayarak ve emperyalistlerin pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 \u00fczerine kavgalar\u0131n\u0131 yok sayarak savundu\u011fu bu tezi \u00e7ok net ve \u00e7ok sert ifadelerle ele\u015ftirdi. Kautsky\u2019nin \u201csalt ekonomik a\u00e7\u0131dan, kapitalizmin kartellerce izlenen politikan\u0131n d\u0131\u015f politika alan\u0131na ta\u015faca\u011f\u0131, yeni bir evre, bir ultra-emperyalizm evresi olanaks\u0131z de\u011fildir<\/em>\u201d[4]<\/a>\u00a0s\u00f6zlerinden hareketle Lenin, \u201cSalt ekonomi s\u00f6z\u00fcnden, \u2018salt\u2019 bir soyutlama anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131yorsa, s\u00f6ylenebilecek her \u015fey \u015fu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fe getiriliyor demektir: Geli\u015fme tekellere do\u011fru, bunun sonucu olarak evrensel tek bir tekele, tek bir d\u00fcnya tekeline do\u011fru gidiyor. Bunun itiraz g\u00f6t\u00fcr\u00fcr bir yan\u0131 yok, ama sa\u00e7ma oldu\u011fu kadar, \u2018evrimin\u2019 besin maddelerinin laboratuvarlarda \u00fcretilmesine do\u011fru \u2018gitti\u011fi\u2019 s\u00f6z\u00fc gibi, anlamdan da yoksundur. Bu anlamda, bir \u2018ultra-tar\u0131m teorisi\u2019 ne denli sa\u00e7ma olacaksa, ultra-emperyalizm \u2018teorisi\u2019 de o kadar sa\u00e7mad\u0131r<\/em>\u201d\u00a0diye yazarak onu mahkum etmekten geri durmad\u0131. Kautsky\u2019nin bu t\u00fcrden tezleri ortaya atarak mali sermaye egemenli\u011finin \u201cd\u00fcnya ekonomisindeki e\u015fitsizlikleri ve \u00e7eli\u015fkileri azaltaca\u011f\u0131 fikrini destekle<\/em>\u201ddi\u011fini belirten Lenin, Kautsky\u2019i, emperyalizmin politikas\u0131n\u0131 ekonomisinden ay\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131; tekelin, \u201ctekeli, zoru ve fethi d\u0131\u015flayan bir politik tutumla ba\u011fda\u015fabilece\u011fi<\/em>\u201dni savundu\u011fu; kapitalizmin emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131n \u201cen temel \u00e7eli\u015fkilerini b\u00fct\u00fcn derinli\u011fiyle ortaya koyaca\u011f\u0131 yerde, bunlar\u0131 daha hafif g\u00f6stermeye, gizlemeye<\/em>\u201d \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u00e7in ele\u015ftirerek[5]<\/a> \u00e7eli\u015fki ve e\u015fitsizliklerin mali sermayenin egemenli\u011fi ko\u015fullar\u0131nda daha da artt\u0131\u011f\u0131na dikkat \u00e7ekti.[6]<\/a> G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcze dek olan geli\u015fmelerin kan\u0131tlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 Kautsky ve onun 2000\u2019li y\u0131llardaki takip\u00e7ileri de\u011fil Lenin\u2019in g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Bu hi\u00e7 teredd\u00fcts\u00fcz b\u00f6yledir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

iii.<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ellen Meiksins Wood, 2003 y\u0131l\u0131nda yay\u0131mlanan \u201cSermaye \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d adl\u0131 eserinin Ocak 2003 tarihli \u00d6ns\u00f6z\u2019\u00fcnde, 2002 y\u0131l\u0131 Eyl\u00fcl\u2019\u00fcnde ilan edilen \u201cBush doktrini<\/em>\u201dnin, liberal muhalifleri taraf\u0131ndan \u201cABD d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019ndan bu yana devam eden genel e\u011filiminden tipik ve keskin bir kopu\u015f olarak de\u011ferlendirildi<\/em>\u201d\u011fini belirterek bu politikan\u0131n \u201cBush rejiminin e\u011filimleri<\/em>\u201dyle, \u201chatt\u00e2, Cheney-Rumsfeld- Wolfowitz-Perle ekseni<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerinden y\u00f6netimin \u00f6nde gelenlerinin \u201cpetrolle \u00e7ok yak\u0131n ve ki\u015fisel olarak ilgilenmeleri<\/em>\u201dyle ba\u011f\u0131ndan s\u00f6z etmek m\u00fcmk\u00fcn olsa bile ve \u201cBush politikas\u0131n\u0131, ABD\u2019nin geleneksel olarak sak\u0131nmay\u0131 tercih etti\u011fi bir direkt s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci imparatorlu\u011fun yakla\u015fmakta olu\u015fu olarak yorumlamak<\/em>\u201d anlams\u0131z olmasa da, bunun ABD\u2019nin politikas\u0131n\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131klamak a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan sorunlu ve eksik olaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor ve \u015f\u00f6yle devam ediyordu:<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cAncak Bush Doktrini\u2019ni ABD d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131n\u0131n seyrinde anormal bir tarihsel sapma olarak g\u00f6rsek, hatt\u00e2 ABD nin bundan \u00f6nceki b\u00fct\u00fcn asker\u00ee m\u00fcdahalelerini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 etsek ve hatt\u00e2 \u00f6nceki y\u00f6netimlerin liberal emperyalizmin ilkelerini en son s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na ve \u00f6tesine kadar zorlama bi\u00e7imlerini g\u00f6rmezden gelsek bile, Bush olgusu, her ne kadar a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 ve nihayetinde kendi kendisini yenilgiye u\u011fratacak bir \u015fey olsa da, en az\u0131ndan II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131ndan bu yana ABD d\u0131\u015f politikas\u0131na i\u00e7rek olan mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n bir uzant\u0131s\u0131ndan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey olarak anla\u015f\u0131lamaz. Ve bu d\u0131\u015f politika, kapitalizmin ekonomik ve siyas\u00ee\/asker\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda karma\u015f\u0131k ve \u00e7eli\u015fkili ili\u015fkilere sahip olan daha genel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan soyutland\u0131\u011f\u0131nda hi\u00e7bir anlam ifade etmez…<\/em> Bush y\u00f6netiminin pervas\u0131z politikas\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcm\u00fcz \u015fey, belki de \u00f6zel bir delilik \u00e7e\u015fididir; ama e\u011fer \u00f6yleyse, bu delilik, sadece ABD tarihinin son 50 y\u0131ll\u0131k tarihinde de\u011fil, ayn\u0131 zamanda kapitalizmin sistemik mant\u0131\u011f\u0131nda da sa\u011flam k\u00f6kleri bulunan bir deliliktir.<\/em>\u201d[7]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Wood\u2019un yukar\u0131daki sat\u0131rlar\u0131, kitab\u0131n\u0131n giri\u015findeki bir ifadesini \u00e7a\u011fr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131r \u015fekilde \u201ckarma\u015f\u0131k<\/em>\u201dl\u0131k g\u00f6stermesine; \u201ceski<\/em>\u201d ve \u201cyeni<\/em>\u201d emperyalizm ayr\u0131m\u0131yla dikkat \u00e7ekmesine; eski ve yeni s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci politikalar aras\u0131ndaki ayr\u0131ma getirdi\u011fi a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n sorunu mu\u011flakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 unsurlar ta\u015f\u0131mas\u0131na ra\u011fmen,\u00a0 sadece ABD emperyalizmi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil kapitalizmin \u201cdaha genel mant\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 (mant\u0131k s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fc gibi temel nedeni \u00f6rten ve i\u00e7erik y\u00f6n\u00fcnden yetersiz bir s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011fe ba\u015fvurulmu\u015f olmas\u0131 sakl\u0131 tutulursa) i\u015faret etmesi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, emperyalizm ve \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine bir tart\u0131\u015fmada yararl\u0131 olabilecek baz\u0131 unsurlar\u0131 da i\u00e7eriyor. ABD\u2019nin Walter Bush ya da \u015fimdilerde Donald Trump y\u00f6netimindeki \u201cdelilik<\/em>\u201dlerini ve Amerikan emperyalist sald\u0131rganl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, \u201ckapitalizmin ekonomik ve siyas\u00ee\/asker\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131nda karma\u015f\u0131k ve \u00e7eli\u015fkili ili\u015fkilere sahip<\/em>\u201d ger\u00e7ekli\u011finden soyutlamak, hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, sorunu \u201ck\u00fcresel k\u00f6y<\/em>\u201d mant\u0131\u011f\u0131yla ele alan liberal yazar ve ideologlar\u0131n ve reformist k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva politikac\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n kurduklar\u0131 kapana d\u00fc\u015fmek olur.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Wood\u2019un, kapitalist emperyalizm ile k\u00f6leci ve feodal \u201c\u0130mparatorluk<\/em>\u201d d\u00f6nemleri k\u0131yaslamalar\u0131 ise, emperyalizmin-onun kendi deyimiyle s\u00f6ylenirse \u201cyeni emperyalizm<\/em>\u201din- karakteristik \u00f6zelliklerini belirsizle\u015ftirici \u00f6zellikler ta\u015f\u0131yor. ABD\u2019nin, ya da \u00f6teki b\u00fcy\u00fck Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7lerden herhangi birinin, \u201cd\u00fcnyan\u0131n hi\u00e7bir yerinde tek bir \u00fclkeyi dahi do\u011frudan i\u015fg\u00e2l alt\u0131nda tutmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve y\u00f6netmedi\u011fi<\/em>\u201d bir durumda, \u201cyeni emperyalizmi tan\u0131mlama<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n zorlu\u011funa i\u015faret eden Wood, \u201cbug\u00fcn<\/em>\u201d -diyor- \u201ch\u00e2l\u00e2 az say\u0131da k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fcks\u00f6m\u00fcrge b\u00f6lgeler varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrse bile, ne ABD ne de \u00f6teki b\u00fcy\u00fck Bat\u0131l\u0131 g\u00fc\u00e7ler geni\u015f ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 b\u00f6lgelerin do\u011frudan y\u00f6netimi anlam\u0131na gelen s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci imparatorluklar de\u011fildirler. Hi\u00e7 ku\u015fku yok ki, emperyal g\u00fcc\u00fcn kendi y\u00f6netimini emperyal asker\u00ee g\u00fc\u00e7 taraf\u0131ndan iktidarda tutulan kukla rejimler arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla uygulad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek, ABD\u2019nin yakla\u015f\u0131k 140 \u00fclkedeki asker\u00ee varl\u0131\u011f\u0131na ra\u011fmen m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Ne de bu bak\u0131mdan, bir zamanlar \u00fcst\u00fcn g\u00fc\u00e7leri ya da daha geli\u015fkin donanma teknolojileri sayesinde ticaret yollar\u0131n\u0131 kontrol ettikleri i\u00e7in h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcren ticar\u00ee imparatorluklar gibi bir \u015feyden s\u00f6z edilebilir.<\/em>\u201d[8]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Durum bu ise e\u011fer, bu durumda emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7 olman\u0131n, emperyal politikalar\u0131 uygulayabilmenin ba\u015fka yol ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131 olmal\u0131! Emek sermaye \u00e7eli\u015fkilerine yakla\u015f\u0131m\u0131nda genel hatlar\u0131yla Marksist bak\u0131\u015f\u0131 esas alan bir yazar olarak Wood\u2019un gerek\u00e7esi, bu ili\u015fkilerdeki s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201c\u015feffaf olarak<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6r\u00fclememesine benzer bi\u00e7imde emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin do\u011frudan bir y\u00f6netimi ve i\u015fgalinin olmamas\u0131d\u0131r! \u201cBir zamanlar\u201d diyor, \u201cs\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci emperyal g\u00fc\u00e7lerin sadece s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci y\u00f6netimleri de\u011fil, ekonomik s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcleri de hayli \u015feffaf bir i\u015fti.<\/em>G\u00fcney Amerika\u2019daki \u0130spanyollar\u0131 veya daha sonra Kongo\u2019da Bel\u00e7ikal\u0131lar\u0131 g\u00f6zlemleyen biri, k\u00f6lenin servetinin efendiye aktar\u0131lma yollar\u0131n\u0131 anlamakta g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fck \u00e7ekmezdi. Bu bak\u0131mdan, geleneksel emperyalizmin <\/strong>belirli \u00fclke i\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f ili\u015fkileriyle benzer y\u00f6nleri \u00e7oktu. T\u0131pk\u0131 feodal lordlar\u0131n emek hizmetlerine ve kiralar\u0131na el koyduklar\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcler veya mutlak devlet ile vergilerini ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 k\u00f6yl\u00fcler aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkilerde belirsiz bir \u015fey olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci efendiler ile k\u00f6leleri aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fki de gayet a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131.<\/strong><\/em>\u201d<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cYeni emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d ko\u015fullar\u0131nda bu ili\u015fkinin daha zor anla\u015f\u0131l\u0131r hale geldi\u011fini belirten yazar, bu zorlu\u011fu ya da \u201cg\u00f6r\u00fcnmezli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d i\u015faret etmek \u00fczere art\u0131-de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fcn \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a \u015feffaf olmayan<\/em>\u201d bir \u00f6zellik g\u00f6stermesini \u00f6rnek g\u00f6stererek, \u201cburada s\u00f6z\u00fc edilen nedenlerin pek \u00e7o\u011funun ayn\u0131 \u015fekilde kapitalist emperyalizmin do\u011fas\u0131 i\u00e7in de ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011fu<\/em>\u201dnu s\u00f6yl\u00fcyor. \u201cZenginli\u011fin zay\u0131f uluslardan g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc uluslara do\u011fru akt\u0131\u011f\u0131 bug\u00fcnk\u00fc transferin varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131n tespit edilmesi \u00f6nceki s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci imparatorluklar d\u00f6nemine g\u00f6re daha zordur<\/em>\u201d diye ekleyerek bu ili\u015fkide \u201ctipik bir zorlama ili\u015fkisi<\/em>\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve zorlaman\u0131n \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck bir olas\u0131l\u0131kla ekonomik<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu belirtiyor.[9]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bug\u00fcn\u00fcn ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n klasik s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin yayg\u0131n oldu\u011fu d\u00f6nemlerden ve daha da \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 olmak \u00fczere feodal imparatorluklar d\u00f6nemi ili\u015fkilerinden \u00e7ok daha farkl\u0131 oldu\u011fu; ili\u015fkilerin daha da \u00e7e\u015fitlenmi\u015f dolay\u0131mlar i\u00e7erdi\u011fi ve bu s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc, etki ve bask\u0131n\u0131n \u201cdaha incelikli y\u00f6ntemler<\/em>\u201d arac\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fi tart\u0131\u015fma g\u00f6t\u00fcrmeyecek denli a\u00e7\u0131kt\u0131r. Eski t\u00fcr s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik, sosyalizmin d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011findeki etkisi, i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi geli\u015fme ve anti-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 yayg\u0131nl\u0131k ve ba\u015far\u0131 sonucunda y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclemez duruma gelmi\u015f; daha yayg\u0131n ve denebilir ki daha kolay olan ekonomik, mali, diplomatik ili\u015fkiler \u00fczerinden \u00fclkeleri kendine ba\u011fl\u0131 tutarak kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6m\u00fcrme, \u00f6zellikle 2. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 sonras\u0131ndan ba\u015flayarak \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan bi\u00e7im olmu\u015ftu. Buna ra\u011fmen ama Vietnam ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere bir\u00e7ok \u00fclkeye yap\u0131lan askeri sald\u0131r\u0131lar, i\u015fgallerin emperyalist \u00e7\u0131kar ba\u011flam\u0131na d\u0131\u015fsal duruma hi\u00e7bir zaman d\u00fc\u015fmedi\u011finin g\u00f6stergeleri oldu. Zor ise, a\u00e7\u0131k ki, hem \u00e7\u0131plak haliyle eskisi t\u00fcrden hem de eskisi t\u00fcrde oldu\u011fundan farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imler ve ara\u00e7lar arac\u0131yla bir ili\u015fki bi\u00e7imi olarak varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor ve bu \u201ceski emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d-\u201cyeni emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d gibi bir ayr\u0131m yap\u0131lmaks\u0131z\u0131n emperyalizmin genel \u00f6zelli\u011fidir. Tekelci kapitalizm tekelci dayatmalar<\/em>\u0131yla (ekonomik ve \u00f6rt\u00fck olarak ekonomi d\u0131\u015f\u0131 zor: bor\u00e7 ve kredilerin askeri politikalarla ili\u015fkisi) tekelcidir! Ancak fiili zorun kaynak aktarmay\u0131 kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 unsur olarak \u015fiddetle kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 durumlar hi\u00e7 de az de\u011fildir. Irak ve Libya petrollerinden kimin ne kadar pay ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 tam olarak netle\u015fmemekle birlikte Frans\u0131z, ABD, \u0130srail ve T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin pay\u0131na \u201cbir \u015feyler d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>\u201d kesindir. Wood, ili\u015fkilerin bu \u00f6zelliklerini belirsizle\u015ftirici bir ba\u011flam kurmaktad\u0131r. Ayr\u0131ca, \u201csermaye imparatorlu\u011fu<\/em>\u201d gibi kapsay\u0131c\u0131 bir adland\u0131rma ya da tan\u0131mlama, b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fik bir sermaye varsay\u0131m\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faret eder ki, bu da do\u011fru de\u011fildir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

iv.<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cYeni emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n Samir Amin\u2019deki kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131, Kautskist \u201cultra emperyalizm<\/em>\u201ddir. Amin, <\/strong>Alman gazetesiNeues Deutschland ad\u0131na Siman Poelchau taraf\u0131ndan kendisiyle yap\u0131lan ve Sol Portal\u2019da 15 Eyl\u00fcl 2017\u2019de yay\u0131mlanan r\u00f6portaj\u0131ndayeni teknolojileri, kapitalizmin \u201cyeni bir a\u015famaya<\/em>\u201d girmesiyle ili\u015fkilendirerek kapitalist emperyalizmin 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda \u201cyeni bir a\u015famaya girdi\u011fi<\/em>\u201dni s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu. Amin\u2019e g\u00f6re, \u201c70’li y\u0131llarda dolar\u0131n alt\u0131ndan ayr\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 sistemi olan Bretton-Woods Sistemi’nden beri<\/em>\u201d bu a\u015famaya girilmi\u015f ve \u201c1990’a geldi\u011finde<\/em>\u201d kapitalizm yap\u0131sal de\u011fi\u015fime u\u011fram\u0131\u015ft\u0131! Ayn\u0131 y\u0131llarda diyordu Amin, \u201cBat\u0131 sosyal demokrasisi, kom\u00fcnizm ve ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z devletler<\/em>\u201d bu de\u011fi\u015fimle birlikte sona ermi\u015flerdir! Uluslararas\u0131 alanda ve \u201cyerel d\u00fczlemde<\/em>\u201d her \u015feyin tekelci sermayeye g\u00f6re \u00f6rg\u00fctlendi\u011fini belirten Amin, \u201ceme\u011fin par\u00e7alanmas\u0131 ve proleterle\u015fmesi<\/em>\u201dni; \u201cg\u00fcvencesiz me\u015fguliyet ve giderek b\u00fcy\u00fcyen prekerle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi ve tar\u0131m\u0131n kapitalist kartellere ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 kan\u0131t olarak g\u00f6steriyordu. \u201cBiz<\/em>\u201d, <\/strong>diyorduSamir Amin,\u201cKarl Kautsky’in 100 y\u0131l \u00f6nce ultra emperyalizm diye tarif etti\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemde ya\u015f\u0131yoruz. Lenin bu teoriye o d\u00f6nem cephe alm\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Oysa bu teori bug\u00fcn do\u011frulanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d \u0130leri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne g\u00f6re, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde, Alman, \u0130ngiliz, ABD veya Frans\u0131z emperyalizmi diye bir \u015fey art\u0131k yoktu! \u201cSistemin s\u00fcrmesi konusunda egemen s\u0131n\u0131f, k\u00fcresel \u00e7apta anla\u015fm\u0131\u015f durumda<\/em>\u201dyd\u0131, ve bu da devletlerin ad\u0131yla mukim emperyalizmin sonuna i\u015faret ediyordu![10]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Tan\u0131n\u0131rl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6nemli oranda Filistinli \u00e7ocuklarla birlikte \u0130srailli i\u015fgal askerlerinin sald\u0131r\u0131lar\u0131na ta\u015f atarak yan\u0131t vermi\u015f olmas\u0131na \u201cbor\u00e7lu<\/em>\u201d olan Amin, \u201cher \u015feyin<\/em>\u201d tekelci sermayenin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na g\u00f6re \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini, 1970\u2019lerin bir \u201colgusu<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6rmekle zaman\u0131n ve geli\u015fmelerin gerisindedir. Tekellerin belirleyici konuma gelmeleri, y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 a\u015fk\u0131n s\u00fcrecin en \u00f6nemli olgular\u0131ndan biridir ve bu s\u00fcre\u00e7 i\u00e7inde etkinlikleri daha da artm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Tekellerin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnde \u00f6zelle\u015ftirme politikas\u0131n\u0131n h\u0131zland\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015f uygulama bi\u00e7imiyle \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131 y\u0131llar veri al\u0131narak yap\u0131lan de\u011ferlendirmede \u201cyeni<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6sterilen geli\u015fmeler ise, kapitalizmin ve kapitalist emperyalizmin art\u0131-de\u011fer s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc ve k\u00e2r i\u00e7in ba\u015fvurdu\u011fu ara\u00e7 ve y\u00f6ntemlerin bi\u00e7imlerinden olup nitelik de\u011fi\u015fimini i\u015faret etmezler.\u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Amin\u2019in \u201cultra emperyalizm<\/em>\u201dden s\u00f6z ederek bunun ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00f6nem, emperyalist b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin daha fazla gerginle\u015fti\u011fi bir d\u00f6nemdir. \u201c<\/strong>K\u00fcba, Rusya, \u00c7in ve Vietnam gibi birka\u00e7 ayr\u0131ks\u0131 \u00f6rnek d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda<\/em>\u201d d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u201cbir tek emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d haline geldi\u011fini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcn\u00fcp savunabilmek i\u00e7in emperyalist kapitalist devletlerin pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in birbirlerinin \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131na da zarar verecek \u015fekilde giri\u015ftikleri mali, ekonomik ve diplomatik dalaverelerle askeri eylemleri hi\u00e7 mi hi\u00e7 g\u00f6rmemi\u015f olmak gerekir. Ortado\u011fu gibi, hemen t\u00fcm emperyalist devletlerin kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda ili\u015fkiler geli\u015ftirme, etki alt\u0131na alma ve kaynak transferini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirme hesapl\u0131 m\u00fcdahalelerine sahne olmu\u015f bir \u201cb\u00f6lge<\/em>\u201dnin durumundan haberdar olan Amin, ekonomik, askeri ve politik geli\u015fmeleri de\u011fil, inanmak istedi\u011fi ve inand\u0131\u011f\u0131 varsay\u0131msal kabulleri esas al\u0131yor. Alman, \u0130ngiliz, Frans\u0131z veya ABD emperyalizmi diye \u201cbir \u015feyin art\u0131k olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6yleyebilmek i\u00e7in ise, bu emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilere g\u00f6z kapamak, \u015fu 2000\u2019li y\u0131llar\u0131n kavga ve g\u00fcr\u00fclt\u00fcs\u00fcn\u00fc hi\u00e7 duymam\u0131\u015f olmak gerekir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

v.<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Antoni Negri ve Michael Hardt, \u201c\u0130mparatorluk\u201d<\/em>\u00a0adl\u0131 eserlerinde, k\u00fclt\u00fcrel de\u011fi\u015fimin son on y\u0131llardaki \u201cde\u011fi\u015fimi<\/em>\u201dnden de s\u00f6z ederek yeni bir \u201ck\u00fcresel d\u00fczen<\/em>\u201din olu\u015ftu\u011funu, onun da \u201cyeni bir y\u00f6netim mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve yap\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131; \u201dyeni bir egemenlik bi\u00e7imi<\/em>\u201dni yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek d\u00fcnyay\u0131 y\u00f6neten bu g\u00fcc\u00fcn (\u201c\u0130mparatorluk<\/em>\u201d) her yerde ve her \u015feye hakim olarak bulundu\u011funu ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fcler. Bu durumda \u00f6ng\u00f6rd\u00fckleri s\u00f6z\u00fcmona m\u00fccadele ise somut bir hedefe kar\u015f\u0131 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131karak soyut-genel haline geliyordu! Negri ve Hardt\u2019a g\u00f6re, burjuva \u201culusal devletler<\/em>\u201d, uluslararas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketler kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131nda etkisiz duruma gelmi\u015fti ve bu dev \u015firketler aras\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kar \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131 da giderek ortadan kalkmaktayd\u0131. Negri\u2019nin, burjuva \u201culusal devlet<\/em>\u201dlerin \u201c\u00e7a\u011f\u0131m\u0131zdaki<\/em>\u201d yeri ve rol\u00fcn\u00fc olumsuzlamas\u0131n\u0131n nedeni ise, bu devletlerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ilere kar\u015f\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131f hakimiyetinin ayg\u0131t\u0131 olmalar\u0131 de\u011fil uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n \u201cengeli<\/em>\u201d olmalar\u0131 varsay\u0131m\u0131yd\u0131. Bu tutumuna uygun d\u00fc\u015fecek \u015fekilde AB\u2019ye ilerici bir rol atfederek anayasas\u0131n\u0131 destekledi. Hardt ile birlikte Negri\u2019ye g\u00f6re emperyalizmden \u201cimparatorlu\u011fa<\/em>\u201d; modern kapitalist toplumdan \u201cpostmodern toplum<\/em>\u201da ge\u00e7i\u015f s\u00f6z konusuydu. \u201cBug\u00fcn biz<\/em>\u201d, diyorlard\u0131 Negri ve Hardt, \u201c\u0130mparatorlu\u011fun modern iktidar\u0131n zalim rejimlerini ortadan kald\u0131rd\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 zamanda \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fck potansiyelini \u00e7o\u011faltt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcyoruz.<\/em>\u201d<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Negri ve Hardt\u2019\u0131n \u201cimparatorluk<\/em>\u201d d\u00fc\u015fleri ve y\u00fckledikleri misyon, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi \u201cyeni demokratik d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni<\/em>\u201dnin bi\u00e7imleni\u015fi olarak reklam eden liberal burjuva-k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva s\u00f6yleminden farks\u0131zd\u0131. Kendileri de bunu, eserlerinin T\u00fcrk\u00e7e bask\u0131s\u0131na \u00f6ns\u00f6zlerinde \u201cBiz \u0130mparatorluk terimini \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f k\u00fcresel d\u00fczeni adland\u0131rmak i\u00e7in, emperyalizm terimine kar\u015f\u0131 kulland\u0131k. Bir ba\u015fka ifadeyle, kalk\u0131\u015f tezimiz emperyalizmin art\u0131k k\u00fcresel iktidar yap\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131 anlamakta yeterli kavram olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r<\/em>\u201d \u015feklinde dile getirmekteydiler.[11]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu liberal vaazlar\u0131n \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerini ve kapitalist emperyalizmin d\u00fcnya i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ileri i\u00e7in te\u015fkil etti\u011fi ya\u015famsal b\u00fcy\u00fck tehdidi gizlemesidir. Burjuva iktidar zalimli\u011finin ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 kapitalist uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n ileri bir d\u00fczeyine havale edip bunun kendili\u011finden ger\u00e7ekle\u015fece\u011fini iddia eden bir anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n emperyalist burjuva \u00e7evrelerde sempati g\u00f6rmesi ve g\u00fcler y\u00fczl\u00fc kucaklan\u0131\u015f\u0131 bo\u015funa de\u011fildir. D\u00fcnyan\u0131n hemen her yan\u0131nda etkinli\u011fini s\u00fcrd\u00fcren ve pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in birbirlerinin bo\u011fazlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131kma ya da b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle kesme e\u011filimleriyle de\u011fil sadece fiili eylemleriyle de piyasada ekonomik, mali, askeri ve diplomatik \u2018g\u00f6vde g\u00f6sterisi<\/em>\u2019 yapan birka\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist devlet ve trilyonlar\u0131 bulan varl\u0131klar\u0131yla \u00e7ok az say\u0131da devasa b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckte tekel \u2018g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcnde<\/em>\u2019 iken, \u201cmerkezsizlik<\/em>\u201d iddial\u0131 otonomcu demokratizm reklam\u0131 yapmak ve sonra da AB\u2019nin y\u00f6netici kurumlar\u0131ndan \u201caferin!<\/em>\u201d almak az \u015fey olmamal\u0131!<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

vi.<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u0130lhan Uzgel, bir s\u00fcre \u00f6nce, Gazeteduvar<\/em>\u2019da iki b\u00f6l\u00fcm halinde yay\u0131mlanan makalesinde[12]<\/a> (bu makalede dile getirdi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin ilk versiyonu yazar taraf\u0131ndan yakla\u015f\u0131k iki y\u0131l \u00f6nce, 28 A\u011fustos 2017\u2019de yay\u0131nlanm\u0131\u015ft\u0131[13]<\/a>), \u201cemperyalizm<\/em>\u201d ve \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ili\u015fkisi, \u201cfarkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d veya \u201c\u00f6zde\u015fli\u011fi<\/em>\u201d sorununu bir kez daha ve \u00fcstelik, T\u00fcrkiye\u2019de konunun gerekti\u011fi gibi dikkate al\u0131n\u0131p \u00fczerinde fazlaca durulmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrerek tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7t\u0131.[14]<\/a> Bu tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 sonraki bir makalesinde de s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u0130lhan Uzgel \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131 olumlamak \u00fczere kullanmaz. Onu liberal yazarlar\u0131n yapt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, yani emperyalizmin \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fcn \u00f6rt\u00fclmesi ve bu anlamda onun s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc do\u011fas\u0131n\u0131n gizlenmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ele almaz. Ancak \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi oturttu\u011fu kapsam, atfetti\u011fi \u00f6zellikler ve kavram\u0131 emperyalizmle kar\u015f\u0131t anlam i\u00e7erecek tarzda kullanmas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan sorunlu bir yakla\u015f\u0131m g\u00f6sterir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Amac\u0131n\u0131n \u201cs\u0131k\u0131c\u0131 teorik tart\u0131\u015fmalar y\u00fcr\u00fctmek<\/em>\u201d olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten \u0130lhan Uzgel, \u201cK\u00fcresel sistemin bir yol ayr\u0131m\u0131na geldi\u011fini, ABD\u2019nin hegemonik konumunu restore etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyi yeniden tart\u0131\u015fmaya a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131<\/em>\u201d ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. Trump\u2019un \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme ideolojisini reddetti\u011fini \u00e7ok\u00e7a dile getirmek<\/em>\u201d suretiyle kafa kar\u0131\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 bir durumun ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; oysa, \u201cABD\u2019nin yaln\u0131zca 1990\u2019larda h\u0131z kazanan k\u00fcreselle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde de\u011fil b\u00fct\u00fcn 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l boyunca, Wilson ilkelerinde de a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a duyurdu\u011fu gibi, her zaman serbest ticaretten yana<\/em>\u201d olmu\u015f oldu\u011funu; 1990\u2019larda \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme ABD<\/em>\u201ddir diyen \u201cABD sistemi<\/em>\u201dnin daha sonra , \u201cilk kez k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye do\u011frudan kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6yleyen birini<\/em>\u201d -yani Trump\u2019\u0131- ba\u015fkan se\u00e7ti\u011fini; bunun da \u00e7eli\u015fkili bir duruma yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirten yazara g\u00f6re, gelinen yerde ABD, kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131ya kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 sorunlar\u0131n da etkisi alt\u0131nda, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyi yava\u015flatarak \u00c7in\u2019i ve k\u0131smen de m\u00fcttefiklerini geriletmeye<\/em>\u201d \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmaktad\u0131r. ABD ekonomisi ve sermayesinin \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dden faydalanarak maliyetleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc; \u201c1990\u2019larda eski Sovyet ve Do\u011fu Avrupa co\u011frafyas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n, \u201c2000\u2019lerde ise, \u00c7in\u2019in k\u00fcresel kapitalizme daha fazla a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n ve \u201c\u00dc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc D\u00fcnya\u2019n\u0131n bazen zor ara\u00e7lar\u0131 kullan\u0131larak neoliberalizme ge\u00e7mesi<\/em>\u201dnin, \u201ck\u00fcresel kapitalizm i\u00e7in yeni co\u011frafi alanlara a\u00e7\u0131lma, sermayeye yeni yat\u0131r\u0131m ve pazar olanaklar\u0131 sa\u011flamas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan kurtar\u0131c\u0131 nitelikte<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu belirten yazar 2010\u2019larda durumun de\u011fi\u015fti\u011fini ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Uzgel, de\u011fi\u015fen olgu olarak Trump y\u00f6netimindeki ABD\u2019nin, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyi yava\u015flatma siyaseti<\/em>\u201dne i\u015faret ediyor. \u201c\u00d6nce Amerika<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemiyle Trump\u2019\u0131n, AB ve \u00c7in\u2019in \u201cABD ile ticarette adil olmayan<\/em>\u201d avantajlar i\u00e7in paralar\u0131n\u0131n de\u011ferini d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme takti\u011fine ba\u015fvurduklar\u0131n\u0131 belirterek bu yeni siyaseti ilan etti\u011fini; ancak s\u0131cak paran\u0131n dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 ve \u00f6zelle\u015ftirmenin devam\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra, di\u011fer \u00fclkelerin ABD ihra\u00e7 \u00fcr\u00fcnlerine g\u00fcmr\u00fck uygulamamas\u0131 vb. gibi konularda \u201cserbestlikten yana<\/em>\u201d olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc s\u00f6yleyen Uzgel, ABD ve Trump y\u00f6netiminin \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye mesafeli bir y\u00f6ne girdi\u011fini ve bunun savunuculu\u011funu art\u0131k \u00c7in ve Hindistan\u2019\u0131n \u00fcstlendi\u011fini<\/em>\u201d ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcyordu. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d, diyor Uzgel, \u201cbir yanda neoliberal bir birikim rejimi \u00f6te yanda teknolojik imkanlar\u0131n ticaret, \u00fcretim ve finans alanlar\u0131nda sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr\u00fcc\u00fc imkanlar ile kapitalizmin b\u00fcy\u00fck bir h\u0131zla yerk\u00fcrenin her bir noktas\u0131na yay\u0131lmas\u0131 anlam\u0131na geliyor. Bu anlamda emperyalizmi de i\u00e7eren \u00e7ok daha kapsaml\u0131 bir olgu, kapitalizmin tarihsel evrimi i\u00e7inde kapitalizmi k\u00fcresel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte yeniden organize etme \u00e7abas\u0131n\u0131n bir \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcyle kar\u015f\u0131 kar\u015f\u0131yay\u0131z.<\/em>\u201d[15]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cG\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz k\u00fcresel kapitalizmin(in) ve jeopoliti\u011finin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 bi\u00e7im do\u011frultusunda emperyalizm ve k\u00fcreselle\u015fme kavramlar\u0131n\u0131n yeni ko\u015fullar ve d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler alt\u0131nda yeniden tan\u0131mlanmas\u0131 gerekti\u011fini<\/em>\u201d savunan yazar, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyi emperyalizme e\u015fitleyen yakla\u015f\u0131m<\/em>\u201dlara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131k\u0131yor ve emperyalizmin, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de \u201ci\u00e7eri\u011fini korumakla birlikte bi\u00e7im de\u011fi\u015ftir<\/em>\u201ddi\u011fini savunuyor. Lenin\u2019in 1916\u2019da yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 emperyalizm kitab\u0131nda ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131kl\u0131 olarak \u201cmerkezi kapitalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda yaratt\u0131\u011f\u0131 gerilim ve sava\u015f olgusu<\/em>\u201dnu i\u00e7erdi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcren Uzgel, 1945 sonras\u0131nda diyor, \u201csosyalist bir blokun varl\u0131\u011f\u0131nda kapitalist merkez i\u00e7i bir \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma \u00fczerine emperyalizm teorisi in\u015fa edilemez<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011fu gibi, 1990\u2019lar ve sonras\u0131ndaki emperyalizm tahlili ve tan\u0131m\u0131 da yap\u0131lamaz! Gerek\u00e7esi, \u201c1970\u2019lerin sonunda ba\u015flayan ama 1990\u2019larda h\u0131z kazanan neoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dnin, \u201cemperyalizmin hem bi\u00e7im hem de i\u00e7eri\u011finde baz\u0131 \u00f6nemli d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcmler yaratt\u0131<\/em>\u201d\u011f\u0131d\u0131r!<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme ile emperyalizm aras\u0131nda baz\u0131 \u00f6nemli temel farklar<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu belirten Uzgel, bunlar\u0131 be\u015f maddede \u00f6zetliyor. Yazar\u0131n s\u0131ralamas\u0131 esas al\u0131narak belirtilirse, bu \u201c\u00f6nemli temel farklar<\/em>\u201d; a-)<\/strong>\u201cemperyalizmin ulusal ekonomilere dayal\u0131 ve merkezi kapitalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmac\u0131 bir m\u00fccadeleyi \u00f6ng\u00f6rmesi, hatta ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz bulmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d, ve fakat k\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin ise \u201ctersine, sermayenin ulusal niteli\u011finin a\u015f\u0131larak ulus a\u015f\u0131r\u0131 bir hale gelmesi ve d\u00fcnya sisteminin jeopolitik \u00e7eki\u015fmeden m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011funca uzakla\u015farak sermayenin hakimiyetinde bir d\u00fcnyay\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcyor<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131; b-)<\/strong> emperyalizmin \u201c\u00f6zellikle 19. y\u00fczy\u0131l deneyimi daha \u00e7ok ilkel birikim mant\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00fczerine kurulu<\/em>\u201d olup \u201cdo\u011fal kaynaklar\u0131n talan edilmesi, eme\u011fin a\u011f\u0131r s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcs\u00fc ve en \u00f6nemlisi, genellikle tek bir emperyalist g\u00fcc\u00fcn, belli bir toprak par\u00e7as\u0131 \u00fczerinde egemenlik kurarak oray\u0131 do\u011frudan y\u00f6netmesi, bunun i\u00e7in gerekti\u011finde askeri y\u00f6ntemleri kullanmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d iken, yazar, bu ili\u015fkinin ekonomik y\u0131k\u0131ma yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek \u201ckolonizasyon zaten maliyetli oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in 1960\u2019larda bitmi\u015ftir<\/em>\u201d diye ekler. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dnin ise \u201ck\u00fcresel ekonominin yeniden \u00f6rg\u00fctlenmesini gerektir<\/em>\u201dmesi nedeniyle \u201cka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz olarak ekonomik bir geli\u015fmeye neden olmakta<\/em>\u201d olu\u015fu ve \u201ctoplumsal d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm yaratabilme<\/em>\u201dsi (Uzel buna kan\u0131t olarak \u00fclkelerin ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckleri aras\u0131ndaki oran fark\u0131n\u0131n y\u0131llara g\u00f6re de\u011fi\u015fmesini g\u00f6steriyor ve \u00f6rneklerden biri olarak T\u00fcrkiye ile Almanya ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc aras\u0131ndaki kar\u015f\u0131la\u015ft\u0131rmada 2000\u2019de aradaki fark 7 kat iken bunun 2016\u2019da T\u00fcrkiye\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi nedeniyle 4 kata inmesine i\u015faret ediyor) ve bunun \u201c\u00e7evre \u00fclkelerinin merkez kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki politik ve stratejik konumu<\/em>\u201dnun \u201cg\u00fc\u00e7lenmesi<\/em>\u201dne yol a\u00e7mas\u0131; c-)<\/strong> \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ile birlikte \u201c klasik emperyalizm ve kolonyalizm d\u00f6nemindeki toprak kontrol\u00fcn\u00fcn a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d, yani \u201cge\u00e7mi\u015fte emperyalist bir g\u00fc\u00e7, kendi \u00fclkesinden olmayan bir sermayenin kontrol\u00fc alt\u0131nda tuttu\u011fu b\u00f6lgeye girmesine izin vermez<\/em>\u201d iken, bu t\u00fcr \u201cn\u00fcfuz b\u00f6lgelerinin, kapanmac\u0131 e\u011filimlerin a\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 \u00e7abas\u0131<\/em>\u201d olup hedefi de \u201ca\u00e7\u0131k bir k\u00fcresel ekonomik d\u00fczende zaten ulusal kimli\u011fi olmayan \u015firket rekabetini \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131karmak<\/em>\u201d olan \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme s\u00fcrecinde ise hi\u00e7bir \u00fclke<\/em>\u201dnin, \u201cbelli bir topra\u011f\u0131 ba\u015fka bir \u00fclke sermayesine kapatam\u0131yor<\/em>\u201d duruma gelmesi; d-)<\/strong> \u201cEmperyalizm temelde merkez d\u0131\u015f\u0131 co\u011frafyalar\u0131 hedef al\u0131p, orada yarat\u0131lan zenginli\u011fi merkez \u00fclkelere ta\u015f\u0131y\u0131p, elde edilen art\u0131 de\u011ferin bir k\u0131sm\u0131n\u0131 da alt s\u0131n\u0131flara da\u011f\u0131tarak merkezde siyasal ve toplumsal istikrar\u0131 sa\u011flamaya yararken, neoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dnin \u201chem merkez hem de \u00e7evre alt ve orta s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131 neredeyse ayn\u0131 anda hedef<\/em>\u201de koymas\u0131 ve \u201cbu y\u00f6n\u00fcyle … emperyalizmi de i\u00e7eren \u00e7ok daha kapsaml\u0131 bir d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015f\u00fcm<\/em>\u201d; \u201ckapitalist ili\u015fkileri yerk\u00fcrenin her noktas\u0131na yaymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan, g\u00fcnl\u00fck hayat\u0131 sermayenin ihtiya\u00e7lar\u0131na g\u00f6re d\u00fczenlemeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fan bir s\u00fcre\u00e7<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131 ve ayn\u0131 nedenle de \u201cBat\u0131\u2019da giderek negatif bir anlama sahip ol(mas\u0131)<\/em>\u201d; ve e-)<\/strong> K\u00fcreselle\u015fme ile emperyalizm aras\u0131nda bir ili\u015fki olmakla birlikte bunlar\u0131n farkl\u0131 olgular olup diyelim \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme i\u00e7inde emperyalizm m\u00fcmk\u00fcn oldu\u011fu gibi, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme i\u00e7in de emperyalizme ba\u015fvurulabilir<\/em>\u201d olmas\u0131 (Uzgel buna, Irak\u2019\u0131n k\u00fcreselle\u015fme ko\u015fullar\u0131nda i\u015fgal edilmesini \u00f6rnek g\u00f6steriyor).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Uzgel, 12 A\u011fustos 2019 tarihli makalesinde de kald\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerden devam ederek \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dnin sermaye devletiyle ili\u015fkisi \u00fczerinden tart\u0131\u015fmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin devlete kar\u015f\u0131 ve onu kapasite olarak zay\u0131flatmaya, toprak olarak b\u00f6lmeye odakland\u0131\u011f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc<\/em>\u201dn\u00fc ele\u015ftiren ve \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ile burjuva devletini \u201ckar\u015f\u0131t<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6steren anlay\u0131\u015flara kar\u015f\u0131 \u00e7\u0131kan Uzgel\u2019e g\u00f6re, \u201coysa,k\u00fcreselle\u015fme bu kesimlerin tam da savunduklar\u0131 devlet taraf\u0131ndan uygulanan bir s\u00fcre\u00e7ti. Finansalla\u015fman\u0131n a\u011f\u0131rl\u0131k kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve finansal hareketlerin serbest hale geldi\u011fi, \u00fcretim ve t\u00fcketim i\u00e7in ulusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n \u00f6neminin olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir s\u00fcre\u00e7ti. Burada devletin bunun ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flamas\u0131, So\u011fuk Sava\u015f d\u00f6nemi kalk\u0131nmac\u0131 devletinin bu y\u00f6nde d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesi \u00f6nemliydi. Yabanc\u0131 sermayenin giri\u015f \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131, yat\u0131r\u0131m ko\u015fullar\u0131, hukukun \u00fcst\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc (yerli ve yabanc\u0131 sermayenin mal\u0131na, gelirine el konmayacak ve k\u00e2r transferine dokunulmayacak) \u015feffafl\u0131k ve hesap verilebilirlik (r\u00fc\u015fvet maliyetleri y\u00fcksek olmayacak, a\u00e7\u0131k ihalelerde g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc b\u00fcy\u00fck sermaye avantaj elde edecek) sa\u011flanacakt\u0131. Bunlar\u0131 da devlet ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirecekti.<\/em>\u201d Yazar, 2008 krizinin, \u201cdevletin kapitalizmin sorunlar\u0131n\u0131, krizlerini \u00e7\u00f6zme s\u00fcrecinde ne kadar kritik bir yere sahip oldu\u011funu bir kez daha<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini belirterek devletin \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dnin kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131 de\u011fil gereklerini yerine getirici oldu\u011funu savundu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00dcRESELLE\u015eME\u201d S\u00d6YLEM\u0130N\u0130N \u00d6RTT\u00dc\u011e\u00dc \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Yukar\u0131da \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d kavram\u0131n\u0131n \u00fczerinde tam bir anla\u015fma sa\u011flanmam\u0131\u015f olsa da kullan\u0131c\u0131lar\u0131n\u0131n ve hatta \u201cyeni bir teori<\/em>\u201dnin dayanaklar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015fanlar\u0131n \u00e7o\u011funlukla, sermayenin uluslararas\u0131 artan hareketlili\u011fini veri alarak bunu \u201cs\u0131n\u0131r \u00f6tesi kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ekonomik b\u00fct\u00fcnle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d, \u201culusal ekonomilerin d\u00fcnya piyasalar\u0131na dahil olmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d ve farkl\u0131 devletlerin ve toplumlar\u0131n \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 hale gelmesi<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131; bunun da \u201cyeni ortaya \u00e7\u0131km\u0131\u015f<\/em>\u201d bir durum oldu\u011funu; ancak yeni oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen geli\u015fmelerin \u00f6z\u00fc itibariyle, kapitalist uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n engellenemez bir \u00f6zelli\u011finin daha ileriden ve daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla g\u00f6r\u00fcn\u00fcr hale gelmesinden ibaret oldu\u011funu belirtmi\u015ftik.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi kapitalist geli\u015fmenin tarihsel s\u00fcrecinde ortaya \u00e7\u0131kan ba\u015fl\u0131ca olgular\u0131, kapitalizmin tekelci a\u015famaya varmas\u0131n\u0131 ve tekellerin ve mali sermayenin hakimiyeti ko\u015fullar\u0131nda d\u00fcnyan\u0131n toprak olarak, pazar ve etkinlik alanlar\u0131 olarak payla\u015f\u0131m\u0131 i\u00e7in s\u00fcren k\u0131yas\u0131ya rekabet ile birlikte meydana gelen \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve sava\u015flar dahil emperyalist kapitalizmin karakteristik \u00f6zelliklerini belirsizle\u015ftirici bir i\u00e7eri\u011fe sahiptir. Bu s\u00f6ylem ona ba\u015fvuranlar\u0131n iradi se\u00e7i\u015f ama\u00e7lar\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak emperyalizmi \u2018\u00f6rtme\u2019 i\u015flevi g\u00f6rmektedir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

“K\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>” kavram\u0131, \u201culusal s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131n ortadan kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d, b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkelerin \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri i\u00e7ine girdikleri<\/em>\u201d ve d\u00fcnyan\u0131n \u201ck\u00fcresel bir k\u00f6ye d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fc<\/em>\u201d yeni bir d\u00f6nemi tarif etmek \u00fczere burjuva pop\u00fcler kullan\u0131ma sokuldu. Sovyetler Birli\u011fi\u2019nin da\u011f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019daki \u201cHalk Demokrasisi Devletleri<\/em>\u201dnin kapitalist \u201cBat\u0131<\/em>\u201dya iltihak\u0131 arac\u0131yla ya\u011fmaya a\u00e7\u0131lmas\u0131, bu yeni d\u00f6nemi haber veren en \u00f6nemli geli\u015fme olarak g\u00f6sterildi ve ad\u0131na \u201cyeni d\u00fcnya d\u00fczeni<\/em>\u201d denilen kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n insanl\u0131\u011f\u0131n yeni bir d\u00f6nemine yol alaca\u011f\u0131; bunun \u00f6n\u00fcndeki \u201ckom\u00fcnist engelin a\u015f\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d propagandas\u0131, ileti\u015fim teknolojisinin sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 olanaklar kullan\u0131larak yayg\u0131nla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131ld\u0131. Bu yeni d\u00f6nem s\u00f6z\u00fcm ona yeri bir ba\u015fkas\u0131yla asla de\u011fi\u015ftirilemez olan yeni bir \u201crefah, huzur, bar\u0131\u015f ve kalk\u0131nma d\u00f6nemi<\/em>\u201dydi; insanl\u0131k, kom\u00fcnizmin ve kom\u00fcnist Moskova\u2019n\u0131n neden oldu\u011fu \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalardan kurtulup sava\u015fs\u0131z bir d\u00fcnyaya yol alacak; nihayetinde mutlulu\u011fa erecekti!<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri<\/em>\u201d olana\u011f\u0131yla herkesin yarar\u0131na g\u00f6sterenler oldu\u011fu gibi, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dnin ulusal \u00e7\u0131kar ve ulusal devletlerle kar\u015f\u0131t bir geli\u015fme oldu\u011funu, \u201culusal devletlerin egemenli\u011fini a\u015f\u0131nd\u0131ran<\/em>\u201d ve \u201culusal olmayan \u015firketler<\/em>\u201din \u00e7\u0131kar\u0131na i\u015fledi\u011fini ileri s\u00fcren sa\u011f milliyet\u00e7i ve liberal sol ulusalc\u0131 \u00e7evrelerin oldu\u011fu da bir vak\u0131ad\u0131r. Ancak buradan hareketle ve \u00f6rne\u011fin Trump\u2019\u0131n \u201c\u00d6nce Amerika!<\/em>\u201d diye nara atmakla kalmay\u0131p sermaye yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fclke i\u00e7inde yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n yan\u0131 s\u0131ra \u00c7in ve Almanya ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ekonomilere sahip ve Amerikan pazar\u0131na yat\u0131r\u0131m yapan g\u00fc\u00e7lere kar\u015f\u0131 vergi duvarlar\u0131 \u00f6rme politikas\u0131na bakarak herhangi b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist g\u00fcc\u00fcn kendi \u00fclkesinin topraklar\u0131 d\u0131\u015f\u0131ndaki pazarlara y\u00f6nelik ele ge\u00e7irme ve denetleme politikalar\u0131ndan ve buna ba\u011fl\u0131 zor y\u00f6ntemlerinden vazge\u00e7ti\u011fini sanmak, kapitalist emperyalizmin ger\u00e7ekliklerine ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fer. Emperyalist olanlar\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere kapitalist \u00fclke devletlerinin d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya ilgilerinin maddi temeli iradi olarak ortadan kald\u0131r\u0131lamayacak denli etkin ekonomik-mali gereksinmelerle; daha fazla k\u00e2r i\u00e7in pazar ihtiyac\u0131yla, pazarlarda rakipleri geride b\u0131rakarak etkin olma hedefiyle ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. ABD ya da di\u011fer emperyalist devletler olsun, kendi \u00fclkelerine yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131 art\u0131rmalar\u0131, \u201cd\u0131\u015far\u0131<\/em>\u201dya ilgilerini kesmek bir yana, d\u0131\u015far\u0131daki, yani d\u00fcnya genelindeki rekabette daha \u00f6nde olmak i\u00e7in, g\u00fc\u00e7lendirilmi\u015f i\u00e7erinin kuvvetini daha etkin tarzda kullanmay\u0131 \u00f6ng\u00f6r\u00fcr. ABD emperyalizminin, bir yandan di\u011fer g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc emperyalist devletlere kar\u015f\u0131 ekonomik-mali yapt\u0131r\u0131mlara giri\u015fmesi, di\u011fer yandan \u00f6zellikle \u00e7e\u015fitli uluslararas\u0131 mali sermaye kurulu\u015flar\u0131 ve NATO arac\u0131yla Bat\u0131l\u0131 kapitalist \u201cittifak<\/em>\u201d \u00fcyelerini bu \u201cortakl\u0131klar i\u00e7in daha fazla harcamalarda bulunma<\/em>\u201dya zorlamas\u0131, bunlar\u0131n hi\u00e7biri \u201ck\u00fcresel pazar<\/em>\u201dda daha etkin olma hedefine kar\u015f\u0131t ve ayk\u0131r\u0131 d\u00fc\u015fmez. Nitekim \u201cs\u0131cak para ak\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/em>\u201d da, askeri-mali ve ekonomik geni\u015fleme politikalar\u0131 da devam ediyor.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fmenin sona erdi\u011fi<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi ABD y\u00f6netimi a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan, kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131 \u00f6ncelemek \u00fczere her bir di\u011fer \u00fclke ve devletle ili\u015fkilerini, rakiplerinin pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamay\u0131 ihmal etmeksizin yeniden d\u00fczenleme istemini ifade eder. \u00c7in ve Alman ihra\u00e7 mallar\u0131na konan y\u00fcksek oranl\u0131 vergi engelleriyle Rusya\u2019n\u0131n ambargolarla ve askeri y\u00f6nden ku\u015fat\u0131lmas\u0131na y\u00f6nelik uygulamalar gerginli\u011fin ve zorun silahs\u0131z bi\u00e7imlerinin g\u00f6sterenidirler. Trump\u2019\u0131n s\u00f6ylemi, ABD\u2019nin uzun on y\u0131llard\u0131r s\u00fcrd\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc d\u00fcnya kapitalizmine jandarmal\u0131k rol\u00fcn\u00fcn kendisine pahal\u0131ya patlamas\u0131 ve kapitalist e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmenin sonu\u00e7lar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ekonomi-politika ili\u015fkilerini biri, insan\u0131n, ya\u015fam\u0131n\u0131 \u00fcretim etkinli\u011finden ba\u011f\u0131\u015f\u0131k di\u011feri t\u00fcm\u00fcyle iradi olan birbirlerine d\u0131\u015fsal iki alandan etkile\u015fimde bulunan \u00f6gelerin ili\u015fkisi olarak alan mekanik kaba materyalist ve idealist anlay\u0131\u015flara g\u00f6re, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d olarak adland\u0131r\u0131lan uluslararas\u0131la\u015fman\u0131n ileri d\u00fczeyi ve bu y\u00f6ndeki geli\u015fmeler ya insan gruplar\u0131, s\u0131n\u0131flar ve kurumlar\u0131yla ili\u015fkisiz ve b\u00fct\u00fcn\u00fcyle kendili\u011finden ekonomik-mali i\u015flemlerin bir sonucudur ya da \u00f6rnek olsun \u015fimdilerde Trump gibilerinin ald\u0131klar\u0131 mali ekonomik kararlarla sona erdirilebilir t\u00fcrden iradi belirlemelerle ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Bu t\u00fcr anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131n ortak paydas\u0131 tek yanl\u0131l\u0131kt\u0131r. Maddi ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimini; ekonomik ili\u015fkileri, sermayenin geni\u015fleyen yeniden \u00fcretimi; bunun gereklerinden olan \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n ve tekniklerinin geli\u015ftirilmesi; art\u0131-de\u011ferin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131 (sa\u011flanmas\u0131-\u00fcretilmesi) ve art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131; bununla ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak daha geni\u015f pazar aray\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve pazarlar \u00fczerine rekabet; sermayenin ve \u00fcretimin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131 vb. olgu ve geli\u015fmeler ya t\u00fcm\u00fcyle kendili\u011finden bir geli\u015fme ba\u011flam\u0131nda g\u00f6r\u00fcl\u00fcr ya da ki\u015fi ve kurumlar\u0131n; \u015firketlerin ve devlet y\u00f6netimleriyle politikac\u0131lar\u0131n d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnce ve eylemlerinin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc say\u0131l\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Gelgelelim ekonomik toplumsal olgu ve geli\u015fmeler, \u201c\u00fclkesel<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201ck\u00fcresel<\/em>\u201d \u00f6l\u00e7ekte olsunlar, ne salt<\/em> insan g\u00fcd\u00fcleriyle ve \u201ck\u00f6t\u00fc<\/em>\u201d-\u201ch\u0131rsl\u0131<\/em>\u201d politikac\u0131lar\u0131n kararlar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r ne de insan unsurunu ve etkinli\u011fini (maddi ve d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnsel) d\u0131\u015flayan varsay\u0131msal gidi\u015fat\u0131n \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fcd\u00fcrler. \u0130nsan bireylerini belirli d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcnceyle harekete y\u00f6nelten g\u00fcd\u00fclerin, var\u0131lan sonal sonu\u00e7lar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan ancak ikincil bir \u00f6nemi oldu\u011funu belirten Engels, \u201ctutars\u0131zl\u0131k<\/em>-diyordu-\u00fclk\u00fcsel<\/em><\/strong> devindirici g\u00fc\u00e7leri tan\u0131makta de\u011fildir, ama onlar\u0131n belirleyici nedenlerine kadar daha ilerilere gitmemektedir.<\/em>\u201d Bu \u201cileriler<\/em>\u201de do\u011fru ara\u015ft\u0131rma derinle\u015ftirildi\u011finde, fark\u0131na var\u0131lacak olan, insanlar\u0131n eylemlerini-ve tabii ki kararlar\u0131n\u0131-belirleyen g\u00fcd\u00fclerin ard\u0131ndaki as\u0131l g\u00fcd\u00fcleyici g\u00fc\u00e7lerin, yani \u201cger\u00e7ekte tarihin sonal devindirici g\u00fc\u00e7lerini meydana getiren devindirici g\u00fc\u00e7leri<\/em>\u201dn varl\u0131\u011f\u0131d\u0131r.[16]<\/a> Bu g\u00fc\u00e7lerin hayat alan\u0131 maddi ya\u015fam\u0131n \u00fcretimi ve yeniden \u00fcretimidir. Basit\u00e7e, ya\u015fam gereksinmelerinin \u00fcretilmesinde durulan yer ve \u00fcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131yla ili\u015fkiler, \u201cb\u00fcy\u00fck y\u0131\u011f\u0131nlar\u0131, t\u00fcm\u00fcyle halklar\u0131 ve her halk i\u00e7inde de b\u00fct\u00fcn kitlesiyle s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131 harekete ge\u00e7iren g\u00fcd\u00fcler<\/em>\u201din do\u011fum alan\u0131d\u0131r. S\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n ve onlar\u0131n temsilcilerinin tutum ve politikas\u0131nda belirleyici olan as\u0131l etken bu ekonomik temel \u00fczerinden \u015fekillenir. Bu b\u00f6yleyse ama, ABD\u2019nin ya da bir ba\u015fka emperyalist -ve kapitalist- devlet y\u00f6netiminin politikalar\u0131 Trump, Putin veya Erdo\u011fan gibi belirli ki\u015filik \u00f6zellikleriyle \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kan devlet y\u00f6neticilerinin tutum ve g\u00fcd\u00fcleriyle a\u00e7\u0131klanamazlar. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da, Trump\u2019\u0131n \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyi sona erdirme<\/em>\u201dsinden veya bir ba\u015fkas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flatmas\u0131ndan s\u00f6z etmek safsatadan ba\u015fka bir \u015fey ifade etmeyecektir.[17]<\/a> Mali sermayenin egemenli\u011fi ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, devlet y\u00f6neticilerinin ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 kararlar her \u015feyden \u00f6nce o \u00fclke \u201ck\u00f6kenli<\/em>\u201d kartel, tr\u00f6st, tekel kurulu\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131d\u0131r. Dolay\u0131s\u0131yla da \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d, bir siyasal merci ya da g\u00fcc\u00fcn ba\u015flat\u0131lmas\u0131na veya gerekli g\u00f6rd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde bitirilmesine karar vermesiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 salt iradi bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 ya da geli\u015fme olarak ekonomi d\u0131\u015f\u0131 fakt\u00f6rlere basit\u00e7e indirgenemez. Bu b\u00f6yleyse ama, \u201cSonu\u00e7ta k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyi ba\u015flatan \u2018yer\u2019 kendisine yeterince fayda sa\u011flamad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fcnce onu yava\u015flatmaya, d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrmeye, revize etmeye \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131yor<\/em>\u201d diye yazmak, olan\u0131n ve yap\u0131lan\u0131n \u201cgenel olarak sermayeye, ABD hegemonyas\u0131na yarayan bir s\u00fcre\u00e7 oldu\u011fu i\u00e7in devam etti\u011fini, uymad\u0131\u011f\u0131 yerlerde m\u00fcdahaleye a\u00e7\u0131k oldu\u011funu<\/em>\u201d g\u00f6sterdi\u011fini s\u00f6ylemek, ekonomik unsuru da<\/em> unutmam\u0131\u015f g\u00f6r\u00fcnse dahi, sorunu politika \u00e7er\u00e7evesine daraltmak demektir. S\u00f6zler, a\u00e7\u0131klamalar de\u011fil, nedenleri, etken ve hedefleri \u00f6nemlidir. S\u00f6z konusu olan ekonomik-toplumsal sistemler; ekonominin i\u015fleyi\u015fi ve sermaye hareketi ise, geli\u015fme ve de\u011fi\u015fikliklerin ekonominin i\u015fleyi\u015f yasalar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 olu\u015fu ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Sorun m\u00fcdahale edilebilir olup olmamak de\u011fil, m\u00fcdahaleyi ihtiya\u00e7 haline getiren ve olanakl\u0131 k\u0131lan etkenler ve ko\u015fullard\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ku\u015fkusuz ekonomi ve politika ili\u015fkileri kopar\u0131lamaz ve devletin gerek kriz ko\u015fullar\u0131nda gerek normal geli\u015fme ko\u015fullar\u0131nda ekonomi d\u0131\u015f\u0131 kald\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u201celini ekonomiden t\u00fcm\u00fcyle \u00e7ekti\u011fi<\/em>\u201d y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki safsatalar\u0131n hi\u00e7bir de\u011feri yoktur. Genel olarak burjuva devleti, \u00f6zel olarak emperyalist \u00fclkelerin y\u00f6netimleri ekonomi ve ekonomik geli\u015fmelerin sadece baz\u0131 liberallerin \u201cekonomiden elini \u00e7eksin<\/em>\u201d anlay\u0131\u015flar\u0131nda ifadesini bulan d\u0131\u015ftan m\u00fcdahalecileri olmay\u0131p kapitalist ekonominin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc ve onun \u00e7\u0131karsal ifadesinin temsilcisidirler. Devlet i\u015fletmecili\u011fi gibi gizlisi sakl\u0131s\u0131 olmayan ekonomik giri\u015fimler bir yana, sermaye devleti, ad\u0131 \u00fczerinde sermayenin ekonomik olanlar\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak ve t\u00fcm di\u011ferlerine zemin olu\u015fturmak \u00fczere \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n savunulmas\u0131 i\u00e7in olu\u015fturulan bir ayg\u0131t, di\u011fer s\u0131n\u0131f ve kesimlere kar\u015f\u0131 bir zor ayg\u0131t\u0131 ve bask\u0131 arac\u0131d\u0131r. 2008 krizi d\u00f6neminde de t\u00fcm burjuva devletleri tekelci b\u00fcy\u00fck \u015firketler ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere bankalar\u0131n ve holdinglerin kasalar\u0131na milyarlarca dolar ve avro aktard\u0131lar. Devlet, evet devlet\u00e7i politikalar\u0131 uygular ve fakat bu ikisi (devlet ve devlet\u00e7ilik) -yazar\u0131n da belirtti\u011fi \u00fczere- ayn\u0131 \u015fey de\u011fildirler ve evet, ad\u0131na \u201cneoliberal ekonomi politika<\/em>\u201d denen uygulamalar da burjuva devletlerinin marifetiyle prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irildiler. Temelinde ekonomik nedenlerin oldu\u011fu, pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 \u00fczerine rekabetle dolays\u0131zca ba\u011fl\u0131 olan ve devlet y\u00f6netimlerince ilan edilen \u201cticaret sava\u015flar\u0131<\/em>\u201d da, emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 rekabetin sertle\u015fmesinin i\u015faretidir. Bunun b\u00fct\u00fcn taraflara de\u011fi\u015fen d\u00fczeylerde bedelinin olmas\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. \u201cAmbargo kararlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d ba\u011flant\u0131l\u0131 olarak di\u011fer \u00fclkelerle ticareti de etkileyecek ve bu da ili\u015fkileri gerginle\u015ftirici i\u015flev g\u00f6recektir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Uzgel\u2019in bir di\u011fer yan\u0131lg\u0131s\u0131, -ayn\u0131 \u015fey Samir Amin i\u00e7in ge\u00e7erlidir- \u201ckapitalistle\u015fmeyle birlikte ve kapitalizme dahil olduk\u00e7a \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ihtimali<\/em>\u201dnin azald\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 sanmas\u0131d\u0131r. G\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcndeki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n, sertle\u015fen rekabetin, \u201cticari sava\u015flar<\/em>\u201d\u0131n ve geri-ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelerde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131n kapitalizm d\u0131\u015f\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fclmesi m\u00fcmk\u00fcn de\u011fildir. Kapitalizm girdi\u011fi yere, evet, \u201ckendi sermaye mant\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 dayat\u0131r<\/em>. Bunun da temelinde sermaye birikimi ve aktar\u0131m\u0131 s\u00fcre\u00e7leri vard\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d Ve ola\u011fan durumda, \u201cnormal burjuva mant\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcre\u00e7lerinin zararlar\u0131n\u0131 da idrak eder. Ancak ekonomik olan\u0131n \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma olas\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 azaltaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 s\u00f6ylemek i\u00e7in kapitalist emperyalist devletler aras\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn \u00f6nceki \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve sava\u015flar bir yana, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme s\u00fcreci<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6sterilen son on y\u0131llardaki b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc-k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fckl\u00fc \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n, \u00fclkelerin k\u00fclt\u00fcrel, sosyal ve ekonomik y\u0131k\u0131m\u0131na yol a\u00e7an sald\u0131r\u0131 ve i\u015fgallerin kapitalizm ve sermaye egemenli\u011finden ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z say\u0131lmas\u0131 gerekir ki bu t\u00fcm\u00fcyle yanl\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. \u201cG\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma ve i\u00e7 sava\u015f ya\u015fanan b\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00f6lgeler neoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye dahil olmayan, bu s\u00fcrecin d\u0131\u015f\u0131nda kalan \u00fclke ve co\u011frafyalard\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diye genelle\u015ftirerek kestirimde bulunurken de yazar yukar\u0131daki yanl\u0131\u015f\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmesi bir yana, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d diye tarif etti\u011fi \u201cd\u00fcnya pazar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 da bu kez olu\u015fmam\u0131\u015f g\u00f6stermektedir. Uzgel\u2019e bak\u0131l\u0131rsa Suriye, Libya, Afganistan, Sudan, Ukrayna, Yemen ve hatta L\u00fcbnan ve Filistin \u201ck\u00fcresel kapitalizm<\/em>\u201d d\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131rlar ve oralarda ya\u015fananlar\u0131n da \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyle alakas\u0131 yoktur!<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ill\u00fczyonunun \u201c\u015fans\u0131zl\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d, uyutma seanslar\u0131n\u0131n etkilerini araya fazlaca zaman girmeksizin g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc sars\u0131nt\u0131larla ortadan kald\u0131racak yeni krizlerin, yeni mali, siyasi, askeri, diplomatik m\u00fcdahalelerin g\u00fcndeme gelmesiydi. 1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llar ayn\u0131 zamanda kriz ve sava\u015f y\u0131llar\u0131 oldular. Eski sosyalist ve halk demokrasisi \u00fclkelerinin kapitalist emperyalist d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131na yeniden dahil edilmi\u015f olmas\u0131 hem olanakt\u0131 hem de ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclenlerin aksine daha g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc \u00e7at\u0131\u015fma nedeni. Rusya ve SSCB\u2019nin eski \u201carka bah\u00e7esi<\/em>\u201dne girmek i\u00e7in mali, istihbari, diplomatik, politik ve askeri \u00e7ok y\u00f6nl\u00fc operasyonal giri\u015fimler birbirini izledi. Sosyalizm ve i\u015f\u00e7i hareketinin p\u00fcsk\u00fcrt\u00fclm\u00fc\u015f olmas\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 olanaklar\u0131n da kullan\u0131lmas\u0131yla emperyalist yay\u0131lmac\u0131 politika, NATO\u2019nun Do\u011fu\u2019ya do\u011fru ve Rusya s\u0131n\u0131rlar\u0131na dek geni\u015fletilmesiyle birlikte daha etkin bi\u00e7imler ald\u0131. Do\u011fu Almanya\u2019n\u0131n (DDR) Bat\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan kapitalist emperyalist \u201cbirlik<\/em>\u201de yeniden ilhak\u0131, ABD ve NATO g\u00fc\u00e7lerinin deste\u011finde y\u00fcr\u00fct\u00fclen y\u0131pratma, \u00e7\u00f6zme ve teslim alma politikas\u0131yla ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi. Balkanlar\u0131 ve Do\u011fu Avrupa\u2019y\u0131 \u201cya\u015fam alan\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6ren Alman politikas\u0131, Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n par\u00e7alanmas\u0131na yol a\u00e7an NATO m\u00fcdahalesinde yer almas\u0131n\u0131 sa\u011flay\u0131p H\u0131rvatistan ve Slovenya\u2019n\u0131n etki alan\u0131na al\u0131nmas\u0131 sonucu do\u011fururken, Amerikan emperyalizmi de Bosna-Hersek ve Kosova gibi di\u011fer par\u00e7alar \u00fczerinde etki sahibi oldu. I. K\u00f6rfez sava\u015f\u0131 (1990-91), Yugoslavya\u2019n\u0131n NATO bombard\u0131manlar\u0131yla (1999) i\u00e7 sava\u015fa s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesi ve par\u00e7alanmas\u0131, Ruanda\u2019da Tutsi ve Huti \u2018kabileleri\u2019nin birbirine k\u0131rd\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131, Arjantin, Meksika, Brezilya, T\u00fcrkiye, Rusya ekonomik krizlerinin patlak vermesi, IMF, D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 ve D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc arac\u0131yla \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00fclkenin ya\u011fmalanmas\u0131na neden olacak \u201ckurtarma planlar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n dayat\u0131lmas\u0131; i\u015fsizlik ve yoksullu\u011fun kitlesel boyutlarda \u2018tavan yapmas\u0131<\/em>\u2019 vb. geli\u015fmeler, burjuvazi ve yardak\u00e7\u0131lar\u0131 olan liberal ideologlar\u0131 yalanlayan geli\u015fmelerden baz\u0131lar\u0131yd\u0131. 1990 K\u00f6rfez Sava\u015f\u0131, Amerikan emperyalizminin Ortado\u011fu politikalar\u0131n\u0131n \u2018etki alan\u0131\u2019nda ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti. 1979 \u201c\u0130ran \u0130slam Devrimi<\/em>\u201d ile b\u00fcy\u00fck bir darbe alan ABD, Saddam y\u00f6netimini destekleyerek \u0130ran\u2019\u0131 bask\u0131lama ve zay\u0131f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcrme politikas\u0131 izledi. Sonraki y\u0131llarda ilan etti\u011fi ancak uygulanmas\u0131 ciddi sorunlara yol a\u00e7\u0131p ciddi engellerle kar\u015f\u0131la\u015fan \u201cGeni\u015fletilmi\u015f Ortado\u011fu ve Kuzey Afrika Projesi<\/em>\u201d kapsam\u0131nda \u201cgeni\u015fletilmi\u015f sald\u0131r\u0131<\/em>\u201dlar i\u00e7in ko\u015fullar hala uygun olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan, \u201cmevzi tutma<\/em>\u201d politikalar\u0131yla hedefi \u201cdaraltma<\/em>\u201dya \u00e7al\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Ne var ki \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin boyutu b\u00fcy\u00fcmekteydi ve \u201c\u00f6nleyici sava\u015f<\/em>\u201d stratejisiyle alan m\u00fcdahalesi, \u00f6nceli\u011fi, yeniden g\u00fc\u00e7 toplayan Rusya\u2019y\u0131 kendi b\u00f6lgesinde zay\u0131f d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcp s\u0131n\u0131rlamak olan yeni m\u00fcdahaleler g\u00fcndeme geldi. B\u00fct\u00fcn bu geli\u015fmeler, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ile zor y\u00f6ntemlerinin ihtiya\u00e7 olmaktan \u00e7\u0131kmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131, b\u00f6lgesel ve yerel \u00f6l\u00e7ekte sava\u015f ve i\u015fgallerin s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fc, uluslararas\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7ekte bir sava\u015f\u0131n imkans\u0131z olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6stermektedir. \u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Uzgel\u2019in de aralar\u0131nda yer ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 baz\u0131 yazarlar\u0131n \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d kapsam\u0131nda de\u011fi\u015fim g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi gerek\u00e7esiyle 1980\u2019ler sonras\u0131n\u0131n bir olgusu olarak g\u00f6sterdikleri bir di\u011fer sorun s\u00f6m\u00fcrge sistemi ve politikalar\u0131ndaki de\u011fi\u015fimdir. Buna g\u00f6re, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fmeyle birlikte ger\u00e7ekle\u015fen kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri<\/em>\u201d, \u201czenginliklerin aktar\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d y\u00f6ntemlerinde temelli bir farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 nedenleyerek zor politikas\u0131n\u0131 gereksizle\u015ftirdi\u011fi gibi, her bir emperyalistin kendi s\u00f6m\u00fcrgesine ya da etkinlik alan\u0131na di\u011ferlerinin giri\u015fini engelleme politikas\u0131 da uygulanamaz duruma gelmi\u015ftir! Emperyalizm-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeler ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkeler ili\u015fkilerinin bu ele al\u0131n\u0131\u015f \u201cmant\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d, etki alan\u0131 kavgas\u0131n\u0131 az\u0131msay\u0131p g\u00f6rmezden gelmekle kalmamakta; s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilik politikas\u0131n\u0131n de\u011fi\u015fimindeki etkenleri de tek yanl\u0131 ve salt burjuvazinin \u201cse\u00e7ki<\/em>\u201d ya da \u201colanak tercihleri<\/em>\u201dyle ba\u011fl\u0131 saymaktad\u0131r. \u00a0Uzgel, \u201cmerkez d\u0131\u015f\u0131 co\u011frafyalar<\/em>\u201dda yarat\u0131lan zenginliklerin \u201cmerkeze ta\u015f\u0131nmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d politikas\u0131 olarak niteledi\u011fi eski s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi, \u201c\u00e7evre<\/em>\u201dnin \u201corta ve alt s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131k\u00e7a hedefe koymaz g\u00f6stermekte; farkl\u0131 olarak \u201cneoliberal k\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d s\u00fcrecinde -yani kapitalist uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 1980\u2019ler ve sonras\u0131na \u00e7ekti\u011fi s\u00fcre\u00e7te, \u201chem merkezde hem de \u00e7evrede orta ve alt s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n hedefe kondu\u011fu<\/em>\u201dndan s\u00f6zetmektedir. Bu bak\u0131\u015f a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131n\u0131n a\u00e7maz\u0131, yarat\u0131lm\u0131\u015f bir zenginlik varsa, onun \u201calt s\u0131n\u0131flar<\/em>\u201d olmaks\u0131z\u0131n yarat\u0131lamayaca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ve \u00f6yleyse onlar\u0131n da s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fin bi\u00e7imleri ne olursa olsun hedefe konduklar\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelmesidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ku\u015fkusuz b\u00fct\u00fcn di\u011fer alanlarda oldu\u011fu gibi s\u00f6m\u00fcrge-s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci ili\u015fkileri ve politikalar\u0131 da de\u011fi\u015fim ge\u00e7irmi\u015ftir. Ancak bu de\u011fi\u015fim yukar\u0131daki t\u00fcrden liberalle\u015fme ve serbestle\u015fmenin \u00fcr\u00fcn\u00fc de\u011fildir. Eski tip s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecilikte meta de\u011fi\u015fimi olmakla birlikte modern kapitalist \u00fcretim hen\u00fcz olu\u015fmam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Kapitalizmin tekelci a\u015famas\u0131yla birlikte s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerin ekonomik geli\u015fmesi, bir yandan i\u00e7eride c\u0131l\u0131z da olsa geli\u015fen kapitalist ili\u015fkiler di\u011fer yandan sermaye ihrac\u0131 sonucu farkl\u0131la\u015ft\u0131. Emperyalizmin b\u00fct\u00fcn eski ili\u015fkileri de\u011fi\u015ftirdi\u011fini belirten Lenin, belli ba\u015fl\u0131 niteli\u011finin sermaye ihrac\u0131 oldu\u011funa dikkat \u00e7ekerek kapitalist \u00fcretimin \u201cAvrupa mali sermayesine ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131ktan kurtulmas\u0131 olanaks\u0131z hale gelen s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerde, gittik\u00e7e artan bir h\u0131zla k\u00f6k salmakta<\/em>\u201d oldu\u011funu (bu, s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin kurtulu\u015funu bir dizi ayaklanma ve devrimle ko\u015fullar) belirtirken, s\u00f6m\u00fcrge politikas\u0131n\u0131n tarihsel ge\u00e7mi\u015fine de i\u015faret ediyor ve de\u011fi\u015fiminin ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurguluyordu. Ku\u015fku yok ki, \u201cS\u00f6m\u00fcrge politikas\u0131 da, emperyalizm de, kapitalizmin \u00e7a\u011fda\u015f d\u00f6neminden, hatta kapitalizmden \u00f6nce vard\u0131. K\u00f6lelik \u00fcst\u00fcne kurulu bulunan Roma, bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrge politikas\u0131 izliyor ve emperyalizmi uyguluyordu. Ama ekonomik ve toplumsal bi\u00e7imler aras\u0131ndaki fark\u0131 g\u00f6rmezden gelerek ya da arka planlara iterek, emperyalizmin \u2018genel d\u00fczeni\u2019 \u00fczerine fikir y\u00fcr\u00fctmek, t\u0131pk\u0131 \u2018B\u00fcy\u00fck Roma\u2019 ile \u2018B\u00fcy\u00fck Britanya\u2019 aras\u0131nda k\u0131yaslamalara girmek gibi birtak\u0131m bo\u015f palavralara ve baya\u011f\u0131l\u0131klara d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcr ki\u015fiyi. \u00c7\u00fcnk\u00fc kapitalizmin eski evrelerindeki s\u00f6m\u00fcrge politikas\u0131 bile, mali sermayenin s\u00f6m\u00fcrge politikas\u0131ndan temel ayr\u0131l\u0131klar g\u00f6stermektedir.<\/em>\u201d[18]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu de\u011fi\u015fimin nedenlerinden biri de s\u00f6m\u00fcrge ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclke halklar\u0131n\u0131n m\u00fccadelesi, \u201calt s\u0131n\u0131flar<\/em>\u201d\u0131n kapitalist \u00fclkelerde ve di\u011ferlerinde y\u00fckselttikleri itirazd\u0131r. Ekonomik toplumsal geli\u015fmenin uluslararas\u0131 boyutlarda yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 de\u011fi\u015fimle birlikte i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 m\u00fccadelesi ve ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n yay\u0131lmas\u0131, ba\u015fka bir bir\u00e7ok alanda oldu\u011fu gibi s\u00f6m\u00fcrge politikas\u0131nda da de\u011fi\u015fime yol a\u00e7t\u0131. Eski tip s\u00f6m\u00fcrgecili\u011fi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrmek giderek zorla\u015ft\u0131. Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k yeni bi\u00e7imler ald\u0131. Siyasal bak\u0131mdan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olan ancak ekonomik mali ve di\u011fer \u00e7e\u015fitli ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileriyle emperyalist hakimiyetin s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesi, emperyalist devletler i\u00e7in daha \u201cucuz<\/em>\u201ddu! \u00dcretimin ve sermayenin uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n daha ileri d\u00fczeye ula\u015fmas\u0131, onu duvarlar \u00e7ekerek ya da askeri eylemlere s\u0131n\u0131rlamay\u0131 daha da zorla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131. Ancak bu durum ne \u201culusal devlet<\/em>\u201dlerin i\u015flevsizle\u015fmesinin g\u00f6stergesiydi ne de onlar\u0131n \u201ckendilerinin etkinlik alanlar\u0131na ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131 sokmama politikas\u0131<\/em>\u201dndan vazge\u00e7melerinin. Ne var ki, b\u00fct\u00fcn b\u00fcy\u00fck tekelci \u015firketlerin ve emperyalist kapitalist devletlerin faal olduklar\u0131 bir d\u00fcnya pazar\u0131nda, \u015fu ya da bu g\u00fcc\u00fcn \u201cyasaklad\u0131m giremezsin!<\/em>\u201d kanunu tek yanl\u0131 ve tek g\u00fc\u00e7 yarar\u0131na i\u015flevli olma mutlak g\u00fcc\u00fcne sahip de\u011fildir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

EMPERAYL\u0130ZM \u201cK\u00dcRESELLE\u015eME\u201dN\u0130N NERES\u0130NDE? <\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Emperyalizm \u00fczerine yaz\u0131ndan s\u00f6z edildi\u011finde ilk akla gelenler Hobson, Hilferding, Lenin, Kautsky, Luxemburg ve Buharin’dir. Lenin’in 1916’da kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 “Emperyalizm Kapitalizmin En Y\u00fcksek A\u015famas\u0131<\/em>” adl\u0131 eseri ise -kendisi bunu bir bro\u015f\u00fcr olarak da niteler- sadece Marksist devrimci “sol<\/em>“un de\u011fil, konu \u00fczerine yazan ya da ilgi duyan hemen her kesim ve g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015ften ekonomist, politikac\u0131 ve sosyolo\u011fun da en \u00e7ok \u00fczerinde durdu\u011fu, al\u0131nt\u0131lad\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve de\u011ferlendirmelerinde ba\u015fvurdu\u011fu ba\u015fl\u0131ca kaynak olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Marx ve Engels’in kapitalizm analizini esas alan Lenin, onlar\u0131n, sermayenin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131 ve merkezile\u015fmesi ve bununla ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak tekellerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131na dair a\u00e7\u0131klamalar\u0131n\u0131 i\u015faretle, kapitalizmin tekelci a\u015famaya yol almas\u0131n\u0131n bir t\u00fcr tarih\u00e7esini de g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne getirerek serbest rekabet\u00e7i kapitalizmden tekelci kapitalizme ge\u00e7i\u015fin ve emperyalist a\u015famas\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f kapitalizmin kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131 yeni \u00f6zellikleriyle birlikte yetkin bir a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131n\u0131 yapt\u0131. Hobson ve Hilferding’in eserlerinde, emperyalist kapitalizmin ba\u015fl\u0131ca karakteristik \u00f6zelliklerine dair g\u00f6rmezden gelinen ya da eksik b\u0131rak\u0131lan y\u00f6nleri de a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015fturan Lenin, kitab\u0131n\u0131n Frans\u0131zca ve Almanca bask\u0131lar\u0131na 6 Temmuz 1920’de yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6ns\u00f6zde, kapitalist d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin Birinci Emperyalist D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131 \u00f6ncesindeki “t\u00fcm tablosunu \u00e7izme<\/em>” g\u00f6revine i\u015faret ederek, bu tabloda \u00f6ne \u00e7\u0131kanlar \u00fczerinde duruyor ve bu g\u00f6revin devam etti\u011fini s\u00f6yl\u00fcyordu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Kapitalist emperyalizmin t\u00fcm temel \u00f6zelliklerini ele alan Lenin, \u201cEmperyalizm, tekellerin ve mali sermayenin egemenli\u011finin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131; sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n birinci planda \u00f6nem kazand\u0131\u011f\u0131; d\u00fcnyan\u0131n uluslararas\u0131 tr\u00f6stler aras\u0131nda payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015flam\u0131\u015f oldu\u011fu ve d\u00fcnyadaki b\u00fct\u00fcn topraklar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131ndaki b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmesinin tamamlanm\u0131\u015f bulundu\u011fu bir geli\u015fme a\u015famas\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f kapitalizmdir<\/em>\u201d diyordu.[19]<\/a> \u00dcretimde ve sermayede yo\u011funla\u015fma ve ekonomik ya\u015famda kesin rol oynayan tekellerin ortaya \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131; banka sermayesi ve sanayi sermayesinin kayna\u015fmas\u0131yla mali sermayenin ve bu temel \u00fczerinde mali oligar\u015finin olu\u015fmas\u0131; sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n meta ihrac\u0131ndan ayr\u0131 olarak \u201c\u00f6zel bir \u00f6nem kazanmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d; d\u00fcnyay\u0131 aralar\u0131nda b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015fen uluslararas\u0131 tekelci kapitalist birliklerin kurulmas\u0131; en b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerce d\u00fcnyan\u0131n toprak bak\u0131m\u0131ndan b\u00f6l\u00fc\u015f\u00fclmesi; bunlar emperyalist kapitalizmin \u00f6zellikleriydi.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Emperyalizmi “kapitalizmin en y\u00fcksek a\u015famas\u0131<\/em>“, “kapitalizmin tepe noktas\u0131<\/em>” olarak da tan\u0131mlayan Lenin, kapitalizmin karakteristik temel \u00f6zelliklerinin (meta \u00fcretimi ve art\u0131-de\u011fer \u00fcretimi) tekelci kapitalizm d\u00f6neminde de ge\u00e7erli oldu\u011funu ve fakat sermayenin merkezile\u015fmesinin devasa boyutlara ula\u015f\u0131p tekellerin ve kartellerin olu\u015fmas\u0131yla, sanayi ve bankalar\u0131n (sanayi ve banka sermayesinin) i\u00e7 i\u00e7e girip kayna\u015fmas\u0131yla olu\u015fan mali sermaye ve mali oligar\u015fi yarar\u0131na sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek milyarlar\u0131 \u00e7ekip \u00e7eviren tekellerin \u201csiyasal rejimden ve daha ba\u015fka \u2018ayr\u0131nt\u0131 sorunlar\u0131\u2019ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak kar\u015f\u0131 konulmaz bir bi\u00e7imde toplumsal ya\u015fam\u0131n b\u00fct\u00fcn alanlar\u0131na<\/em>\u201d s\u0131zma g\u00fcc\u00fcne dikkat \u00e7ekiyordu.[20]<\/a> B\u00fcy\u00fck bankalar \u00f6rne\u011fi \u00fczerinden \u201cb\u00fct\u00fcn \u00fclkeyi kaplayan s\u0131k bir mali kanallar \u015febekesinin b\u00fct\u00fcn sermayeleri ve gelirlerini merkezile\u015ftirerek binlerce i\u015fletmeyi tek bir ulusal kapitalist \u00f6rg\u00fcte ya da tek bir d\u00fcnya kapitalist \u00f6rg\u00fct\u00fcne d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcrerek h\u0131zla yay\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131[21]<\/a> belirten Lenin, \u201c\u00fcretimin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131, bunun sonucu olarak tekeller; sanayiin ve bankalar\u0131n kayna\u015fmas\u0131 ya da i\u00e7 i\u00e7e girmesi-i\u015fte mali sermayenin olu\u015fum tarihi ve bu kavram\u0131n \u00f6z\u00fc<\/em>\u201d[22]<\/a> diye vurgulamaktayd\u0131.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Lenin\u2019in dikkat \u00e7ekti\u011fi bu geli\u015fmeler y\u00fczy\u0131l sonra, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde devasa boyutlara varm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Teknolojik geli\u015fmenin ve internet kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131 avantajlarla paran\u0131n oradan oraya \u201csanal ak\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/em>\u201d kolayl\u0131\u011f\u0131yla birlikte bankalar\u0131n rol\u00fc daha da artarken mali sermayenin etkinlik alan\u0131 geni\u015fledi ve daha fazla g\u00fc\u00e7 kazand\u0131. 1955\u2019te dola\u015f\u0131mdaki ka\u011f\u0131t para miktar\u0131 14 milyar mark iken, 1973\u2019te 475 milyar marka y\u00fckseldi. Bu miktar 2015 y\u0131l\u0131 itibariyle 80.9 trilyon dolar civar\u0131ndad\u0131r.[23]<\/a> Sadece birka\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck bankan\u0131n varl\u0131k toplam\u0131 \u00c7in gibi h\u0131zla geli\u015fen bir \u00fclkenin GSMH\u2019sinden daha b\u00fcy\u00fckt\u00fcr. Kurulu\u015fu 1984 gibi nispeten ge\u00e7 bir d\u00f6neme denk gelen ICBC (Industrial & Commercial Bank of China \/\u00c7in Sanayi ve Ticaret Bankas\u0131), 3.1 trilyon dolarl\u0131k de\u011feri ile d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en de\u011ferli finansal \u015firketlerinden biri haline gelmi\u015ftir. 1954 y\u0131l\u0131ndan itibaren bir devlet bankas\u0131 olarak faaliyet y\u00fcr\u00fcten bir di\u011fer \u00c7in finans kurumu China Construction Bank\u2019in (CCB) b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc 2.5 trilyon dolar civar\u0131ndad\u0131r. 1799 y\u0131l\u0131nda kurulmu\u015f olup, 2000 y\u0131l\u0131nda JP Morgan ve Chase Manhattan birle\u015fimiyle olu\u015fan Amerikan JP Morgan Chase, 2.4 trilyon dolar b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011fe sahiptir. Agricultural Bank of China 2.4 trilyon dolar; ABD finans kurulu\u015fu Wells Fargo 1.6 trilyon dolar b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011fe sahiptir. \u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

1907 y\u0131l\u0131n\u0131 veri alarak elektrik sanayindeki Alman ve Amerikan \u015firketlerinin faaliyetlerini irdeledi\u011fi bir b\u00f6l\u00fcmde, \u201cFiilen tek ve d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda bir nitelik g\u00f6steren, milyonlarca sermayeyi \u00e7ekip \u00e7eviren, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n her k\u00f6\u015fesinde \u2018\u015fubeleri\u2019, temsilcilikleri, ajanslar\u0131, ili\u015fkileri bulunan bu tr\u00f6ste kar\u015f\u0131 rekabet etme zorlu\u011fu apa\u00e7\u0131k ortadad\u0131r<\/em>\u201d diye yazan Lenin\u2019in dikkat \u00e7ekti\u011fi tekelle\u015fme ve piyasan\u0131n d\u00fcnya \u00e7ap\u0131nda etkinlik g\u00f6steren tr\u00f6stlerce \u201czapt\u0131<\/em>\u201d, g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6rnekleriyle ger\u00e7ekle\u015fmi\u015ftir. Birka\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck tekelin devasa serveti d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun yar\u0131s\u0131ndan fazlas\u0131n\u0131n t\u00fcm gelirleri toplam\u0131ndan daha fazlad\u0131r. \u00dcretim ara\u00e7lar\u0131, \u00fcretim ve pazar ili\u015fkilerini denetleyen b\u00fcy\u00fck tekeller, aralar\u0131ndaki s\u0131ralama de\u011fi\u015fse bile, y\u00fczlerce milyar dolarl\u0131k servetleriyle s\u00f6zc\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn geni\u015f anlam\u0131yla ili\u015fkileri belirleyici rol oynamaktad\u0131rlar. General Electric 646.6 milyar dolar; Warren Buffett\u2019in sahibi oldu\u011fu Berkshire Hathaway 493.4 milyar dolar\u00b8 Royal Dutch Shell 358 milyar dolar b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fcktedir. D\u00fcnya tar\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc d\u00f6rt b\u00fcy\u00fck uluslararas\u0131 \u015firket (Cargill, ADM, Bungeve Lou\u0131s Dreyfus)taraf\u0131ndan denetleniyor.\u0130ngiltere, Amerika, \u00c7in, Hindistan ve \u0130srail\u2019e ait olan bu tekeller tah\u0131l ticaretinin y\u00fczde 75\u2019ini y\u00f6netirken, kiralama veya sat\u0131n alma yoluyla 203 milyon hektar alan\u0131 ellerinde tutuyorlar. \u0130leti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131 \u00fcretimi sanayinin \u00f6nemli bir dal\u0131 haline geldi. \u0130nternet a\u011flar\u0131yla uluslararas\u0131 alanda \u00fclkeleri saran Apple, Microsoft, Alphabet, Facebook ve Amazon, <\/strong>IBM, Intel, Tesla gibi \u201cmarka<\/em>\u201dlar kapitalizmin b\u00fcy\u00fck tekelleri aras\u0131na yerle\u015ftiler. Uluslararas\u0131 alanda yeni kriz ve sava\u015f olas\u0131l\u0131klar\u0131 durumunda \u00fczerine en \u00e7ok kavga edileceklerin ba\u015f\u0131nda yer alan enerji kaynaklar\u0131 alan\u0131nda, be\u015f alt\u0131s\u0131 en b\u00fcy\u00fck paya sahip olmak \u00fczere 20 civar\u0131nda b\u00fcy\u00fck enerji tekeli d\u00fcnya piyasas\u0131n\u0131 denetliyor ve toplam\u0131nda y\u00fczlerce milyar dolarl\u0131k ciro yap\u0131yor. Suudi Arabistan petrol \u015firketi Saudi Aramco\u2019nun g\u00fcnl\u00fck k\u00e2r\u0131n\u0131n bir milyar dolar\u0131 a\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 belirtiliyor. Onu y\u0131ll\u0131k k\u00e2r\u0131n\u0131n 40 milyar dolar civar\u0131nda oldu\u011fu ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen Rus tekeli Gazprom izliyor. ExxonMobil, PetroChina, BP, Royal Dutch Shell, Total, Enron di\u011fer b\u00fcy\u00fckler aras\u0131nda \u00f6n s\u0131ralarda yer al\u0131yorlar. Kimya, ila\u00e7 ve demir \u00e7elik sanayinde yine birka\u00e7 b\u00fcy\u00fck tekel pazar\u0131n y\u00fczde 80\u2019ninden fazlas\u0131n\u0131 denetlemektedir. D\u00fcnya otomotiv piyasas\u0131 be\u015f alt\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck tekelin denetimindedir. Kendi aralar\u0131nda da gizli anla\u015fmalar yaparak \u201ckartel<\/em>\u201d olu\u015fturan Alman otomobil \u015firketleri (VW, BMW, Daimler, Audi ve Porsche), Mitsubishi, Ford, Toyota, Nissan, Renault d\u00fcnya otomobil piyasas\u0131n\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fckleri durumundad\u0131rlar.[24]<\/a> D\u00fcnya \u00e7elik \u00fcretiminin b\u00fcy\u00fck b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc ABD, \u00c7in ve Alman \u015firketlerince ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirilmektedir. Thyssen Krupp Steel (TKS), Mittal ve Arcelor bunlar\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fckleridir. \u0130la\u00e7 sanayinde Roche Group (\u0130svi\u00e7re), Pfizer Inc (ABD), Sanofi-Aventis (Fransa), Johnson&Johnson (ABD), Astrazeneca Plc (\u0130ngiltere), Glaxosmithkline Plc (\u0130ngiltere), Bayer AG (Almanya), Novartis (\u0130svi\u00e7re) ve AkzoNobel (Hollanda) tekelleri 300 milyar dolar\u0131n \u00fczerindeki miktarda pay\u0131 ellerinde tutuyorlar.[25]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ancak kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda farkl\u0131 \u00fclkelerin, farkl\u0131 i\u015fletme ve sanayi kollar\u0131n\u0131n \u201ce\u015fit olmayan ve kesintili geli\u015fme<\/em>\u201dsi ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazd\u0131r. Lenin\u2019in y\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6nce vurgulad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n payla\u015f\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmas\u0131, \u201cgeli\u015fmenin e\u015fitsizli\u011fi, sava\u015flar, iflaslar gibi nedenlerle g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131ndaki denge bozuldu\u011fu taktirde yeni bir payla\u015f\u0131lmaya gidilmeyecek anlam\u0131n\u0131 ta\u015f\u0131mamaktad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[26]<\/a> Kapitalizm diyordu Lenin, \u201cevrensel bir s\u00f6m\u00fcrgeci bask\u0131 sistemine, bir avu\u00e7 \u2018ileri\u2019 \u00fclkenin d\u00fcnya n\u00fcfusunun b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011funu mali y\u00f6nden bo\u011fdu\u011fu bir sisteme d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fm\u00fc\u015ft\u00fcr.<\/em>\u201d Kapitalizmin bu \u201cen y\u00fcksek tarihsel a\u015famas\u0131n\u0131, yani emperyalizmi karakterize eden<\/em>\u201d en \u00f6nemli \u00f6zelliklerden biri de \u201casalakl\u0131k ve \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcmedir.<\/em>\u201d Kapitalizm, \u201cbug\u00fcn basit bir \u2018kupon k\u0131rpma\u2019 i\u015flemiyle b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyay\u0131 soyup so\u011fana \u00e7eviren, \u00f6zellikle zengin ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc bir avu\u00e7<\/strong> (…) devletini ileriye ge\u00e7irmi\u015f bulunmaktad\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d[27]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde az say\u0131da emperyalist b\u00fcy\u00fck devlet, d\u00fcnya pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n, hammadde kaynaklar\u0131yla deniz ve kara ticaret yollar\u0131n\u0131n ve ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n neredeyse t\u00fcm\u00fcne hakim durumdad\u0131r. Mali y\u00f6nden g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc devletlerin di\u011ferleri kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki konumu daha da g\u00fc\u00e7lenmi\u015ftir. ABD, kapitalist emperyalist sistemin en b\u00fcy\u00fck mali, askeri ve ekonomik g\u00fcc\u00fc olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor.IMF’in 2018 verilerine g\u00f6re 19 trilyon dolar b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcnde GSY\u0130H’ya sahip olan ABD, kendisinden sonraki 12 b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fcc\u00fcn toplam\u0131 kadar silahlanmaya kaynak ay\u0131ran (2018 itibar\u0131yla 650 milyar dolar civar\u0131nda) her k\u0131tada ve 140 \u00fclkede askeri g\u00fc\u00e7 bulunduran ve bi\u00e7imleri de\u011fi\u015fmek \u00fczere m\u00fcdahalelerde bulunan bir g\u00fc\u00e7t\u00fcr. Ancak, kapitalizmin e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmesiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak mali sermaye gruplar\u0131 ve emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 ili\u015fki de\u011fi\u015fkendir. Bir d\u00f6nem \u00f6nde ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olan bir \u00fclkenin sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7te ba\u015fka \u00fclkelerin gerisine d\u00fc\u015ft\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn\u00fcn en bariz \u00f6rne\u011fi \u0130ngiltere ve \u0130ngiliz emperyalizminin durumudur. Onun \u201ctaht\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131 elinden alan ABD, 1945\u2019te II. D\u00fcnya Sava\u015f\u0131\u2019n\u0131n sonunda b\u00fct\u00fcn d\u00fcnyadaki \u00fcretimin y\u00fczde 50\u2019sini ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftiriyordu. \u00c7in ise bu t\u00fcrden bir hesaplaman\u0131n i\u00e7ine al\u0131namayacak durumdayd\u0131 ve 1980\u2019lerde dahi, d\u00fcnya GSMH\u2019sinin ancak y\u00fczde 1,7\u2019sini \u00fcretiyordu. 2010\u2019na gelindi\u011finde ise, durum de\u011fi\u015fmi\u015f ve \u00c7in, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ikinci ekonomisi haline gelmi\u015fti. Benzer bir de\u011fi\u015fim, Japonya ve Almanya ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere, di\u011fer emperyalist devletler a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da ge\u00e7erlidir. Uluslararas\u0131 Para Fonu\u2019nun (IMF) Mart 2019\u2019da yay\u0131nlad\u0131\u011f\u0131 raporda, \u00fclkelerin Gayrisafi Yurt \u0130\u00e7i Has\u0131lalar\u0131 (GSY\u0130H) baz alarak olu\u015fturdu\u011fu d\u00fcnyan\u0131n en b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomileri s\u0131ralamas\u0131na g\u00f6re, ABD 19 trilyon dolarl\u0131k devasa ekonomisiyle d\u00fcnya ekonomisinin yakla\u015f\u0131k y\u00fczde 25\u2019ini olu\u015fturuyor. \u00c7in, 12 trilyon dolarl\u0131k ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011fe sahip. Japonya 4 trilyondolar ile \u00fc\u00e7\u00fcnc\u00fc s\u0131rada ve onu 3 trilyon dolar\u0131n \u00fczerindeki ekonomik b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcyle Almanya izliyor.[28]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131, emperyalizmin karakteristik \u00f6zelliklerinden biri ve tekellerin h\u00fck\u00fcm s\u00fcrd\u00fc\u011f\u00fc 20. y\u00fczy\u0131l kapitalizminin “ay\u0131rt edici niteli\u011fi<\/em>” olarak i\u015faret eden Lenin, sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n, ihra\u00e7 eden \u00fclkede belirli bir k\u0131smi gerileme nedeni olmakla birlikte ihra\u00e7 edildi\u011fi \u00fclkede kapitalist geli\u015fmeye h\u0131z kazand\u0131raca\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirtiyordu.\u00a0Sermaye ihrac\u0131 ve d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131mlar uluslararas\u0131 ko\u015fullarla, \u00fclkelerin geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyi ve ileti\u015fim ve ula\u015f\u0131m teknolojisindeki ilerlemelerle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak de\u011fi\u015fkenlik g\u00f6sterir. Sermaye sadece ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc, bol hammadde kayna\u011f\u0131 \u00fclkelere de\u011fil -buralardan aktar\u0131lan kaynaklar hi\u00e7bir zaman ihmal edilmemi\u015ftir- geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist pazarlara da ihra\u00e7 edilir. Lenin, 1913 y\u0131l\u0131 itibar\u0131yla d\u00fcnya toplam yabanc\u0131 sermayesinin yar\u0131dan fazlas\u0131n\u0131n o g\u00fcn\u00fcn s\u00f6m\u00fcrge, yar\u0131-s\u00f6m\u00fcrge \u00fclkelerine ihra\u00e7 edildi\u011fini g\u00f6stermi\u015fti. 1994 verileri ise, do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131n y\u00fczde 97\u2019sinin geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkeler taraf\u0131ndan ger\u00e7ekle\u015ftirildi\u011fini i\u015faret ediyor ve bunun da ve y\u00fczde 75’nin geli\u015fmi\u015f kapitalist \u00fclkelere yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 g\u00f6steriyordu. Ancak sermaye ihrac\u0131nda e\u011filim kesiksiz \u015fekilde ve ayn\u0131 y\u00f6nde y\u00fckseli\u015f g\u00f6stermez. Belirleyici olan elde edilecek k\u00e2r ve sa\u011flanacak avantajlard\u0131r. Daha \u00e7ok k\u00e2r i\u00e7in ihra\u00e7 edilen sermaye, nerede daha kolay yoldan ve daha az maliyet fiyat\u0131yla sonu\u00e7 elde edecekse oraya y\u00f6nelir. Bu, sermayenin girdi\u011fi i\u015flemden kendini \u00e7o\u011faltarak \u00e7\u0131kmas\u0131n\u0131n, deyi\u015f uygun d\u00fc\u015ferse, \u201cyasas\u0131<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r! Bu bak\u0131mdan, yirminci y\u00fczy\u0131l ba\u015flar\u0131nda, ya da 1980\u2019lerde geri ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelere sermaye ihrac\u0131ndaki b\u00fcy\u00fck tutarlara kar\u015f\u0131n, 2000\u2019li y\u0131llarda emperyalist b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerin birbirlerinin \u00fclkelerine y\u00f6nelik yat\u0131r\u0131mlara daha b\u00fcy\u00fck pay ay\u0131rmalar\u0131 ve \u00f6nem vermelerinde herhangi ayk\u0131r\u0131l\u0131k yoktur.[29]<\/a> Kald\u0131 ki, bu \u2018de\u011fi\u015fiklik\u2019, geri kapitalist ve ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkelere sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n (bor\u00e7lar, krediler ve do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131mlar) sona erdi\u011fi anlam\u0131na da gelmez. D\u0131\u015f bor\u00e7 ve kredilerin \u00f6nemli bir b\u00f6l\u00fcm\u00fc hala bu t\u00fcr \u00fclkeler (Latin Amerika \u00fclkeleri, T\u00fcrkiye, Yunanistan, Portekiz ve \u0130spanya, Afrika\u2019n\u0131n belli ba\u015fl\u0131 \u00fclkeleri vb.) taraf\u0131ndan kar\u015f\u0131lanmak durumunda olmaya devam ediyor.\u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

1990\u2019l\u0131 y\u0131llarda \u201cs\u0131cak para ak\u0131\u015f\u0131<\/em>\u201d yeniden h\u0131z kazand\u0131. K\u0131sa vadeli ve her an ka\u00e7abilir sermaye (fazla ya da spek\u00fclatif sermaye olarak da tan\u0131mlan\u0131r) giri\u015f-\u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n bu h\u0131z kazanmas\u0131n\u0131n \u00f6nemli bir sonucu<\/em> ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ve bor\u00e7lu \u00fclkelerin kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n bazen birka\u00e7 g\u00fcnde b\u00fcy\u00fck tahribatlar yaratarak d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya aktar\u0131lmas\u0131yd\u0131. IMF, D\u00fcnya Bankas\u0131 ve D\u00fcnya Ticaret \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (WTO) arac\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131yla \u00e7ok say\u0131da \u00fclkenin y\u00fcksek oranl\u0131 faizlerle kredi ve bor\u00e7 bata\u011f\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fcklenmesinde de emperyalist ABD ve AB\u2019nin \u2018b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7leri<\/em>\u2019 rol oynad\u0131lar. Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 \u00fclkeler y\u00f6neticilerine \u201cekonomik kalk\u0131nma program\u0131<\/em>\u201d ad\u0131 alt\u0131nda dayat\u0131lan bor\u00e7-kredi \u201cyat\u0131r\u0131mlar\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n sonucu, y\u00fczlerce milyar dolar kayna\u011f\u0131n bu \u00fclkelerden d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya transfer edilmesi oldu. Bu politika Arjantin, Meksika, T\u00fcrkiye gibi \u00fclkelerde kriz tetikleyici i\u015flev g\u00f6rd\u00fc. Yak\u0131n d\u00f6nem \u00f6rne\u011fi ise Yunanistan\u2019d\u0131r. Almanya ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere AB\u2019nin emperyalist b\u00fcy\u00fckleriyle Avrupa Merkez Bankas\u0131 ve IMF\u2019nin y\u00fcr\u00fctt\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u201ctriumvira operasyonu<\/em>\u201dyla bu \u00fclkenin turizm gelirlerine, limanlar\u0131na ve tar\u0131msal \u00fcr\u00fcnlerine neredeyse t\u00fcm\u00fcyle ipotek konulmu\u015f; y\u0131llar boyunca \u00f6demekle bitiremeyece\u011fi bor\u00e7 alt\u0131na sokulmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Ancak \u201cburjuvazinin gitgide artan bir \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde sermaye ihrac\u0131ndan gelen kazan\u00e7lar ve \u2018kupon k\u0131rpmakla\u2019 ya\u015fad\u0131\u011f\u0131, \u2018rantiye-devlet\u2019in, tefeci-devletin yarat\u0131lmas\u0131<\/em>\u201d, kapitalistleri tekel kar\u0131 i\u00e7in yeni \u00fcretim teknikleriyle \u00fcr\u00fcn ihtiyac\u0131 yaratma faaliyetinden al\u0131koymaz. Lenin, emperyalizmin asalakl\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u00e7\u00fcr\u00fcme e\u011filiminden hareketle \u201ckapitalizmin h\u0131zl\u0131 geli\u015fmesini \u00f6nleyece\u011fini sanma\u201d<\/em>n\u0131n yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 vurgulam\u0131\u015ft\u0131. Burjuvazi, \u00fcretimde s\u00fcrekli \u201cyeni devrim<\/em>\u201dler olmaks\u0131z\u0131n; verim art\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 ve k\u00e2r\u0131 art\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 teknolojik yeniliklere ba\u015f vurmaks\u0131z\u0131n kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 ayakta tutamaz. Kapitalizmin dengesiz geli\u015fme yasas\u0131 emperyalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda da i\u015flevlidir. Ve yine Lenin\u2019in deyi\u015fiyle \u201cGenel olarak, kapitalizm, eskiye g\u00f6re \u00e7ok daha b\u00fcy\u00fck h\u0131zla\u201d <\/em>geli\u015firken, geli\u015fme e\u015fitsizli\u011fi de devam eder.<\/em><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d teori ve tezi, bu geli\u015fmeleri, ekonomik temelleri ve tarihsel geli\u015fimi s\u00fcre\u00e7lerini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 ederek son birka\u00e7 on y\u0131l\u0131n olgular\u0131 aras\u0131nda g\u00f6sterirken, emperyalizmin, Lenin taraf\u0131ndan y\u00fcz y\u0131l \u00f6nce i\u015faret edilen karakteristik \u00f6zelliklerini belirsizle\u015ftirici bir de\u011fi\u015fime tabi tutmaktad\u0131r. Emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkileri ve tekel gruplar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki pazar rekabetini ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131 ya yok sayan ya da belirsizle\u015ftiren \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, kapitalizmi, geli\u015fme do\u011frultusuna i\u015faretle, e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fme yasas\u0131ndan ve kriz ve sava\u015flar\u0131 ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmazla\u015ft\u0131ran \u00e7eli\u015fkilerinden ar\u0131nabilir g\u00f6steren \u201cultra emperyalizm<\/em>\u201d teorisinin yeni bir bi\u00e7imidir. Kapitalist uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmaya kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131k gelmek \u00fczere kullan\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131nda da, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d ileri s\u00fcr\u00fcld\u00fc\u011f\u00fc \u00fczere 20. ve 21. y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n yeni bir olgusu olarak g\u00f6r\u00fclemez. Bir d\u00fcnya kapitalist pazar\u0131n\u0131n olu\u015fmas\u0131 g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fcz\u00fcn sorunu olmamakla birlikte g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde bunun daha \u00f6nce olmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde \u2018daha tam olarak\u2019 ger\u00e7ekle\u015fti\u011fi do\u011frudur. Kapitalizm, birka\u00e7 k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck ve olduk\u00e7a geri \u00fclke d\u0131\u015fta tutuldu\u011funda g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde hakim hale gelmi\u015ftir. \u00c7in, Hindistan, Rusya, T\u00fcrkiye gibi eski k\u00f6yl\u00fc \u00fclkeleri, Latin Amerika, Asya\u2019n\u0131n ve Afrika\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli di\u011fer \u00fclkeleri kapitalistle\u015ftiler. Bu durum kapitalist pazar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fcmesi-geni\u015flemesi demekti. Ancak ne uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma 1970\u2019ler ve sonras\u0131 50 y\u0131l\u0131n gecikmi\u015f bir olgusudur ne de geli\u015fme ve de\u011fi\u015fimin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ileri s\u00fcr\u00fclen \u201ckar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131<\/em>\u201d, kapitalist \u00fclkeler ve devletler aras\u0131 ili\u015fkilerde e\u015fitlik sa\u011flay\u0131c\u0131 \u00f6zellik g\u00f6sterirler. Uluslararas\u0131la\u015fma, makineli \u00fcretim temelinde ve ona dayanarak hamle yapm\u0131\u015f kapitalizmin \u00e7ok daha \u00f6nceleri vard\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir a\u015famad\u0131r ve kapitalist e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fme, \u00e7eli\u015fkileri derinle\u015ftirici bi\u00e7imleriyle bug\u00fcn daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 hale gelmi\u015ftir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu e\u015fitsiz ve s\u0131\u00e7ramal\u0131 geli\u015fme ve de\u011fi\u015fim emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 ili\u015fkilerin eskisi gibi s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclmesini zorla\u015ft\u0131ran ba\u015fl\u0131ca etkendir. Enerji kaynaklar\u0131n\u0131n ve deniz-kara ula\u015f\u0131m yollar\u0131n\u0131n denetimi \u00f6zel bir gerginlik nedenidir. Deniz ve hava sahalar\u0131 \u00fczerine ihlal eylemlerine daha s\u0131k aral\u0131klarla ba\u015f vuruluyor. ABD\u2019nin Japonya, G. Kore, Hindistan ve Pakistan; Rusya ve \u00c7in\u2019in Hindistan ve \u0130ran ile birlikte birbirlerine kar\u015f\u0131 giri\u015fimlerde bulunmalar\u0131 sonu\u00e7lardan bir di\u011feridir. Bush d\u00f6neminde, yeni y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131n \u201cAmerikan Y\u00fczy\u0131l\u0131 olaca\u011f\u0131<\/em>\u201d ilan edildi. Afganistan ve Irak sald\u0131r\u0131 ve i\u015fgalleri, emperyalizm \u00fczerine g\u00fczellemelerin yap\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 bir d\u00f6nem devam etmekteyken g\u00fcndeme geldiler. \u201c\u00d6nce Amerika!<\/em>\u201d slogan\u0131 ve i\u00e7eriye daha \u00e7ok yat\u0131r\u0131m yaparak ekonomiyi g\u00fc\u00e7lendirme uygulamas\u0131, ABD\u2019nin b\u00fcy\u00fck rakiplerini s\u0131n\u0131rlamak ve onlar\u0131 geride b\u0131rakarak daha fazla etki sahibi olma hedefiyle giri\u015fti\u011fi eylemlerinin ifadesidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Buna ra\u011fmen, o, bu \u00e7ok b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomik ve askeri g\u00fcc\u00fc ve d\u00fcnya politikas\u0131ndaki etkisinden hareketle \u201c\u0130mparatorluk\u201d <\/em>olarak nitelenemez. Bu niteleme, her k\u00f6t\u00fcl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcn merkezi ve sorumlusu g\u00f6sterme gibi s\u00f6zde bir \u00f6zg\u00fcnl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcne kar\u015f\u0131n, tekelci kapitalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131ndaki s\u0131\u00e7ramal\u0131 ve e\u015fitsiz kapitalist geli\u015fmenin ve emperyalistler aras\u0131 \u00e7eli\u015fkilerin \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rtme i\u015flevi g\u00f6r\u00fcr. Amerikan emperyalizmi ku\u015fku g\u00f6t\u00fcrmez \u015fekilde d\u00fcnyan\u0131n hala en g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc ve b\u00fcy\u00fck ekonomisine sahiptir. Buna ra\u011fmen ama, b\u00fct\u00fcn di\u011fer b\u00fcy\u00fck emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7ler pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 \u00fczerine rekabette \u00f6ne ge\u00e7me hedefinden vazge\u00e7mi\u015f de\u011fillerdir. \u201cBlok<\/em>\u201dla\u015fma kavram\u0131n\u0131n mevcut durumu kar\u015f\u0131lamakta yetersiz oldu\u011fu g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde ili\u015fkiler daha fazla sars\u0131nt\u0131l\u0131, ili\u015fkilere ve ittifaklara dair a\u00e7\u0131klamalar daha \u00e7ok g\u00fcvenilmezdir. \u201c\u0130ttifak i\u00e7indeki<\/em>\u201d b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7ler aras\u0131 ili\u015fkilerdeki gerginlik gizlenemez durumdad\u0131r. ABD\u2019nin dayatmac\u0131 ve sald\u0131rgan politikalar\u0131n\u0131 kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcnden de\u011ferlendirme politikas\u0131yla Fransa ve Almanya y\u00f6neticileri, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n art\u0131k bir tek g\u00fcc\u00fcn \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 ve politikalar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda \u201cd\u00fczenlenemeyece\u011fi<\/em>\u201dni ilan ederek \u201culuslararas\u0131 \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d \u00e7er\u00e7evesinde d\u0131\u015f politika \u00f6nceliklerini ve askeri politikalar\u0131n\u0131 yenileyeceklerini duyurmaktan geri durmad\u0131lar. Trump\u2019\u0131n uygulamaya ge\u00e7irdi\u011fi y\u00fcksek oranl\u0131 vergi engeli kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131ks\u0131z kalmad\u0131. \u00c7in kar\u015f\u0131 atakla ABD mallar\u0131n\u0131n \u00c7in\u2019e ak\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131 s\u0131n\u0131rlamaya ge\u00e7ti. Dolar\/yen oran\u0131ndaki oynamayla Amerikan borsalar\u0131nda y\u00fczde 3\u2019l\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015fe yol a\u00e7acak denli y\u0131prat\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar ortaya \u00e7\u0131kt\u0131. \u201cKar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkileri<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, e\u015fitsiz ili\u015fkilerin \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rterek emperyalist ya\u011fma ve bask\u0131y\u0131 yok saymaktad\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u00c7IKARILAB\u0130L\u0130R BAZI SONU\u00c7LAR <\/strong><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

1-)<\/strong> Emperyalizm kavram\u0131, Roma, Osmanl\u0131 veya \u00c7arl\u0131k Rusyas\u0131\u2019n\u0131n ba\u015fka devletler ve halklar kar\u015f\u0131s\u0131ndaki hakim konumunu i\u015faret etmek \u00fczere daha \u00f6nce de kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ancak, kapitalist emperyalizm, feodal askeri emperyalizmden farkl\u0131 karakteristik \u00f6zellikler g\u00f6sterir. Temeli kapitalizm olan ve mali sermayenin d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde etkin hale gelmesini ifade eden kapitalist emperyalizm uluslararas\u0131 alanda etkiye sahip yeni de\u011fi\u015fimlere yol a\u00e7m\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Emperyalizm, mali sermayenin egemenli\u011fi, sermaye ihrac\u0131n\u0131n birinci planda i\u015flev kazanmas\u0131, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fck kapitalist gruplar ve g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc emperyalist \u00fclkeler aras\u0131nda pazarlar, hammadde kaynaklar\u0131 ve n\u00fcfuz alanlar\u0131 olarak payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 ve yeniden payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131, k\u0131yas\u0131ya rekabet ve siyasal gericili\u011fin g\u00fc\u00e7 kazanmas\u0131 gibi karakteristik \u00f6zellikleriyle belirgin tekelci kapitalizmdir. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde uluslararas\u0131 alanda ya\u015fanan geli\u015fmeleri emperyalizmin bu temel \u00f6zelliklerinden soyutlayarak yorumlamak ve a\u00e7\u0131klamaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak emperyalist gericili\u011fe kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadeleyi zaafa u\u011fratma gibi bir i\u015flev de g\u00f6recektir. Emperyalizmin kapitalist temelini g\u00f6z ard\u0131 eden bir politika anti-emperyalist m\u00fccadeleyi tutarl\u0131ca s\u00fcrd\u00fcremez.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

2-)<\/strong> Lenin, emperyalizm teorisiyle, Marx ve Engels\u2019in teorisini sadece yeni ko\u015fullara uyarlayarak geli\u015ftirmedi, onu politik sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 do\u011frultusunda prati\u011fe ge\u00e7irmenin ya\u015famsal \u00f6nemini de ortaya koydu. Kapitalizmin bu yeni ve \u201cen \u00fcst<\/em>\u201d geli\u015fme a\u015famas\u0131, herhangi \u00fclkede siyasal-sosyal devrim sorununu emperyalist zincirden kopu\u015f sorunu haline getirmi\u015fti ve bir d\u00fcnya devrimine do\u011fru geni\u015flemek \u00fczere tekil ya da birden fazla \u00fclkede devrimin ba\u015far\u0131ya ula\u015fmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcn hale gelmi\u015fti. Ko\u015fullar\u0131n bir devrimci durumla y\u00fcz y\u00fcze getirdi\u011fi bir \u00fclkede siyasal iktidar\u0131n proletarya ve emek\u00e7iler taraf\u0131ndan al\u0131nmas\u0131 i\u00e7in sava\u015f\u0131mdan ka\u00e7\u0131nmak ihanet olacakt\u0131. Lenin ve Bol\u015fevikler, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n yeniden payla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 hedefleyen emperyalist ve gerici burjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele politikas\u0131nda \u0131srar ederek devrim i\u00e7in sava\u015ft\u0131lar. Lenin, kapitalizmin \u201cen \u00fcst a\u015famas\u0131<\/em>\u201dn\u0131n \u00f6zellikelerini a\u00e7\u0131kl\u0131\u011fa kavu\u015ftururken, \u201cburjuvaziye kar\u015f\u0131 devrim mi, burjuvaziyle uzla\u015fma ve teslimiyet mi<\/em>\u201d sorusunun yan\u0131t\u0131n\u0131 da vermi\u015f oldu.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

3-)<\/strong> Lenin\u2019in 1916\u2019da kaleme al\u0131p 1920\u2019deki \u00f6ns\u00f6zlerinde karakteristik \u00f6zelliklerine dikkat \u00e7ekmeyi ihmal etmedi\u011fi emperyalizm, b\u00fct\u00fcn ba\u015fl\u0131ca \u00f6zellikleriyle daha \u00e7arp\u0131c\u0131 bi\u00e7imde g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de i\u015flevli olmay\u0131 s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fcyor. Bu, d\u00fcnyan\u0131n t\u00fcm s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fcl\u00fcp ezilenleri i\u00e7in b\u00fcy\u00fck tehdidin devam etmesi demektir. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00f6sterilen geli\u015fme bu tehdidi azaltmam\u0131\u015f art\u0131rm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. Ku\u015fkusuz d\u00fcnya, birbirleriyle rekabet i\u00e7indeki emperyalist devlet ve \u00fclkelerden ibaret de\u011fildir. Kapitalist devletlerin b\u00fcy\u00fck \u00e7o\u011funlu\u011fu emperyalist karakterde olmay\u0131p emperyalist b\u00fcy\u00fck g\u00fc\u00e7lerle farkl\u0131 d\u00fczeylerde olmak \u00fczere e\u015fitsiz ili\u015fkiler i\u00e7indedir. Bu ikincilerin de geli\u015fmi\u015flik d\u00fczeyleri farkl\u0131l\u0131k g\u00f6sterir ve aralar\u0131nda T\u00fcrkiye gibi b\u00f6lgesinde emperyal politikalar izleyenleri de vard\u0131r. Emperyalistler taraf\u0131ndan el at\u0131lmad\u0131k toprak par\u00e7as\u0131 kalmad\u0131\u011f\u0131 gibi, hakimiyet alanlar\u0131 i\u00e7in rekabet uzay\u0131n derinliklerine dek vard\u0131r\u0131lm\u0131\u015ft\u0131r. ABD\u2019li eski kovboy ba\u015fkan Reagan taraf\u0131ndan \u201cY\u0131ld\u0131z Sava\u015flar\u0131<\/em>\u201d olarak tan\u0131mlanan ve yeni s\u00fcpersonik u\u00e7aklar\u0131n, n\u00fckleer f\u00fczelerin geli\u015ftirilmesini de i\u00e7erecek \u015fekilde s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen faaliyetin Trump\u2019\u0131n l\u00fcgatindeki ad\u0131 \u201cUzay Sava\u015flar\u0131<\/em>\u201dd\u0131r. ABD\u2019nin \u201cOrta menzilli balistik f\u00fcze anla\u015fmas\u0131<\/em>\u201dndan \u00e7ekilmesi, Rusya ve \u00c7in\u2019in resti de dahil olmak \u00fczere yeni kitle imha silahlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcretimini tetikleyicidir. Bu durumda, burjuva-k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck burjuva liberallerinin \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fen d\u00fcnya<\/em>\u201d propagandas\u0131yla varl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 ileri s\u00fcrd\u00fckleri \u201cyumu\u015fama<\/em>\u201ddan s\u00f6z edilemez.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

4-)<\/strong> Kapitalizm istikrars\u0131zl\u0131kla ve krizlerle maluld\u00fcr. Kapitalist krizlerin k\u0131sa aral\u0131klarla ortaya \u00e7\u0131k\u0131\u015f\u0131 ve ciddi boyutlu y\u0131k\u0131mlara yol a\u00e7malar\u0131, borsa ve para oyunlar\u0131n\u0131n yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 kay\u0131plar\u0131n b\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fc\u011f\u00fc, korumac\u0131 \u00f6nlemlerin art\u0131r\u0131lmas\u0131 ve uygulama alan\u0131n\u0131n geni\u015fletilmesi, ticari ve mali ambargolar, g\u00fcce ba\u011fl\u0131 ve dayal\u0131 rekabetin giderek sertle\u015fmesi, silahlanmaya tarihin hi\u00e7bir d\u00f6neminde g\u00f6r\u00fclmedik \u00f6l\u00e7\u00fcde devasa kaynaklar\u0131n ayr\u0131lmas\u0131, lokal ya da b\u00f6lgesel d\u00fczeyde etkili sava\u015flar\u0131n bir\u00e7ok b\u00f6lgede devam ediyor olu\u015fu, b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlar emperyalizmin karakteristik \u00f6zellikleriyle ba\u011fl\u0131 ancak g\u00fcncel de olan<\/em> sonu\u00e7lard\u0131r. Sorun bir yeni d\u00fcnya sava\u015f\u0131n\u0131n akt\u00fcel olup olmamas\u0131 de\u011fildir. D\u00fcnya ve tek tek \u00fclkeler, kapitalist emperyalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda yeni b\u00fcy\u00fck sava\u015flara ve sonu\u00e7lar\u0131na a\u00e7\u0131k ve mahkum olmaya devam ediyor. Sermayenin yo\u011funla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n ula\u015ft\u0131\u011f\u0131 muazzam d\u00fczey emperyalist kapitalistleri, pazar ve etki alanlar\u0131 \u00fczerinde g\u00fc\u00e7leri oran\u0131nda etkili olmak \u00fczere yeni payla\u015f\u0131m kavgalar\u0131na s\u00fcr\u00fckler. Bu onlar\u0131n her an sava\u015facaklar\u0131 anlam\u0131na gelmedi\u011fi gibi, kapitalizm varoldu\u011fu s\u00fcrece sava\u015ftan ka\u00e7\u0131nman\u0131n bir iradi belirleme sorunu oldu\u011fu ya da olaca\u011f\u0131 anlam\u0131na da gelmez.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

5-)<\/strong> Lenin, tekelci sermaye ile burjuva devlet iktidar\u0131 aras\u0131ndaki organik ili\u015fkiyi hi\u00e7bir belirsizli\u011fe pirim vermeksizin g\u00f6z \u00f6n\u00fcne getirdi. Bu, sadece her bir \u00fclkede burjuva devlet iktidar\u0131yla sermaye ve gruplar\u0131n\u0131 hedefe koymayan bir anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n reformist ve uzla\u015fmac\u0131 karakterini g\u00f6rmek a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan de\u011fil, farkl\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck tekelci gruplar aras\u0131 rekabetin onlar\u0131n \u201cmen\u015fei olarak<\/em>\u201d ait bulunduklar\u0131 \u00fclkelerin devlet y\u00f6netimleri aras\u0131ndaki uzla\u015f\u0131 ya da \u00e7eki\u015fme, gerginlik ve \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar aras\u0131ndaki ili\u015fkinin anla\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131 a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan da \u00f6nemliydi. G\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde yeterince dikkate al\u0131nmayan veya dikkatlerden ka\u00e7an bir ba\u011flamd\u0131r bu!<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

6-) <\/strong>Tekelci burjuvazi ve devlet y\u00f6netim(ler)i kriz durumunda geriye \u00e7ekilip y\u00fck\u00fc kabullenmezler. Aksine k\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fmesini de \u00f6nlemek \u00fczere verimi art\u0131rmaya, \u00fccretleri d\u00fc\u015f\u00fcr\u00fcp \u00e7al\u0131\u015fma s\u00fcrelerini uzatmaya ve daha az i\u015f\u00e7iyle i\u015fi s\u00fcrd\u00fcrecek \u00f6nlemler almaya y\u00f6nelir; krizin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 i\u015fsizlik ve yoksulluk art\u0131\u015f\u0131 gibi sonu\u00e7lara kar\u015f\u0131 i\u015f\u00e7i ve emek\u00e7ilerin olas\u0131 direni\u015flerini de \u201c\u00fclke ve millet \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131<\/em>\u201d \u00fczerine propagandayla ve onun da yetmedi\u011fi yerde bask\u0131y\u0131 yo\u011funla\u015ft\u0131rarak etkisiz k\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131rlar. K\u00e2r oranlar\u0131n\u0131n d\u00fc\u015fme e\u011filimi g\u00f6stermesi durumunda b\u00fcy\u00fck sermayenin ba\u015f vurdu\u011fu \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm yollar\u0131<\/em>\u201dndan biri de ucuz i\u015fg\u00fcc\u00fc ve hammadde kaynaklar\u0131ndan yararlanmak \u00fczere d\u0131\u015far\u0131ya y\u00f6nelmesidir. Bu y\u00f6neli\u015fte siyasal \u00fcst kurum olarak devlet i\u015flevsiz de\u011fildir. \u201cKendi \u00fclkesi<\/em>\u201dnin sermayesi yarar\u0131na diplomatik, mali ve hatta askeri g\u00fcc\u00fcn\u00fc devreye sokarak giri\u015fimlerde bulunarak sonu\u00e7 almaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131r.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

7-)<\/strong> Emperyalist devletlerle uluslararas\u0131 b\u00fcy\u00fck tekellerin sermaye ihrac\u0131 i\u00e7in bu giri\u015fimleri, ihra\u00e7 edilen \u00fclkelerin y\u00f6netici kesimlerini yedeklemeye y\u00f6nelik ve sat\u0131n alma y\u00f6ntemleri dahil u\u015fakla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 sonu\u00e7lar\u0131 sa\u011flarken, bu \u00fclkelerin i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ba\u015fta olmak \u00fczere halk kitlelerinin ya\u015fam ko\u015fullar\u0131 \u00fczerinde bask\u0131 olu\u015fturma politikalar\u0131na da g\u00fc\u00e7 verir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\ud83d\ude0e<\/strong> Emperyalizme kar\u015f\u0131 m\u00fccadele, onun kapitalist temelini hedefe koymaks\u0131z\u0131n sosyalizm y\u00f6n\u00fcnde ilerletilemez. Ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 geri kapitalist \u00fclkeler egemen s\u0131n\u0131flar\u0131n\u0131n i\u015fbirlik\u00e7i karakteri, proletaryan\u0131n s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131 tasfiye etme ama\u00e7l\u0131 m\u00fccadelesinin, onlar\u0131n devlet egemenli\u011fini ve onun maddi temel dayanaklar\u0131n\u0131 hedefe koymas\u0131n\u0131 gerekli k\u0131lar. Bu gereklilik, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ko\u015fullar\u0131n\u0131n yok edilmesi ve burjuvazinin siyasal bask\u0131 sistemine kar\u015f\u0131 demokratik siyasal \u00f6zg\u00fcrl\u00fcklerin kazan\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131, \u201c\u00e7\u00f6z\u00fcm\u00fc acil sorun<\/em>\u201d olarak g\u00fcnl\u00fck m\u00fccadelenin \u00f6n\u00fcne getirme sorumlulu\u011funu ortadan kald\u0131rmaz.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

\u00a09-)<\/strong> Lenin, ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131 ve geri \u00fclkelerin pazarlar\u0131n\u0131n ele ge\u00e7irilmesi ve denetimi yoluyla sa\u011flanan kayna\u011f\u0131n, emperyalist \u00fclke y\u00f6netimlerine, i\u015f\u00e7i liderlerini sat\u0131n almak ve i\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisi olu\u015fturma olana\u011f\u0131n\u0131 daha kolayca sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 belirterek \u201cya\u015fam tarzlar\u0131yla, \u00fccretleriyle, d\u00fcnya g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleriyle tamamen k\u00fc\u00e7\u00fck-burjuva niteli\u011fi ta\u015f\u0131yan bu burjuvala\u015fm\u0131\u015f i\u015f\u00e7i tabakas\u0131 ya da i\u015f\u00e7i aristokrasisi<\/em>\u201dni, burjuvazinin \u201cba\u015fl\u0131ca toplumsal (askeri de\u011fil) deste\u011fi<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelemi\u015fti.[30]<\/a>\u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Lenin\u2019in bu tespiti, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesinin ikincil bir soruna indirgenmesi y\u00f6n\u00fcnde sapt\u0131r\u0131larak kullan\u0131lmaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015f\u0131ld\u0131. Kom\u00fcnist Enternasyonal\u2019in 2. Kongresi\u2019nde Hindistan delegesi Roy\u2019un, \u201cDo\u011fu\u2019da yarat\u0131lan kaynak<\/em>\u201dlar\u0131n \u201cBat\u0131\u2019ya aktar\u0131lma<\/em>\u201ds\u0131ndan s\u00f6zederek \u201cbu kaynak kesin olarak kurutulmadan<\/em>\u201d Avrupa i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n kapitalist d\u00fczeni y\u0131kamayaca\u011f\u0131 y\u00f6n\u00fcndeki ulusalc\u0131 g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f\u00fc, sonraki s\u00fcre\u00e7te de Asya, Latin Amerika ve Afrika\u2019n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitli \u00fclkelerinde geli\u015fen ulusal kurtulu\u015f sava\u015flar\u0131n\u0131n ba\u015f\u0131n\u0131 \u00e7eken baz\u0131 parti ve liderleri taraf\u0131ndan, s\u0131n\u0131f m\u00fccadelesini reddetmek \u00fczere savunuldu. Avrupa \u00fclkelerinde devrim olana\u011f\u0131 reddeden bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, Lenin\u2019in III. Enternasyonal\u2019in \u0130kinci Kongresi i\u00e7in Haziran 1920\u2019de kaleme ald\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u201cUlusal Sorun ve S\u00f6m\u00fcrgeler Sorunu \u00dczerine Tezlerin \u0130lk Tasar\u0131s\u0131<\/em>\u201d ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 tezler makalesinde dile getirdi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131yd\u0131. Lenin, Hintli delege Roy\u2019un ve sonralar\u0131 ba\u015fkalar\u0131n\u0131n dile getirdikleri g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131n\u0131 da g\u00f6stermek \u00fczere; \u201cAvrupa ve Amerika emperyalizmine kar\u015f\u0131 kurtulu\u015f hareketini, hanlar\u0131n, b\u00fcy\u00fck toprak sahiplerinin, molalar\u0131n vb. durumunun g\u00fc\u00e7lenmesiyle ba\u011fda\u015ft\u0131rma \u00e7abas\u0131nda olan \u0130slam Birli\u011fi ve benzeri ak\u0131mlara kar\u015f\u0131 sava\u015f\u0131m zorunlulu\u011fu<\/em>\u201dna dikkat \u00e7ekiyordu.[31]<\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

Bu g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015f, tek tek \u00fclke ekonomilerinin d\u00fcnya emperyalist ekonomi zincirinin halkalar\u0131na d\u00f6n\u00fc\u015fmesiyle ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak s\u00f6m\u00fcrgelerin ve ezilen uluslar\u0131n kurtulu\u015fu sorununun emperyalizmden kurtulu\u015f sorununa ba\u011flanmas\u0131n\u0131n ka\u00e7\u0131n\u0131lmaz ve gerekli k\u0131ld\u0131\u011f\u0131 m\u00fccadele hatt\u0131n\u0131 ortaya koymas\u0131 bak\u0131m\u0131ndan g\u00fcn\u00fcm\u00fczde de yol g\u00f6stericidir. \u201cBurjuva milliyet\u00e7ili\u011fi ve proleter enternasyonalizmi, kapitalist d\u00fcnyan\u0131n iki b\u00fcy\u00fck s\u0131n\u0131f kamp\u0131na tekab\u00fcl eden ve ulusal sorunda iki<\/strong> ayr\u0131 siyaseti (hatta iki ayr\u0131 d\u00fcnya anlay\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131) ifade eden, birbirleriyle ba\u011fda\u015fmaz iki slogand\u0131r.<\/em>\u201d Ezilen uluslar\u0131n kendi kaderlerini tayin (yani isterse ayr\u0131lma ve kendi devletini kurma veya birlikte ya\u015famaya karar verme) hakk\u0131 savunusu; uluslar\u0131n ve dillerin tam e\u015fitli\u011fi savunusu, her t\u00fcrden ulusal ayr\u0131cal\u0131\u011f\u0131n ve zorla asimilasyonun reddi, proletarya ve emek\u00e7ilerin aras\u0131na ulusal \u00e7itler koyan politikalar\u0131n reddi ve b\u00fct\u00fcn bunlarla birlikte i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131n\u0131n ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z geli\u015fmesi ve kent k\u0131r emek\u00e7ileriyle birlikte \u00f6rg\u00fctl\u00fc m\u00fccadelesini esas alan m\u00fccadele hatt\u0131nda tavizsizlik. Ulusal sorunda tutarl\u0131 Marksist tutum ancak bu durumda al\u0131nm\u0131\u015f olur.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

10-)<\/strong> \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201dyi \u00e7at\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n azald\u0131\u011f\u0131, kar\u015f\u0131l\u0131kl\u0131 ba\u011f\u0131ml\u0131l\u0131k ili\u015fkilerinin her ulus ve topluma yarar sa\u011flad\u0131\u011f\u0131, sermayenin serbest dola\u015f\u0131m\u0131 yoluyla geli\u015fmenin \u00f6n\u00fcndeki engellerin kalkt\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve \u201czalimlerin yok edildi\u011fi<\/em>\u201d bir yeni d\u00f6nem olarak yald\u0131zlamak, emperyalist barbarl\u0131\u011f\u0131 perdelemek, kapitalist s\u00f6m\u00fcr\u00fc ili\u015fkilerinin yol a\u00e7t\u0131\u011f\u0131 ve a\u00e7aca\u011f\u0131 i\u015fsizlik, yoksulluk, kriz, sava\u015f gibi olgular\u0131 yok sayarak i\u015f\u00e7i s\u0131n\u0131f\u0131 ve emek\u00e7ileri aldatmaya ve m\u00fccadeleden al\u0131koymaya \u00e7al\u0131\u015fmak demektir. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d s\u00f6ylemi, kapitalist uluslararas\u0131la\u015fmay\u0131 \u201ctarif i\u00e7in<\/em>\u201d olsa bile yan\u0131lt\u0131c\u0131, demagojik bir s\u00f6ylemdir. \u00c7eli\u015fki \u00f6rt\u00fcc\u00fc ve burjuvazi hesab\u0131na ideolojik etkiyle i\u015flevli bu s\u00f6ylem reddedilmelidir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n

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[1]<\/a> Teorik tart\u0131\u015fmalarda kavramlar\u0131n kullan\u0131l\u0131\u015f bi\u00e7imi \u00f6nemsiz de\u011fildir. Kavramlar\u0131n, o ana dek genel kabul g\u00f6rm\u00fc\u015f anlamlar\u0131ndan soyutlanarak farkl\u0131 bi\u00e7imlerde kullan\u0131lm\u0131\u015f olmalar\u0131 i\u00e7eriksel olarak revize edildiklerini g\u00f6sterir. Bu, yeni kavramlar\u0131n olu\u015fturulmas\u0131 gereksiniminden farkl\u0131 bir tutumun i\u015faretidir. \u00d6rnek olsun birileri emperyalizm<\/em> kavram\u0131n\u0131 \u201cemperyal<\/em>\u201d ile yer de\u011fi\u015ftiriyorsa ya aradaki farkl\u0131l\u0131\u011f\u0131 \u00f6nemsiz g\u00f6r\u00fcyordur ya da kavram\u0131n i\u00e7eri\u011fini “daha kabul g\u00f6r\u00fcr<\/em>” \u015fekilde deforme diyordur. Oysa fark \u00f6nemlidir ve T\u00fcrkiye diyelim emperyal (\u00f6rne\u011fin Ortado\u011fu\u2019da etki alan\u0131n\u0131 art\u0131rma hedefiyle) politikalar izleyen bir \u00fclke iken ABD, Fransa, \u00c7in, Almanya ve Rusya gibi \u00fclkeler emperyalist \u00fclkelerdir. Kapitalist emperyalist d\u00fcnya sisteminin “global d\u00fcnya<\/em>” ya da \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme<\/em>\u201d olarak nitelenmesi, anlam bozucu \u00e7arp\u0131tma \u00f6rneklerinden bir di\u011feridir. “Ulus \u00f6tesi ya da ulus\u00fcst\u00fc \u015firketler<\/em>” s\u00f6ylemi uluslararas\u0131 tekellerin ya\u011fmas\u0131n\u0131 yumu\u015fat\u0131r. Di\u011fer bir \u00e7arp\u0131tma, \u00e7ok daha genel ve geni\u015f bir kullan\u0131m alan\u0131 bulmu\u015f olan “\u0130mparatorluk<\/em>” vurgusudur. ABD emperyalizminin d\u00fcnya g\u00fcc\u00fcne ve politikas\u0131na i\u015faret etmek \u00fczere kullan\u0131lan bu i\u015faret edi\u015fin sorunu, kapitalist emperyalizm ko\u015fullar\u0131nda, ne denli g\u00fc\u00e7l\u00fc olursa olsun bir tek emperyalist devletin bir d\u00fcnya imparatorlu\u011fu kurmas\u0131n\u0131n -varsay\u0131msal olarak mutlak \u015fekilde reddedilemese de- m\u00fcmk\u00fcns\u00fczl\u00fc\u011f\u00fcd\u00fcr. Kapitalizmin e\u015fitsiz geli\u015fmesi ve farkl\u0131 emperyalist g\u00fc\u00e7lerin kendi \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131 do\u011frultusundaki politikalar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 olarak b\u00f6ylesi bir “uzla\u015f\u0131<\/em>“-“birle\u015fim<\/em>” ya da “kayna\u015fma<\/em>” olanaks\u0131zd\u0131r. A. Negri ve M. Hardt’\u0131n ayn\u0131 ba\u015fl\u0131kl\u0131 kitaplar\u0131nda ve s\u0131n\u0131f kar\u015f\u0131tl\u0131klar\u0131n\u0131n reddi \u00fczerinden geli\u015ftirdikleri “\u00e7okluk<\/em>” kavram\u0131yla sosyalizmin s\u0131n\u0131fla ili\u015fkisini bulan\u0131kla\u015ft\u0131rd\u0131klar\u0131 yayg\u0131n olarak bilinmektedir. Tekelci gericilik hala onlar\u0131 yeterince \u00f6d\u00fcllendirmemi\u015fse, bu kendi sorunudur.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[2]<\/a> K\u0131v\u0131lc\u0131m, F. (2013) “K\u00fcreselle\u015fme Kavram\u0131 ve K\u00fcreselle\u015fme S\u00fcrecinin Geli\u015fmekte Olan \u00dclke T\u00fcrkiye A\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan De\u011ferlendirilmesi\u201d, Sosyal ve Be\u015feri Bilimler Dergisi<\/strong>, 5(1): 219-230, https:\/\/dergipark.org.tr\/download\/article-file\/117355<\/a>, (Eri\u015fim tarihi: 15.08.2019), sf. 221.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[3]<\/a> Luxemburg, R. (1986) \u201cSermaye Birikimi\u201d, \u00c7eviren: T. Ertan ve \u00d6. \u00d6zt\u00fcrk, \u0130stanbul: Alan Yay\u0131nc\u0131l\u0131k, sf. 270, 280, 281.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[4]<\/a> Lenin, V.\u0130. (1992) Emperyalizm Kapitalizmin En Y\u00fcksek A\u015famas\u0131<\/strong>, \u00c7eviren: Cemal S\u00fcreya, 9. Bask\u0131, Ankara: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 100.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[5]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 99<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[6]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 101<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[7]<\/a> Wood, E. M. (2003) Sermaye \u0130mparatorlu\u011fu<\/strong>, \u00c7eviren: Sami O\u011fuz, \u0130stanbul: Epos Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 11.\u00a0<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[8]<\/a> Wood, age, sf. 13-14.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[9]<\/a> Wood, age, sf. 14-15.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[10]<\/a> Amin, S. (2017) \u201cSamir Amin’le bir ’emperyalizm’ tart\u0131\u015fmas\u0131: Ultra-emperyalizm, \u00f6nc\u00fcl\u00fck, sosyalizm\u201d, http:\/\/haber.sol.org.tr\/sol-ceviri\/samir-aminle-bir-emperyalizm-tartismasi-ultra-emperyalizm-onculuk-sosyalizm-209769 (Eri\u015fim Tarihi: 15.08.2019).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[11]<\/a> Negri ve Hardt\u2019tan aktaran Ko\u015far, A. (2017) Negri, S\u0131n\u0131f ve \u00c7okluk: Postmodern \u00d6zne Aray\u0131\u015f\u0131n\u0131n Ele\u015ftirisi, \u0130stanbul Kor Kitap, sf. 69-70.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[12]<\/a> Uzgel, \u0130. (2019) \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye Trump Freni\u201d, https:\/\/www.gazeteduvar.com.tr\/yazarlar\/2019\/07\/08\/kuresellesmeye-trump-freni\/ (Eri\u015fim Tarihi: 15.08.2019). <\/a><\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[13]<\/a> Uzgel, \u0130. (2019) \u201cEmperyalizm mi, k\u00fcreselle\u015fme mi?\u201d, https:\/\/www.gazeteduvar.com.tr\/yazarlar\/2017\/08\/28\/emperyalizm-mi-kuresellesme-mi\/<\/a> (Eri\u015fim Tarihi: 15.08.2019).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[14]<\/a> \u00dczerine son 20-30 y\u0131ll\u0131k s\u00fcre\u00e7te \u00e7ok say\u0131da ki\u015finin \u00e7ok say\u0131da makale yazd\u0131\u011f\u0131, kimilerinin y\u00fczlerce sayfa tutan kitaplara konu edinerek tart\u0131\u015ft\u0131klar\u0131 bir sorunun Uzgel ya da ba\u015fkalar\u0131 taraf\u0131ndan yetersiz bulunmas\u0131 m\u00fcmk\u00fcnd\u00fcr. \u00d6nceki tart\u0131\u015fmalar\u0131n yeterli bulunup bulunmamas\u0131 bu bak\u0131mdan tart\u0131\u015fma d\u0131\u015f\u0131d\u0131r. Ancak emperyalizm sorunu \u00f6nemli oldu\u011fu ve sadece \u201csol<\/em>\u201d devrimci \u00e7evrelerin ilgi g\u00f6sterdikleri bir sorun olmay\u0131p din istismarc\u0131s\u0131 ve \u015foven milliyet\u00e7i politik partilerin sahte anti-emperyalist s\u00f6yleminin etkisi alt\u0131ndaki daha geni\u015f \u00e7evrelerde de ilgi g\u00f6ren bir akt\u00fcalite g\u00f6sterdi\u011fi i\u00e7in yeni geli\u015fmelerle birlikte yeniden tart\u0131\u015f\u0131lmas\u0131n\u0131 gerekli k\u0131lan kapsama sahiptir. Bu makalenin Uzgel ile tart\u0131\u015fma ya da ona yan\u0131t verme gibi \u00f6zel bir hedefi bulunmuyor. Ancak, makalesinde yer verdi\u011fi g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin<\/em> sadece onun g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015fleri olmay\u0131p konu \u00fczerine daha geni\u015f boyutlu tart\u0131\u015fmalarda g\u00fcndeme getirilmi\u015f anlay\u0131\u015flar a\u00e7\u0131s\u0131ndan bir veri te\u015fkil etmesi nedeniyle <\/em>burada \u00f6rnek g\u00f6sterilip irdelenmektedir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[15]<\/a> Uzgel, K\u00fcreselle\u015fmeye Trump Freni<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[16]<\/a> Engels, F. (1992) Ludwig Feuerbach ve Klasik Alman Felsefesinin Sonu<\/strong>, \u00c7eviren: Sevim Belli, 3. Bask\u0131, Ankara: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 48-50.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[17]<\/a> Ku\u015fkusuz, ekonomiyle ba\u011f\u0131n \u00fczerini \u00f6zellikle \u00f6rterek, ekonomik olgular\u0131n yapt\u0131r\u0131mc\u0131 karakterini gizleyerek ve sermayenin devlet iktidar\u0131n\u0131 b\u00fct\u00fcn toplumun \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131yla ba\u011fl\u0131 g\u00f6stererek (bu s\u0131n\u0131f \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n \u00fcst\u00fcn\u00fc \u00f6rtmeyi kolayla\u015ft\u0131r\u0131c\u0131 i\u015flev g\u00f6r\u00fcr) geli\u015fmelerin politik iktidarlar\u0131n uygulamalar\u0131yla a\u00e7\u0131klanmas\u0131, onlar\u0131n a\u011fababalar\u0131yla \u00e7\u0131karlar\u0131n\u0131n korunmas\u0131na hizmet edecektir.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[18]<\/a> Lenin, V.\u0130 (1998) Uluslar\u0131n Kaderlerini Tayin Hakk\u0131<\/strong>, 9. Bask\u0131, \u00c7eviren: M. Erdost, Ankara: Sol Yay\u0131nlar\u0131, sf. 88.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[19]<\/a> Lenin, Emperyalizm, sf. 95-96.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[20]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 62.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[21]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 38.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[22]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 52.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[23]<\/a> Dilek\u00e7i, C. (2015) \u201c\u200bD\u00fcnyada ne kadar para var?\u201d, https:\/\/www.fortuneturkey.com\/dunyada-ne-kadar-para-var-25271 (Eri\u015fim Tarihi: 15.08.2019).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[24]<\/a> Mandjoo, F. (2017) \u201cWhich Tech Giant Would You Drop?\u201d, https:\/\/www.nytimes.com\/interactive\/2017\/05\/10\/technology\/Ranking-Apple-Amazon-Facebook-Microsoft-Google.html (Eri\u015fim Tarihi: 15.08.2019).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[25]<\/a> Unctad (2008) World Investment Report 2008, https:\/\/unctad.org\/en\/Docs\/wir2008_en.pdf (Eri\u015fim Tarihi: 15.08.2019).<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[26]<\/a> Lenin, Emperyalizm, sf. 75.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[27]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 11.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[28]<\/a> B\u00fcy\u00fckl\u00fckleri g\u00f6zetilerek yap\u0131lan s\u0131ralamaya g\u00f6re; 1-ABD (19.39 milyar dolar); 2-\u00c7in (12.01 milyar dolar); 3-Japonya (4.87 milyar dolar); 4-Almanya (3.68 milyar dolar); 5-\u0130ngiltere (2.62 milyar dolar); 6-Hindistan (2.61 milyar dolar); 7-Fransa (2.58 milyar dolar); 8-Brezilya (2.05 milyar dolar); 9-\u0130talya (1.94 milyar dolar); 10-Kanada (1.65 milyar dolar); 11- G\u00fcney Kore (1.54 milyar dolar); 12- Rusya (1.53 milyar dolar); 13- Avustralya (1.379 milyar dolar); 14- \u0130spanya (1.31 milyar dolar); 15- Meksika(1.149 milyar dolar); 16- Endonezya (1.015 milyar dolar); 17-T\u00fcrkiye (849.5 milyon dolar); 18- Hollanda(825.7 milyon dolar); 19-Suudi Arabistan (683.8 milyon dolar) ve 20- \u0130svi\u00e7re (678.6 milyon dolar). Liste Arjantin, Tayvan, \u0130sve\u00e7, Polonya, Bel\u00e7ika, Tayland, \u0130ran, Avusturya, Norve\u00e7 ve di\u011ferleriyle devam ediyor.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[29]<\/a> Birle\u015fmi\u015f Milletler Ticaret ve Kalk\u0131nma \u00d6rg\u00fct\u00fc (UNCTAD) verilerine g\u00f6re, 2009\u2019da 1 trilyon 172 milyar dolar olan toplam do\u011frudan yat\u0131r\u0131m miktar\u0131 2015\u2019te 2 trilyon 34 milyar dolar ve 2018\u2018de bir \u00f6nceki y\u0131la oranla y\u00fczde 13.4\u2019l\u00fck d\u00fc\u015f\u00fc\u015f g\u00f6stererek 1 trilyon 297 milyar dolar olmu\u015ftur. Ayn\u0131 rapora g\u00f6re, geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere y\u00f6nelen do\u011frudan yabanc\u0131 yat\u0131r\u0131m tutar\u0131 ge\u00e7en y\u0131l bir \u00f6nceki y\u0131la g\u00f6re y\u00fczde 2\u2019lik art\u0131\u015f g\u00f6sterirken, geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelerde s\u00f6z konusu d\u00f6nemde y\u00fczde 27 oran\u0131nda gerilemi\u015ftir. Rapora g\u00f6re, geli\u015fmi\u015f \u00fclkelere yap\u0131lan do\u011frudan d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131m miktar\u0131 2005\u2019te 588, 2006\u2019da 940, 2007\u2019de 1.289; 2009\u2019da 654; 2010\u2019da 700, 2011\u2019de 817, 2012\u2019de 787, 2014\u2019te 522 ve 2015\u2019te 962 milyar dolar olmu\u015ftur. Ayn\u0131 y\u0131llara g\u00f6re geli\u015fmekte olan \u00fclkelere d\u0131\u015f yat\u0131r\u0131m, 362, 462, 613, 696, 572, 689, 749, 724, 747, 755, ve 800 milyar dolar olmu\u015ftur.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[30]<\/a> Lenin, Emperyalizm, sf. 14.<\/p>\r\n\r\n\r\n\r\n

[31]<\/a> Lenin, age, sf. 205.<\/p>\r\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Yusuf Akda\u011f \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d ve emperyalizm kavramlar\u0131 merkez al\u0131narak s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fma, Donald Trump\u2019\u0131n, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131\u201d a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131yla birlikte yeniden alevlendirildi. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d; bu sorunlu kavram[1] neredeyse t\u00fcm toplumsal sorunlarla ilintilendirilerek geni\u015f bir kullan\u0131m imk\u00e2n\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. B\u00f6yle olmas\u0131nda, ileti\u015fim ara\u00e7lar\u0131n\u0131n \u00e7e\u015fitlenerek d\u00fcnya \u00f6l\u00e7e\u011finde yayg\u0131nca kullan\u0131m\u0131n\u0131n kolayla\u015fmas\u0131n\u0131n, do\u011frulu\u011fu-yanl\u0131\u015fl\u0131\u011f\u0131ndan ba\u011f\u0131ms\u0131z olarak \u201cbilgi\u201dnin, kavramlar\u0131n, g\u00f6r\u00fc\u015flerin k\u0131sa s\u00fcrede d\u00fcnyan\u0131n herhangi bir yerindeki herhangi ilgili ki\u015fi(ler) taraf\u0131ndan \u201c\u00f6\u011frenilmesi\u201dni […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":1008,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_themeisle_gutenberg_block_has_review":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[503,370,362],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-1007","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-34-sayi-eylul-2019","category-kuram","category-yusuf-akdag"],"yoast_head":"\n\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d kapitalizmin \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z yeni a\u015famas\u0131\u201d m\u0131?\ufeff<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/teoriveeylem.net\/tr\/2019\/09\/08\/kuresellesme-kapitalizmin-catismasiz-yeni-asamasi-mi\ufeff\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"tr_TR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale:alternate\" content=\"en_EN\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"\u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d kapitalizmin \u201c\u00e7at\u0131\u015fmas\u0131z yeni a\u015famas\u0131\u201d m\u0131?\ufeff\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Yusuf Akda\u011f \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d ve emperyalizm kavramlar\u0131 merkez al\u0131narak s\u00fcrd\u00fcr\u00fclen tart\u0131\u015fma, Donald Trump\u2019\u0131n, \u201ck\u00fcreselle\u015fme kar\u015f\u0131t\u0131\u201d a\u00e7\u0131klamas\u0131yla birlikte yeniden alevlendirildi. \u201cK\u00fcreselle\u015fme\u201d; bu sorunlu kavram[1] neredeyse t\u00fcm toplumsal sorunlarla ilintilendirilerek geni\u015f bir kullan\u0131m imk\u00e2n\u0131na ula\u015fm\u0131\u015f bulunuyor. 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